T h e J e w a s C r i m i n a l

Yet at the same time the Jew is irrefutable spokesman and director of  Bolshevism. How could it be otherwise, where Bolshevism [11] represents nothing other than a politically camouflaged, organized  criminal sphere on a world scale?

 

http://ia350614.us.archive.org/2/items/TheJewAsCrimenal/TheJewAsCriminal.pdf

 

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T   h   e      J   e   w      a   s      C   r   i   m   i   n  a   l 

by J. Keller and Hanns Andersen 

a translation by R. Belser of 

D   e   r       J   u   d   e       a   l   s       V   e   r   b 

  r   e   c   h   e   r 

von J. Keller und Hanns Andersen 

Nibelungen-Verlag, Berlin und Leipzig, 1937 

Table of Contents 

An Introductory Word from Julius Streicher …[9] 

The Findings in Preview …[10] 

Chapter One: What Linguistics and Statistics Show …[13] 

“Kochemer-Loschen,” the language of crooks — The Jew in Criminality — The Jew in 

Politics 

Chapter Two: The Jew in Court …[25] 

Jurisprudence and Administration of Justice in the Power of the Jews — Caro vs. 

Petschek — The “Trotskyist Trial” in Moscow 

Chapter Three: Fences and Thieves …[37] 

The Criminal Quarter and Red District — A Leipzig ‘Furrier’ — Michael Stoßenspieler, a 

Jew from Poland — The Night Specter in the Imperial Court — Violinists and 

Pickpockets — Fencing in the Grand Style 

Chapter Four: Imposters …[50] 

Ignaz Straßnoff — Trebitsch-Lincoln — Finkelstein-Litvinov — Dimitri Navaschin — 

Sobelsohn-Klauer 

Chapter Five: Swindlers and Racketeers …[77] 

Ghetto Jews and Opportunistic Jews — The Linder-Rosenfeld Affair — “Borenstein 

threatened with sentence of Death” — Healthy business failures — “Immediate cash” — 

Einspongeschäfte [con games] — The Story of Colonel Salaban — Leo Veit, the 

Ethiopian campaigner 

Chapter Six: Gambling Cheats …[96] 

Three-card Monte — The club of the “harmless” in the Central Hotel — Scandal in 

Hannover — Aron Simanovitch and the “Holy Devil” Rasputin 

Chapter Seven: Pimps and White Slavers …[118] 

The career of the Jewish prostitute Anna Meyner — The Riehl-Pollack House — Scandal 

in Hannover — Pimps — Silberreich and Wallerstein — Wholesale and Retail — The Trial 

of the 112 — Zvi Migdol, or the Great Power 

Chapter Eight: Sexual Offenders …[138] 

The “Paradise” of the Jews — Some Pornography — A “friend of children” — Albert 

Hirschland, the race-defiler if Magdeburg 

Chapter Nine: Murderers …[158] 

Jewish “Humor” — The Crime of Fritz Saffran — Monk Eastman, King of the Gangsters — 

The Murder of McKinley — The Attack on Otto von Bismarck — The Murder of Count 

Stürkgh — The Attempted Assassination of Stefan Tisza — The Beylis Case — Mordko 

Bogrov, Murderer of Minister President Peter Stolypin — The Master Provocateur Asev - 

- Jakob Blumkin shoots at Mirbach — The End of a Kaiser — Murder of Hostages — The 

Ship of Death — The Worker-Murder of Astrakhan — The Executioner of Tiflis — 

Ssadowaya 5 — Comrade Rosa — Samuel Schwartzbart — A Jew has shot. . . 

Afterword …[211] 

Still to come. . . 

List of Photographs 

I. The “Patriarchs” of Bolshevism — II. The “Patriarchs” of the Soviet Union of today — 

III. The Propagandists of Bolshevism in Europe — IV. Jews in Court — V. Defending 

Counsel of Crime — VI. Imposters — VII. Intellectual Jews — VIII Corruption-Jews — 

IX. Swindlers and Forgers — X. The Patron of Protection — XI. He cheated — XII. 

Coffeehouse Jews XIII. Sex-Jews — XIV. Sexual Offenders — XV. Murderers 

A Note from the Translator. . . 

Since the original text is extensively footnoted and some of the notes 

refer to other pages in the book, I have indicated the page numbers 

from the original text with small red page numbers, so that you can 

quickly locate other sections of the text to which the author refers. All 

footnote numerals are hyper-linked to a footnote section and each note 

has a link back to the page where reference is made to it. Clarifications 

or comments of the translator will always be placed between square — [ 

and ] — brackets. 

In the original text, the author highlights the names of the important 

characters and emphasizes important features of the the case and/or 

documents by using a German form of emphasis : the insertion of 

spaces between the letters of a word. I’ve chosen to bolden these names 

for ease in reading, and so that a quick scan of the text while scrolling 

through it should be sufficient for you to find any references you may 

be seeking. 

Regmeister Main Page 

Zum deutschen Abschnitt 

[to German Section] 

Copyright 2002 by R. Belser. Reproduction in whole or in part without 

express written permission of the translator is prohibited. All rights 

reserved.

T h e   J e w   a s   C r i m i n a l 

An Introductory Word from Julius 

Streicher 

————————————————— 

————— 

(p. 9) 

Whoever wants to make a man healthy must remove the cause which 

led to his sickness. Entire peoples, too, can become ill and die if help 

should fail to come. That the peoples of the Ancient World perished 

from the Jewish poison is confirmed by the course of their history. And 

thus, that the peoples of the present will remain alive only if the Jewish 

bacillus feeding upon them is removed, can only be denied by those 

people who do not wish to see the truth. 

Whoever carries the truth of Jewish behavior in World history to the 

people, helps to solve the highest, greatest and most difficult problem 

which has been dealt to humanity by fate. The book of Mssrs. J. Keller 

and Hanns Andersen is such an aid. It is filled with valuable truths and 

is replete with great thoughts. This book deserves the consideration of 

all seekers. 

Nuremberg, 

The city of the Reichsparteitage [Reich Party Days] 

Pfingsten [Whitsunday] 1937 

Go to: 

Chapter 1 

Table of Contents 

Copyright 2002 by R. Belser. Reproduction in whole or in part without 

express written permission of the translator is not permitted. All rights 

reserved. 

T h e   J e w   a s   C r i m i n a l 

The Findings in Preview 

————————————————— 

————— 

(p. 10) 

Without the solution of the Jewish Question, there is no salvation for 

the peoples of the world. 

This realization has blazed a trail in Germany; in increasing measure, it 

is becoming the common property of all nations of culture. 

Despite the fierce and fiery reaction of its blind or bought allies, the 

disastrous role of the Jew, this parasite upon the body of every people 

is being drawn more and more into the light of day. Everywhere where 

morality, law, and order succumb to disintegration, where racketeering 

and corruption devour the economy, where materialistic dialectics 

undermine the foundations of faith, where Marxist propaganda 

transforms politics into a criminal reality, where the healthy race of the 

people is made sick and desecrated — there one meets everywhere the 

tracks of the Jew. 

That is the historical experience of every century and of all peoples. 

The new and peculiar, which the Present adds to this ancient human 

experience, is the appearance of Bolshevism; in its shape World Jewry 

rises to the decisive attack upon the peoples of culture. 

The frequent criminality of the Jew is as well known a fact as its 

peculiar inclination and aptitude for fraud, dirty enterprises, cheating in 

gambling, usury, sexual offenses of all kinds, pickpocketing, high 

treason, etc. These things shall find their confirmation here. Beyond 

this, however, evidence is introduced that the role of Jewry in 

criminality does not limit itself to a more or less large participation, but 

rather is much more significant. In actually, the final threads of the 

criminal world come together in the hand of the Jew. The Jew is not 

only beneficiary of crime, he is also the leader and wire-puller of the 

criminal Underworld. 

Yet at the same time the Jew is irrefutable spokesman and director of 

Bolshevism. How could it be otherwise, where Bolshevism [11] 

represents nothing other than a politically camouflaged, organized 

criminal sphere on a world scale? Thus, just as the spirochetes which 

are the bearers of syphilis, so the Jews are the carriers of criminality in 

its political and non-political form. 

The Jew is fundamentally and basically criminal. Crime is, for him, the 

form of existence inherent in him. He is continuously and inescapably 

on the attack against the natural laws of order of the Volksgemeinschaft 

[= ethnic community] and the communal life of the various peoples. It 

is by no means money per se for which he strives. This view is a 

dangerous prejudice, which is apt to divert the gaze of the investigator 

and the politician from the essence. Money is for the Jew only a means 

to an end, the end goal is, for him, always the conquest of power, the 

usurpation of unlimited power over people. The entire content of the so- 

called ‘religion’ of Judaism and its Chosen status is a mere monstrosity 

of its morbid greed for power. Thus its ‘religion’ is directed against 

God, its Law against Right, its morals against morality. Its nature is 

contrary to Nature, its ethnic consciousness is anti-ethnic, its 

nationalism is internationalist and its politics is crime. Therefore, the 

Jew is the true Anti-Man, the ruined member of a sub-racial mixture. 

He is the born leader of the Untermenschtum [sub-humanity]. 

The common Jewish substance and the common direction of the 

common criminality on the one hand, and of the Bolshevism on the 

other hand, explain the correspondence and homogeneity of both 

phenomena. Criminal in its theory and criminal in its execution, 

Bolshevism is nothing other than a revolt of the Underworld under 

Jewish leadership, for the subjugation of the various peoples. 

The criminal argot, permeated with Hebrew, is the Esperanto of the 

criminal world, a product of the ghetto; exactly the same is true of the 

‘jargon’ of the Comintern. 

Thus, every variety of usual crime has its corresponding facet of 

Bolshevism. The counterfeiting of Maier and Kohn are merely “child’s 

play” in comparison to the counterfeiting missions of the Soviet Jews; 

the forgery of a Salaban has its greatest prototype in the organized 

forgery of the Bolshevist rulers. The Jewish swindler Trebitsch-Lincoln 

is left far behind by the Bolshevist swindler Finkelstein-Litvinoff. And 

are not the directors of the ‘nationalized’ trade in Moscow considerably 

more dangerous than the small fences of the East End in London? Do 

not the white slavers Silberreich and Wallerstein [12] show fealty to 

the same commercial and human ‘morality’ as the legislators and 

executives of the forced labor of women in the Soviet Union? The Red 

card sharps in politics are just such Jews as the professional card sharps 

in New York and Paris. The Jewish director of a capitalistic ready- 

made clothing firm looks with envy upon his colleague of the State 

clothing trust in the Soviet Union. Saffran killed a travelling 

journeyman and was active as an arsonist on a small scale; does he not 

make an insignificant impression next to the mass murderers and world- 

class arsonists of the stature of a Bela Kun, Bärmann and consorts? As 

frightful as are the murders done by Jews out of greed, lust and ritual 

fanaticism, they yet pale before the mass murders of the Jewish Cheka 

in the world at large. 

Bolshevism is the form of Jewish criminality ‘adapted’ to and 

rationalized for modern conditions. The Communist Internationale is 

its propaganda tool, and the Soviet Union its tool of power politics. 

Impotent to achieve and build, Judeo-Bolshevism works at 

exterminating and destroying when and where it appears. It is the Front 

of the vulgar and the less-worthy, the reservoir for the expectoration of 

humanity. 

With the toxin of crime and the weapon of Bolshevism, the Jew 

conducts his war of extermination against all that is wholesome, true, 

good and noble in the world. He is the embodiment of evil, which 

rebels against God and Nature. Wherein his pestilential breath strikes, 

the effect is lethal. Who fights with the Jew, fights with the Devil, just 

as the Führer in his book Mein Kampf already said more than a decade 

ago: “Inasmuch as I struggle to protect against the Jew, I am fighting 

for the work of the Lord.” 

To Chapter 1 

To Table of Contents 

Copyright 2002 by R. Belser. Reproduction in whole or in part without 

express written permission of the translator is not permitted. All rights 

reserved. 

T h e   J e w   a s   C r i m i n a l 

Chapter I : What Linguistics and 

Statistics Show 

————————————————— 

————— 

(p. 13) 

“The Kochem scheften Gasche. Some holchen on Gschok and 

dschornen the Sore from the Sochtern or filch the Kis from the Rande 

of the Gasche. Some holchen with Fehling on the Mertine and kaspern 

the Gasche. They like to achlen and schwächen tob and nicklen 

grandig in the Baiser.” 

What sort of gibberish is this? What kind of evil-sounding tongue, in 

which the sibilants and gutturals predominate? It is the “Kochemer- 

Loschen,” the language of criminals and swindlers. 

This language is not interpretable without knowledge of Hebrew and 

Yiddish, as one can easily convince oneself: 

Kochem” comes from the Hebrew “chakam” (Yiddish, “chochem“) 

and means “clever one.” “Laschon” in Hebrew means “language.” Thus 

Kochemer Loschen” is the language of the clever, the cunning and 

smart — the Gauner [German, "swindlers"]. “Ganove” too is a Hebrew 

word (“Ganaw,” i.e. “deceiver,” “thief”). But Gauner? Isn’t that a 

purely German word? No — for formerly it was pronounced “Jauner” 

and is a transformation of the Hebrew “janah” (cheat, swindle) — the 

German language has not created its own word for this concept 

essentially foreign to it. 

The expressions contained in the cited text (1) have the following 

meaning:

Gaunerwort 

[Word in the Criminal 

Argot] 

Meaning Derivation 

schaften German sind [are] Hebrew schebet (to be) 

schofel German schlecht [bad] Hebrew schofel (base, 

low) 

Gasche German Menschen 

[people, humans] Gypsy language 

holchen German gehen [go, 

walk] Hebrew halach 

dschornen German stehlen [steal] Gypsy language 

Sochter German Krämer 

[shopkeeper] 

Hebrew socher (dealer, 

trader, etc.) 

Sore German Ware [product, 

article] 

Hebrew sechora 

(trading) 

Kis German Geld [money] Hebrew Kis (purse) 

[14] Rand German Tasche [bag, 

pocket] 

German word 

[der Rand = edge, rim, 

border] 

Fehling German Arznei 

[medicine, drug] German word 

Mertine German Land [land, 

country] 

Hebrew medina 

(province)

kaspern German betrügen 

[cheat, deceive, trick] 

Hebrew kazab (lie to 

someone) 

achlen German essen [eat] Hebrew akal (eat) 

schwächen German zechen 

[carouse, booze] 

Hebrew schakar 

(carouse) 

tob German gut [good] Hebrew tob (good) 

nicklen German tanzen [dance] Hebrew niggen (make 

music) 

grandig German viel [much] Italian “grande” 

Bais German Kneipe [tavern, 

pub] 

Hebrew Bet, Bait 

(house) 

From these 25 expressions of the criminal argot, 2 are German, 2 of 

Gypsy origin, 1 Italian and 18 — Hebrew or Jewish! 

Already, in the Liber vagatorum (appeared in 1510) one finds an 

enormous number of Jewish words, even as in various still older 

documents. These incontestable facts demonstrate in the clearest 

fashion that the Gaunersprache [criminal argot] arose under the 

decisive influence of Jewry. 

Dr. Martin Luther already determined this, and in his opening remarks 

to Bericht von der falschen Betler-Büberei [Report on the false Beggar- 

Knavery], printed in the year 1567, wrote the following(1): “Such a 

thieves’ language indeed comes from the Jews, for there are many 

Hebrew words in it. . .” 

Thus it remained also in the next centuries. For example, in 1823 the 

Criminal Councilor F. A. Wennmohs writes the following in his book 

Über Gauner und über das zweckmäßigste, vielleicht einzige Mittel zur 

Vertilgung dieses Übels [Concerning Swindlers and the most expedient 

single means for exterminating this evil](1): “Robbery is called perkoch 

(more correct: bekauch) handeln [i.e., to steal bekauch] by the 

swindlers; it is also called Chasnegehen [= going chasne]; theft by 

night by breaking-in, climbing into apartments and other buildings, 

closets, etc., is called betuch handeln [to steal beruch] and zierlich 

handeln [to steal with finesse]. Handeln [The actual meaning of this 

German word is: to do, act, deal with, etc.] is by far the most usual 

expression for stealing. The word bekauch signifies the Latin vi [by 

violence], the word betuch — the Latin clam [secretly, surreptitiously]. 

So the Gentile thief uses the latter word, but the Jew actually does not 

make use of it because he, as a Hebrew, knows better, that betuch 

actually does not mean secretly, but rather surely and certainly, and 

would still better suit robbery, and he pronounces betuch and bekauch 

[as] betuach and bekauach 

Highly noteworthy is the claim of Wennmohs that in the Jewish 

Gaunersprache, in the Rotwelsch [German word meaning criminal 

lingo], “handeln” can be accepted as the customary expression for 

stealing. The inclination of the Jews for [15] dealing [i.e., Handel -- 

trading, dealing] thereby finds a novel interpretation. For them, there is 

no essential distinction between a “Geschäft” [=business] and a crime. 

When they “handeln” [= deal], then they are stealing, and when they 

are stealing, then they “handeln” [= deal]. Business is thievery and 

thievery is business. 

Still more striking is the fact, likewise communicated by Wennmohs, 

that the large crowbar, the most important tool for breaking and 

entering, bears the terrific name “Rebbmosche,” i.e., Rabbi Moses. 

With the Rebbmosche in hand, breaking and entering is committed. 

The leader of the burglary likewise — as is not otherwise to be expected 

– bears a Hebrew name; he is the “Baal Massematte.” 

Yet the corrupting influence of the language of the Jews is still more 

far-reaching than one might believe. Without its being noticed, 

numerous Jewish words and expressions have flowed into the German 

language — or, better said, have been smuggled into it. Many a word 

that is thoroughly familiar to us originates in the “Kochemer Loschen.” 

Some examples may suffice. “Baldowern” [crook, rogue] comes from 

Baal” (lord, master) and “dabar” (thing), “Kassiber” [secret note] is 

the rabbinic “Kathiba” (piece of writing, document), “Pleite” 

[bankruptcy] is the Hebrew “peleta” (flight, escape), “verschütt gehen” 

[to be run in, taken in] conceals in itself the Hebrew “schuth” (fix, set), 

while “Knast” [jail] is nothing other than the Hebrew “knass” 

(punishment). Also Jewish are “Schlamassel” [dilemma, mess] 

(“massel” = luck), Dalles [poverty], etc. 

Many a word is so well camouflaged that one can no longer see its 

Jewish origin. 

Dufte” [crafty] has nothing to do with “Duft” [scent, aroma], but 

comes from “tob,” “Kluft” [the primary and original German meaning 

is "abyss," "chasm'" etc.; its secondary meaning is slang for "clothes," 

"duds"] is a transmutation of the rabbinic “Killuph” (peel, skin, shell), 

Moos” [primary Germany meaning is "moss," secondary and slang 

meaning is "lettuce," "cash"] in the sense of “money” is likewise a 

rabbinic word (maoth = coins). When we hear anyone claim that he 

schmuse” [from schmusen: to flatter, to cuddle, fawn upon], is 

speaking “Kohl” [primary meaning is "cabbage," slang is twaddle, 

nonsense], or is a “Kaffer” [blockhead], so we are using purely Hebrew 

words “schemua” (speak), “kol” (speech) and “Kafar” (German Dorf

village) — for the Jews, the village dweller, the peasant, is always 

despised as the fool, the dumb guy, but is valued as a source of gain. 

Schmiere stehen” [slang meaning "to stand watch"] has nothing in 

common with “schmierig” [oily, greasy], but is a derivation of the 

Hebrew “schemira” (watch, guard), and an “ausgekochter” fellow is 

not someone who has been cooked [German kochen = to cook; 

auskochen = boil], but rather a “Kochem,” [sly fellow -- see p. 13], a 

Chochem,” one who is totally cunning. “Abhauen” (actually, 

abbauen“) comes from the Hebrew “bo” (to come), and when we want 

to “verkohlen” [primary German word meaning is "to carbonize" which 

originates in the German word, die Kohle, coal -- but the slang 

meaning -- originating from the Hebrew "kol," is: to hoax, bamboozle] 

someone, so we are using, without knowing it, the Jewish “kol” (foolish 

speech). Even such a traditional-sounding expression as “Wo Bartels 

den Most holt” [apparently literally: “Where Bartholemew gets [his] 

cider” — i.e., to know one’s way around, know the ropes, etc.] contains 

two Hebrew words: “barzel” (crowbar) and “Moos” (money, coins) and 

originally meant [16] “Where one can get money for himself by means 

of breaking in.” And when someone “Schwein hat” [literally, "has a 

hog/swine"], that actually means that he holds the trumps in his hand, 

for in the Gaunersprache, a trump is designated by the Jewish word 

Chasir” (swine, luck). Also of Jewish origin are: “kess” [pert, saucy] 

(from kassas = to rub, grind), “türmen” [the primary German meaning 

is: to pile up, to tower up -- from der Turm = tower; but the slang, non- 

German-derived meaning is: to run off, make tracks, etc.] (from tharam 

= to leave), “Pinke” [money, cash] (from Pinka, money bowl). And 

should we be surprised that “mogeln” [to cheat] is Jewish?

The number of linguistic examples could be extended at will — they 

prove that substantially, the leading class of the criminal element has 

always consisted of Jews. 

In his lecture concerning the criminality of Jewry, constructed from 

rich source material from the 18th and 19th centuries, Dr. v. Leers(1) 

gives a wealth of convincing examples regarding Jewish robbery bands 

and gangs receiving stolen goods, which made the German lands 

unsafe to a degree unimaginable today. It was often entire Jewish 

criminal clans and criminal towns which served as centers of complex 

criminal organizations. The switch of Jewry from violent gangs for 

larceny, robbery and murder to less violent methods ensued gradually 

at first, in natural adjustment to the given modern conditions. From the 

Jewish hold-up man, the Jewish swindler developed, from the Baal 

Massematte, the leader of a “financial consortium.” 

In 1831, a band consisting of eleven Jews was arrested, which worked 

under the leadership of a certain Joseph Adolf Rosenthal. This Jew was 

simultaneously a trusted agent and vigilant of the police — a worthy 

precursor, perhaps a model of the notorious Jewish Ochrana informer 

Asev. Rosenthal confessed to more than two hundred thefts and 

burglaries, among them thirty-six robberies of public treasuries, in 

which over five hundred persons participated and indeed, they were 

predominantly Jews. The threads led back to the small town of 

Betsche, in the district of Posen. Here and in the surrounding area 

eighty-one Jews were ultimately caught. Following this, the 

Magdeburg area was cleaned up, which resulted in a total of one 

hundred eighty-seven religious Jews and three baptized Jews falling 

into the hands of the police(2). 

The Jews have ever been the leaders of the Underworld. What do 

modern statistics say? 

The answer is as unambiguous as possible. The number of 

investigations concerning the Jewish element in the criminal world is 

sufficiently large, and they all lead to the same result. 

[17] In such a manner did W. Giese(1) thoroughly study the German 

criminal statistics from the years 1882-89 and was able to reach 

significant conclusions. 

He took the number of Jews convicted per 100,000 and divided this 

number by that of the number of non-Jews convicted per 100,000. He 

obtained the following ratios: 

procuring (pimping)                   1.22 

treason, national and state levels                1.25 

pornographic trade and dissemination of pornographic literature          

1.31 

breach of trust                   1.39 

slander/libel                   1.48 

forgery of documents                   1.79 

embezzlement of documents                   2.06 

false accusations                   2.10 

violation of measures for the prevention of infectious disease in cattle 

         2.17 

fraud                   2.29 

violation of military obligations                   2.39 

violation of social legislation                   2.39 

extortion                   2.50 

gambling                   2.75 

bribery                   2.83 

violation of the currency                   2.99 

violation of foreign secrecy                   3.59 

production and sale of unwholesome food          3.99

receiving stolen goods ['fencing']                   5.07 

violation of working hours regulations and Sunday laws          8.86 

violation of intellectual property [i.e. copyright violations]          9.50 

falsification of bankruptcy                   11.1 

usury                   18.9 

simple bankruptcy                   20.9 

An extremely interesting table — and numbers which speak for 

themselves! Crimes in which Jewry has a predominant share are: 

pimping and other crimes against morality, document forgery, slander 

and the lodging of false charges, extortion and fraud, bribery, breach of 

trust, national- and state- level treason, crimes against the currency and 

against military duty, etc. The table also shows, by the way, that the 

Jews dealing with cattle take scant trouble over sanitary and veterinary 

prescriptions, and that unwholesome food and luxury items are 

trafficked in four times more by Jews than non-Jews. 

[18]To be addressed as specifically Jewish are: exploitation of workers 

and employees; offenses against intellectual property (plagiarism and 

duplication [of works without permission and for profit]) are an almost 

exclusively Jewish domain; fraud of all kinds; usury and bankruptcy or 

Pleite” [business "failures"]. 

This picture which is reflected in the statistics is not very gratifying for 

Jewry, and it is understandable that Jewry has attempted in numerous 

publications to falsify the issue of Jewish criminality in its favor. It will 

be sufficient to limit ourselves to a single example. 

In the year 1907, in the Statistischen und Nationalökonomischen 

Abhandlungen [ Statistics and National Economic Treatises] of the 

University of Munich, a work of the Jewish Authority for Criminal 

Statistics, Dr. R. Wassermann(1), appeared. With every chicanery of 

statistics, with mathematical formulae, with diagrams, with countless 

tables and a strange multiplicity of footnotes, Dr. R. Wassermann 

attempted to prove that “the criminality of the Jews is not determined 

by race and is not rooted in their particularity, but is a product of social 

conditions.” 

Despite the most zealous processing of the statistics and disregarding 

the “most benevolent” consideration of the special social structure of 

Judaism, of its unique distribution into various occupations and its 

specific classification by age groups, Wassermann finally arrives at the 

following table (page 88) of the proportionate criminality of the Jews: 

slander/libel…………………….1.4 

perjury………………………….1.8 

fraud……………………………2.0 

receiving stolen goods…………….4.7 

violation against Sunday laws and delayed store closings……..6.8 

fraudulent bankruptcy……………..9.4 

simple bankruptcy…………………17.7 

As one sees, Wassermann’s artifices have been of little help: even in his 

statistics, the Jews appear as deceivers, exploiters of workers, receivers 

of stolen goods and bankrupts. 

The marked inclination to crime of Jewry can therefore not be in doubt, 

all the more so because all existing statistics require a significant 

correction because the picture they provide is unilaterally favorable 

to Jewry. 

[19]All statistics we have at our disposal are according to religious 

denomination, not according to race. This means that the crimes of a 

baptized Jew, or of a dissident, or of a person of Jewish ancestry are 

entered in the statistics to the account of “non-Jews,” although, in 

reality, they fall to the charge of Jewry. The criminality of the racial 

Jew therefore appears much too small: some researchers are of the 

opinion that nearly one third of the crimes for which Jewry is 

responsible have vanished from the statistics in this manner, while the 

portion of the non-Jews is given as correspondingly too large. 

The not very useful data from the old criminal statistics, which ignored 

the factor of race and thereby the core issue of Jewry in criminality, 

have recently received a commendable supplementation through the 

Sonderbericht des Preußischen Landes-Kriminalamtes über die 

Beteiligung der Juden in der Krinimalität [Special Report of the 

Prussian State Criminal Office Concerning the Involvement of the Jews 

in Criminality]. We take from the relevant issues of the report pages of 

the Prussian State Criminal Office in Berlin a series of records, 

unusually descriptive and until now not available in this exactitude. 

A preferred main field of activity of the Jew is the narcotic drug trade. 

From the files and indices of the Central Authority for Drug Crimes, 

the following picture emerges: 

Up to the year 1929, of 348 international drug dealers, 98 were Jews, 

i.e., 28%. For the first six months of 1935, the figure is 112 dealers, of 

which 14 — 13% — are Jews; a remarkable decrease after the National 

Socialists came to power. Of physicians addicted to drugs, up to 1929 

we have 32 in the records, 9 of them Jews, which is 28%. The figures 

for the first six months of 1935 are: 23 physicians, 7 of them — 30% — 

Jews. The corresponding numbers for pharmacists are, up to 1929, a 

total of 138, 26 of whom — 19% — were Jews, and the corresponding 

figure for the first half of 1935 is 9, of whom 3, or 33%, are Jews. All 

of this is in a population whose Jewish portion is 0.9%. 

For the little Jew, the characteristic crime is pickpocketing. Here the 

Jewish element is decisive; it is his ‘profession’ before he has ‘arrived.’ 

[The English idiom for this would be 'made it.'] The following numbers 

bear this out: 

In Berlin in 1931, 136 international pickpockets were arrested. Of 

these, not fewer than 106 were Jews — that is, 78%. In 1932, the 

number of arrested climbed to 163, of whom 134, or 82%, were Jews. 

And even in the first half of 1935, when the number of pickpockets 

traveling into Germany, of the Jewish race in particular, [20] 

precipitously fell, yet of a total of 20, 13, or 65%, were Jews. 

From 01 February 1931 until 01 July 1935, a total of 2958 pickpockets 

were arrested in the rest of Germany and abroad. Of these, not fewer 

than 1568 — 53% — were Jews! 

From the files and documents of the Center for Combatting Gambling 

and Gambling Fraud, it can be determined with certainty that gambling 

and cheating in games of chance and cards, etc., are a further preferred 

area of activity of Jewish criminals. Thus, for example, of a total of 88 

international cardsharps arrested in Berlin in 1933, 55 — or 62% — 

were Jews. In 1935, this number, too, fell to a total of 23, but 14 of 

them were still Jews. Understandably, this proportion is even more 

striking outside of the German Reich. In 1935, of a total of 35 gamblers 

and cardsharps documented abroad, 28 were Jews — which is 80% — 

and in the first half of 1935 the percent of Jews of the gamblers and 

cardsharps abroad was exactly two-thirds. 

Nothing in regard to these facts has changed to this very day. As ever, 

the Jews have the leading share in the areas named, and furthermore 

also in the ‘specialties’ of abortion, tax evasion, marriage swindles, 

exchange and foreign currency swindles, receiving stolen goods, 

insurance fraud, credit and loan swindles, usury and the use of phoney 

‘shell’ companies.(1) 

The characteristic and essential peculiarity of the Jewish criminal is 

that he commits his crime in such a manner that most of his crimes 

remain undiscovered. If they are uncovered, he then attempts to evade 

his conviction and sentencing through countless machinations. It is in 

this that he sees his ‘honor’ and his ‘art.’ 

Many Jewish crimes are of the type that make the victim shy away 

from drawing public attention to himself and confessing his own 

weakness or stupidity (blackmail, fraud, gambling, and the like). On 

the other hand, the accomplices of the law-breaking Jew often stand in 

an on-going material dependency to him (e.g., the fence and the thieves 

working for him). Many such crimes, at any rate, remain unknown. 

The Jewish criminal lives and moves almost exclusively within the 

circle of his racial comrades, and he can unconditionally count upon 

their sympathy or at least their silence — it does not often happen that 

one Jew denounces another. 

[21]From the circumstance of Jewish solidarity with his criminal racial 

comrades, it should not be inferred that the Jew possesses no ‘moral 

code.’ On the contrary — the Jew has a very firm moral code in his 

terms — the moral code of a nomadic tribe with no native soil 

anywhere, for whom anyone standing outside of his tribe is an enemy; 

everyone belonging to the tribe, however, must always and everywhere 

be protected, for without this unconditional solidarity the tribe would 

split up and go under (Talmud!). 

For each of us, the concept ‘right’ is a portentous and thoroughly vital 

one. Our laws are — taken as a whole — the expression of that which we 

feel as ‘the right.’ Even the law-breaker, insofar as he is not a 

professional criminal and thus an enemy of the people, feels it and 

knows that he has injured justice.

The Jew, on the other had, has neither understanding nor feeling for 

what we call right. In our laws, he sees only an alien, formal, 

incomprehensible force, which breaks what the Jew feels as his ‘right,’ 

which must be combatted and outwitted. What we call ‘crime’ is for the 

Jew only the attempt to evade the grasp of an alien power. He is 

delighted and feels conceit when he succeeds in getting around, 

bending, or breaking the law. He is only not allowed to get caught — 

that would be a stupidity unworthy of a Jew. 

In our world Jewry feels itself to be a differently formed, alien 

minority, avid for power and money and seeks allies there. It finds 

them in those who likewise do not recognize our moral code, who do 

not want to submit themselves to the demands of the whole upon the 

individual, who are enemies of the Volksgemeinschaft [= ethnic 

community, national community identity, etc.]. He thus finds his allies 

in professional criminals, he finds them in the Underworld. This is a 

transparent fact which conceals in itself a host of novel realizations. 

We arrive at these discoveries effortlessly, if we examine more closely, 

besides the merely criminal, the political side of this connection as 

well. 

The alliance between Jewry and the Underworld is certainly the most 

important fact of criminology. It is simultaneously the most important 

fact of politics. While the bond of the individual Jew with individual 

members of the Underworld leads to criminality, the organized alliance 

of Jewry in toto with the Underworld as a whole leads to the most 

dangerous and encompassing phenomenon of the political present, 

Bolshevism. Bolshevism is not a Weltanschauung [world view], not a 

philosophy, not an idea, not a social movement. Bolshevism is nothing 

which is at all [22] mystical, mysterious, or complex. Bolshevism is the 

revolt of the Underworld under the leadership of Jewry, it is the 

organized struggle of Jewry for world mastery with the assistance of 

the unleashed Underworld. Jewry makes use of the Underworld to 

establish the naked dictatorship of exploitation over all peoples, with 

the annihilation of any race of higher standing, of all hierarchies and 

values of the various peoples, of the soul and the spirit. That is the core 

of Marxism and contemporary Bolshevism. Jews are the wire-pullers 

of crime, Jews are the wire-pullers of Bolshevism. Bolshevism is 

political criminality and criminality is non-political Bolshevism. 

The intentional and challenging idealization and promotion of the 

Underworld, of pimps, of prostitutes, of perversions of all kinds, of 

theft, of robbery, of murder, of the downright criminal by means of 

Bolshevism, its press and literature, is an indubitable fact, proven by 

basic research(1). 

In the ‘classic’ manner the Communist arsonist and mass murderer Max 

Hölz expresses this in his “dedication’ to his memoirs, where he 

writes(2): 

“The second part of my memoirs of the ‘life’ behind prison walls I 

dedicate not only to all political prisoners, but also to the criminals, the 

thieves, the perjurers, the sexual offenders, the pimps, murderers and 

swindlers, to all who lived buried for years or for decades. The 

selfishness and dishonesty, the envy, the malice and brutality of those 

exiled from civil society, are true and genuine. They at least wear no 

masks.” 

It can not be surprising under these circumstances, that Jewry has an 

entirely overwhelming portion of the leading positions in Marxism and 

Bolshevism(3). But in this we do not want to forget that the 

significance of Jewry in criminality just as in Bolshevism is more an 

issue of ‘quality’ than of quantity, still more a question of recognition of 

the essence than of the statistics. The influence and the portion of Jews 

increases corresponding to [23] the significance and importance of the 

posts which it counts as conquered or held. 

Jews have invented Marxism-Bolshevism: Karl Mordechai (Karl 

Marx), Ferdinand Loslauer-Wolfssohn (Ferdinand Lasalle), the 

Jewess Rosalie Lübeck (Rosa Luxemburg), and the half-Jew Ulyanov 

(Lenin; his mother was the Jewess Blank). 

A central chief directorate of 10 persons commanded the Communist 

Revolution in Russia and put through Bolshevism. Among these 10 

persons were 1 Georgian (Stalin-Dyugashvili), 1 Pole (Dzeryinski), a 

single Russian (Bubnov) and not fewer than 6 Jews and 1 half-Jew: 

Bronstein – Trotsky 

Brilliant – Sokolnikov 

Apfelbaum – Sinovyev 

Rosenfeld – Kamenev 

Jacob Moses Sverdlov 

Moses Uritzky 

Ulyanov – Lenin

From the beginning down to the present, the Soviet Union, which 

covers a sixth of the earth’s surface area, has been ruled by Jews. 

According to the situation of February 1937, for example, the 

following were sitting as ministers and deputies: Litvinov-Finkelstein 

(Minister of the Exterior) — Yankel Gamarnik (War) — Moses 

Ruchimovich, M. Mosessohn Kaganovitch (Armament Industry) — 

M. Davidsohn Bärman, Jacob Saulovitch Agranov, Leo Belsky 

(Interior, GPU) — Rosenholz (Foreign Trade) — Israel Weizer, Sacher 

Salomonsohn Bolotin, Michael Abrahamsohn Levinsohn (Domestic 

Trade) — Lazarus Mosessohn Kaganovitch (Transportation) — A. J. 

Gurevitch (Heavy Industry) — Isidor Lyubimov (Light Industry) — 

Mark Natansohn Belenky, Levitin (Foodstuffs Industry) — Benjamin 

Gantmann, Lazarus Kogan (Wood Industry) — Herschel Yagoda 

(Postal) — Rosental (Shipping) — Aron Israelsohn Geister 

(Economy) — Moses Kalmanovitch, Grigory Lazarussohn 

Ostrovsky (State Goods) — Levin, Kagan (Finance) — Issai Solz 

(Justice) — M. G. Gurevitch (Public Health). 

In addition: 

In the directorship of the State Bank: Salomon Lazarussohn 

Kruglikov; in the leadership positions of the Commission for Soviet 

Control: Sachar Mosessohn Belenky and Roisemann; in the 

leadership positions of the commission for Artistic Affairs: Jakob 

Josefsohn Boyarsky and Baruch Schumyatzky; the Chief Justice of 

Labor: Philipp [24] Issaisohn Golotshokin and his Deputy Michael 

Josefsohn Lifschitz — etc., etc. 

The GPU is completely Judafied. Event he political leadership of the 

Red Army finds itself in the hands of Jews, likewise the theoretical 

education of the Red Army. Even a portion of the officer corps, to say 

nothing of the medical staff and directorship, etc., is Judafied. 

What is true of Russia is also true of other nations. Hugo Hasse, 

Liebknecht, Luxemburg, Levi and Cohn were the November Jews in 

Germany; Kurt Eisner, Levin, Leviné-Nissen, Axelrod, Toller, Erich 

Mühsam were the Red Jews in Munich. Over the ‘Socialization 

Commission,’ presided the Jews Rudolf Hilferding, Emil Lederer, and 

Theodor Vogelstein. Not fewer than 5 Jews belonged to the first 

‘republican’ government of 13 February 1919, and so forth. 

The Soviet government in Hungary was a Jewish clique around Aaron 

Kohn — Bela Kun. Jews were the allies of the Bolshevists at their 

invasion of Poland; up to the present day, the portion of Jews in the 

Communist functionaries in Poland amounts to about 95%. But the 

same picture also obtains in the United States in North America

There, among the functionaries of the Communist Party and their 

related organizations are teeming with Benjamin, Brodsky, Gold, 

Goldmannn, Löwenthal, Goldstein, Levinsohn, Lifschitz, Gerson, 

Weinberg, Zuckermann, etc. 

Among the chief parties responsible in the Communist revolt in Brasil 

in November 1935 were, besides the two Soviet Jews Minkin and 

Evert, the following Jews: Baruch Zell, Ruben Goldberg, Abraham 

Rosenberg, Moises Lipes, Karl Karfunkel, Jaime Steinberg, Jakob Gris, 

José Weiß, Joseph Fridemann, Moises Kava. Exactly the same in 

Argentina: Jacob Cossin is the General Secretary of the Communist 

Youth Association there; Leo Libenson is the Director of Propaganda 

of the Communist Party of Argentina, Jeremias Milchberg leads the 

illegal machinery, and in the Committee for Agitation and Propaganda 

of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Argentina three of 

the five members are Jews; in the Women’s Committee, of five 

members, five are Jewesses, and so it goes. 

Independent of time and place, the standard apparatus of Bolshevism is 

composed always and everywhere of Jews. 

End of Chapter 1 

Go to (next) Chapter II 

Table of Contents 

Copyright 2002 by R. Belser. Reproduction in whole or in part without 

express written permission of the translator is not permitted. All rights 

reserved. 

T h e   J e w   a s   C r i m i n a l 

Chapter II : The Jew in Court 

————————————————— 

————— 

(p. 25) 

As wire-pullers and mouthpieces of the criminal and political 

Underworld, Jewry leads a concentrated attack upon the law and order 

of the people. The Jewish fence helpfully stands by the Jewish thief, 

the Jewish psychologist and expert stands by the Jewish sexual 

offender, and the Jewish attorney stands by both; the judgement is not 

in doubt if a Jew is also sitting on the judge’s bench, as was so 

frequently the case in the German System(1). As if this were not 

enough, Jewry got ahold to the furthest extent even of the science, 

interpretation and execution of criminal law. It moulded and 

undermined the law in order to render it an impotent tool against 

Jewish criminality. To whatever extent these methods fell short, the 

goal was accomplished through the corruption of the procedures of 

criminal law and through Communist propaganda. The President of the 

Senate, Professor Dr. K. Klee, justly emphasized in his lecture 

concerning Judentum im Strafrecht [Jewry in the Criminal Law]: (2) 

“Everywhere they (the Jews) were fighting in the front most ranks 

when it was a matter of blunting the sword of punishment in the 

struggle against crime.” Professor Klee mentions a small selection of 

Jewish ‘penal law theorists,’ such as Moritz Liebmann, James 

Goldschmidt, State Counselor of Law Löwenstein, the Prussian Justice 

Minister Kurt Rosenfeld, Kantorowicz, Gumbel, Freymuth, and others. 

Among these corruptors of criminal law, the known Communist 

Werthauer assumes a remarkable place. He denies that the State has 

any right at all to punish(3). Naturally [26] he demands the 

decriminalization of all offenses against morality, of abortion and 

homosexuality and finally escalates his shamelessness so far as to 

demand the decriminalization of fraud(1).

The working hand-in-hand of the Jewish criminal world, the Jewish 

‘criminal jurisprudence’ and ‘administration of justice,’ and the Marxist 

propaganda jumps immediately to the eye. The Jewish theorists 

demand freedom from punishment primarily in the areas which are the 

domain of Jewry: sexual offenses, fraud, and treason, high and regional- 

level. 

If, as defenders of common criminals, the ‘celebrated’ Jewish advocates 

of republican Berlin stepped to the bar, it was the same ‘attorneys-at- 

law’ who, in the ‘sensational’ trials of the Weimar system, defended the 

Communist functionaries and terrorists (2). Especially notorious were 

the ‘attorneys’ Löwenstein, Löwenfeld, Rosenthal and Rosenfeld, the 

Werthauer who is already known to us, and Felix Halle, the specialist 

for sexual offenses, and also Litten and Appel. Concerning the role of 

Litten in the notorious Felseneck trial in the summer of 1932, which 

had as its center the murder of several National Socialists during a 

Communist attack in the north of Berlin, Professor Siegert reports in 

his lecture about Judentum im Strafverfahrensrecht [Jewry in Criminal 

Law Proceedings](3) in the following manner: 

“In the Felsen trial. . .by means of influencing witnesses and co- 

defendants, a defense counsel, the Jewish attorney Litten, was guilty of 

preferential treatment of his followers. The Court expelled him for this 

from the Office of the Defense Counsel. Instead of now joining the 

Court in the interests of justice, the Jewish state’s counsel Siegfried 

Löwenstein addressed the legal [profession] public in the Deutsche 

Juristenzeitung [German Legal News] published by the Jew Otto 

Liebmann with an essay, Verteidigernot [Defense Counsel's Dilemma], 

and requested opinions in favor of his racial comrade Litten, the man 

who gave preferential treatment to the Communist accused. One 

hundred seventy-eight (178) members of the Berlin bar proposed in his 

favor an extraordinary meeting in chambers. The chamber — occupied 

for the most part by Jews — under the leadership of the Jew Ernst 

Wolff — thereupon unanimously decided in favor of [27] the allegedly 

endangered independence and liberty of the defense and thereby aided 

and abetted the Jewish Communist Litten. Now, the Jew Max 

Hachenburg, as author of the Juristische Wochenschau [Legal 

Newsreel], appears as the last in line in the German legal newspaper. 

He praises the “calm objectivity” of his racial comrade Ernst Wolff and 

supports the safeguarding of the independent attorney class. As if not 

the Jewish Communist Litten, but on the contrary, the impartial Court 

had imperilled the legal profession in the present case. Thus the racial 

comrades from the apparently most disparate political camps met in 

common struggle against good administration of justice.” 

When a Jew appears before any court whatsoever, he is secure in the 

sympathy of Jewry and of the Jewish ‘public opinion.’ 

Until the take over of power by National Socialism, the German press 

stood under decisive Jewish influence(1). 

Naturally this press was gentle in its judgement of Jewish criminals. 

Had any sort of poor devil stolen a bicycle, perhaps out of need, his full 

name was printed in the paper: “a certain Fritz Schulze”; when, 

however, some Kohn committed a fraud and injured other people 

without scruple, it read shyly “a merchant, K.” — why should his name 

be trumpeted about? 

That was the sympathetic atmosphere in which the accused Jew 

appeared before the Court; judges, state’s attorneys, jurors, witnesses — 

all were more or less — often unconsciously — influenced by the Jewish 

‘public opinion.’ 

The fact is significant that, of the Jewish judges — their names read: 

Ruben, Glücksohn, Hirsch, Jacobi, Katzmann, Manasse, Schlome, 

Schmoschewer, Peltasohn, Kohn, Seligsohn, Mensch, Nothmann, 

Rosauer, Loewy, Moses, Noah, Bukofzer, [28] Citron, Schuftan, etc. — 

three quarters of them had as their fathers Jewish businessmen and 

dealers. Already, in their parental house, they breathed in the 

atmosphere of doing business and of the Jewish ‘notion of right'; 

understanding and solidarity with the Jewish law-breaker was already 

in their blood. 

And then the witnesses: witnesses from whom the truth often was in no 

way to be gotten, witnesses who could speak for hours at a time 

without saying anything, witnesses who commit any perjury with iron 

brow and sell their testimony to the highest bidder — Jewish witnesses. 

Then the Jewish ‘experts.’ At all universities, at all academies, in every 

focus of economic and cultural life, Jews had encysted themselves, 

always they monopolized discourse and occupied the best places: 42% 

of Berlin physicians were Jews, they had gotten control of 68% of the 

positions in school and welfare institutions. Naturally the experts cited 

by Jewish defendants were themselves Jews, who boldly sprang to the 

aid of the threatened racial comrade. 

Their own publications throw a glaring light upon the mind-set and the 

activity of these Jewish ‘experts,’ as for example the ‘monographs’ from 

the Institute for Sexual Science in Berlin, Sexus, published by the 

notorious Magnus Hirschfeld, the evilest sexual Bolshevist of the 

Weimar epoch. Volume 4 of these ‘monographs’ is filled with “critical 

contributions” for the “reform” of the law concerning sexual offenses. 

With the exception of a Herr v. Treskow, who reports on the topic of 

blackmail on sexual grounds, the contributions originate from the pens 

of the following Jews: Werthauer, Kronfeld, Juliusburger, Alsberg, 

Kurt Hiller and Hirschfeld, the very notables of the Weimar epoch. It 

fits the whole picture that Herr Hirschfeld was lodging the Communist 

Reichstag Deputy and major businessman Willy Münzenberg in the 

building of the Sexual Institute at number 10 In den Zelten, Berlin. The 

‘State Counselor’ Dr. Werthauer, incidentally a friend of the Jewish 

black marketeer Kutisker and known as defender of Communists, was 

later sentenced to a year’s imprisonment and a fine of 80,000 RM on 

account of tax evasion. This character had the brazenness to give his 

opinion for the benefit of the ‘reform’ of German marriage law, while 

Herr Hirschfeld, in his accustomed manner, offered his dirty hands for 

the protection of every perversity. The Jew Hirschfeld, who was 

allowed to bear the title of “Counselor for Public Health,” and whose 

‘Institute’ was financed by the Prussian state, was for years the 

recognized “scientific expert” for the German courts. The 

inconceivable nerve of this Jew seduced him into appending, in his 

contribution to the already mentioned [29] monographs, the following 

sentence: “The thing that matters (particularly in the disposition of 

sexual crimes) is the proof furnished, after the most careful study of the 

offender, of his previous life, his antecedents, his motives, his entire 

metaphysical personality, that the accused has no guilt.” In this, 

therefore, the Jew Hirschfeld saw his “mission” before the Court: to 

furnish the proof that the criminal is no criminal. 

His colleague and co-director of the Sexual Institute, Doctor of 

Medicine and of Philosophy Kronfeld, expressed himself in great detail 

in the same monograph, concerning the “job of medical expert before 

the Court.” He sees the single mission of the “medical expert” in Court 

to be the obtaining of freedom for every criminal by means of the 

corresponding application of “psychology,” “medical science,” and 

“knowledge and conscience” and thwarting any use of the penal law. 

To what a sublime art of pseudo-scientific abetting of crime the Jewish 

“experts,” “scientists,” and “psychologists” have gradually brought the 

criminal law, the infamous “psychoanalytic method” of a Sigmund 

Freud is sufficient proof and example.

The results of the court proceedings? ‘Public opinion,’ attorneys, 

witnesses, experts, and defendants supported one another in the effort 

to confuse the whole affair and to construct an inextricable tangle out 

of distortion and lies. That the non-Jewish state’s attorneys and judges 

seldom succeeded in proving the guilt of the accused under such 

circumstances, is clear. This means that it was incomparably more 

difficult to convict a Jew than a non-Jew: the number of acquitted 

Jews was always disproportionately great. In other words: the Jew 

could break the law without being convicted. 

Since the Jews, by means of selection and type of crime, by their own 

slyness and the cunning of their attorneys, knew how to diminish the 

points of suspicion and the circumstantial evidence before the Court so 

much that these were often no longer sufficient for a conviction, the 

actual criminality of the Jews is considerably higher than emerges from 

the statistics. 

In summation, one can say that, although 1. the Jews not of the Mosaic 

confession [i.e., Jews not espousing Judaism as their religion] were not 

covered in the criminal statistics [as Jews], 2. a portion of the Jewish 

criminals were not included at all, 3. a significant portion of the 

accused Jews knew how to hinder a conviction — the statistics of the 

crimes [30] yield a clear picture: fraud, usury, bankruptcy, receiving 

stolen goods are typically Jewish crimes. The percentage of Jews is 

disproportionately high in perjury, adulteration of foodstuffs, 

offences against decency, high and regular treason. 

In conclusion, as an example of the behavior of Jews in Court, the Caro- 

Petschek trial might be mentioned. 

Nikodem Caro, a Jew born in Lodz, was a chemist by profession. At 50 

years of age, he was Privy Councilor, President of the Bavarian 

nitrogen works, honorary citizen of seventeen Bavarian cities and 

towns, several times over honorary doctor and honorary senator, consul 

of a Balkan state, professor, 23 times member of boards of trustees — in 

short, a typical example for the brilliant ascent of a poor but miserly, 

clever, and unscrupulous Jew. Caro was naturally a passionate 

“German patriot” and all his inventions he placed at the disposal of the 

Reich. Such nobility of sentiment did not go unrewarded, and in the 

three years of the war, the idealist Caro earned 1.5 million Marks. Half 

was lying in the bank (whether and how much he had designated as 

war loans is unknown), but 700,000 Marks he held in cash at home — 

safe and secure.

Caro’s opponent, Ignaz Petschek, was a Czech Jew who had known 

how to bring the Central German brown coal industry under his 

“supervision.” His son, Dr. Ernst Petschek, loved his Austrian 

fatherland no less fervently than Caro did the Weimar Republic. He 

was active during the war — that is, in Karlsbad. There, he got to know 

and love a young lady with the poetic name of Vera, Caro’s daughter. 

“I never gave any thought to a dowry” — he claimed in Court, to which 

the opposing counsel called upon all the rabbis of the world as 

witnesses that a Jewish marriage at which the dowry was not 

addressed, was an absurdity. . . 

The two married, begat children, argued, separated, the poor Frau Vera 

had to content herself from then on with a paltry 70,000 Marks a month 

– an everyday sort of tale. This story took a peculiar turn on the day on 

which the question of the dowry of 400,000 Marks was brought into 

play. Caro swore by the God of his fathers that he had paid the dowry 

in cash — from his house safe. The Petscheks, however, sneeringly 

asked where the receipt was, then, for this — after all — not 

inconsiderable sum. 

But the receipt wasn’t there. At first Caro claimed that he had 

accidentally destroyed it in 1924, when he was clearing out his desk 

and burned a great deal of trash. 

[31] The Petscheks flatly refused to believe this story. Then the story 

suddenly changed to: the receipt probably existed, but it was in 

Warsaw (!) with a racial comrade, the lawyer Löwenstein. Thereupon — 

so Caro claimed — the Petscheks promptly sent a man to Warsaw, who 

struck up an acquaintance with Löwenstein’s secretary in a café, and 

wanted to get her to steal the receipt — it was all as if from a crime 

novel. 

Meanwhile, the receipt presumably was located not in Warsaw, but in 

Caro’s safe: the Petscheks had obtained a temporary decree, by whose 

provisions the receipt was supposed to be delivered to the district court. 

When the bailiff appeared at Caro’s, the Privy Councilor explained 

triumphantly: “I have just torn up the receipt and thrown the pieces into 

the toilet. It is now on its way to the sewage fields!” 

At the later question of the Court, why Caro had torn up a document 

which represented a value of 400,000 Marks to him, Caro replied in a 

most convoluted manner — he had acted in excitement, and anyway the 

whole matter had been a trap for Petschek, to lure him into perjury (!). 

The baffled President of the Court could only answer in the following 

way: “I am making an effort to comprehend your motives, but I must 

say that such a thing is unimaginable to me.” 

To shelter himself from new visits of the bailiff, Caro found simple 

means. First of all, he moved his consulate to his villa in Dahlem 

(where the Privy Councilor otherwise could have lived) and thereby 

became ‘extra-territorial.’ 

On the other hand, he ‘leased’ his villa to the Bavarian nitrogen works. 

But when a summons from the Court arrived, Caro had himself 

certified by the district physician as terminally unfit — and then drove 

to Gastein or to Rießersee for a few months. . . 

The Petscheks continually harassed Caro, and in the year 1931 it 

became clear that they would not be shaken loose at any price. Caro 

now resorted to a new weapon and used his “connections.” In the 

Weimar government at that time, the notorious Dr. Weißmann, a Jew, 

was still sitting as Secretary of State, and he began to visit authoritative 

gentlemen of the Ministry of Justice(1). He spoke about the weather 

and the theater, but also about the fact that the approaching trial against 

Caro was embarrassing, since Caro was designated by the government 

for [32] an important mission abroad, and the impression would be 

extremely regrettable, in case. . . 

Twice the state attorney’s office quashed the proceedings against Caro. 

The Petscheks, however, were just as much Jews as Caro. They had no 

less cunning than the Privy Councilor, but moreover, more money and 

still better “connections.” 

Tricks no longer availed: on 06 June 1932, Caro had to appear before 

the Court to answer for forgery of the receipt and perjury. Three 

attorneys accompanied him: Alsberg, Dix, Heine. His opponent was 

represented by the attorneys Davidsohn, Roth, and Drucker — a rather 

racially pure Jewish company. 

The course of the court proceedings defies any description. Day by 

day, a German court had to occupy itself with the dirty laundry of two 

Jewish families. The most impossible matters were brought before the 

Court, proof for which would never succeed. Caro raged and insulted, 

pounded the table with his fist and cried. The Plaintiff, the defendant, 

witnesses, lawyers insulted one another in the most vulgar manner — 

the Jews behaved just as they are accustomed to do at such business 

haggling. Emile Zola described it in his novel L’argent: “There stood 

an unclean party of Jews together in a noisy group, with faces 

glistening with grease or the emaciated profiles of raptors — an unusual 

assembly of conspicuous noses, as if pressed densely against one 

another over their prey, and becoming excited among loud shouts and 

close to the point of devouring one another.” A few examples of the 

graceless and vulgar manner of speech of these Jews may be sufficient: 

Caro screams: “What you’re saying, there, is a lot of blather.” Drucker 

replies: “Your account [of things] is organized like the Polish 

economy.” When the subject of Caro’s “fist-sized” kidney stone arises, 

he says to the opposing counsel: “I don’t care if you get my kidney 

stones!” To which the other answers “with never-failing quick- 

wittedness”: “Even in this area I refuse to do business with you.” 

Once the word daffke occurred. The state’s attorney, who did not know 

it, asked about its meaning. Those present smiled pityingly — “the 

dumb goy doesn’t know what daffke means!” 

That was the external form of the proceedings. In the case itself, no 

progress was being made. Caro admitted that the contents of one of his 

statements made under oath did not correspond to the truth. 

Nonetheless, that was not his fault — he had signed a “blank statement” 

[33] and knew nothing about what the steno typist had written above 

his signature. . . 

Yet when the Court wanted to deal more closely with the facts of the 

case, Caro served up some sort of hair-raising tale, which was 

supposed to distract the attention of the Court. Over and over again, he 

resorted to effects from a crime novel: he told that he was being 

watched day and night by hostile spies, the letter carrier had been 

suborned exactly as the bailiff of the Court, and handed over his 

correspondence to his opponents, burglars who were in the pay of 

Petschek had searched his apartment. His telephone conversations were 

tapped, they wanted to kidnap his grandson, “a good looking 

sportsman” had been set loose to “seduce” his daughter, his life was in 

constant danger from rogues who were in the employ of Petschek — 

perhaps they were even Nazis! A wave of excitement swept through 

the courtroom. The poor, innocent Privy Councilor! They had even set 

the Nazis on him — the peak of depravity! The persecuted innocent, 

however, sobbed into his snow-white handkerchief and secretly winked 

at his lawyer.

This disgusting show lasted weeks and months long. How was the 

Court supposed to discover the truth in this tangle of calculated 

hysteria, triteness and vulgarity, tales of oriental fantasy, perjuries, 

talmudic nitpicking by the attorneys, threats, slanders and dark hints, 

half truth and half lie, bought testimony of witnesses and unverifiable 

claims? 

It was a genuine Jewish trial. 

It ended on 23 December 1932 with the acquittal of the accused, Privy 

Councilor Caro. The costs of the proceedings and those of the 

defendant were imposed upon the co-plaintiff, Dr. Ernst Petschek. 

The Caro-Petschek trial has only one worthy counterpart, the so-called 

“Trotskyite trial” against Sinovyev-Apfelbaum and Kamenev- 

Rosenfeld in Moscow in August 1936. It likewise was a matter of a 

well-known Jewish ‘family quarrel,’ the struggle for power between 

two Jewish cliques in the Bolshevist apparatus, a power-struggle which 

lasted nearly two decades and only came to an end with the ‘liquidation’ 

of the Sinovyev group. In the dock sat the Westernized coffeehouse- 

and asphalt-Jews, who in Europe are to be found at the head of the 

Marxist and liberal parties, to which Trotsky-Bronstein also belonged 

intellectually, and from which strong threads of sympathy and perhaps 

also political [34] connections ran to the so-called Trotskyite- 

Sinovyevists in the Soviet Union. The judgement was passed and 

executed by the more brutal, filthier, but also more powerful ghetto- 

Jews, like the then head of the GPU, Yagoda (whose correct name was 

Yehuda), Bärmann, and the great number of hangers-on, the GPU-Jews 

and the Jewish clique around Stalin, which grouped itself about the 

person of Lazar Mosessohn Kaganovitch. The trial likewise offered a 

disgusting and nausea-producing picture of Jewish intrigue and Jewish 

cowardice and dishonesty, as the execution of the punishment unveiled 

all the features of an unchecked Jewish cruelty. A few samples of this: 

Sinovyev, an ill-reputed, flabby Jew, cowardly and intellectual, 

belonged, like the Jew Rosenfeld — alias Kamenev — to the old Lenin 

Group, which in 1917 came from out of Switzerland to Russia, together 

with this half-breed. Sinovyev was close to the Jews who were later the 

murderers of the Czar, Sverdlov and Golostchekin, Bronstein-Trotsky, 

the later Soviet envoy Kollontai, the founder of the Petersburg Checka, 

Uritzky, the later People’s Commissar Brilliant-Sokolnikov and Joffe, 

who became ambassador in Berlin after the Bolshevist Revolution, and 

who was already in August 1917 member of the Central Committee of 

the Party. At the historic session of the Central Committee of the Party 

of 23 October 1917, where the armed revolt of the Bolshevists was 

decided upon, Sinovyev and Kamenev voted out of fear against the 

overthrow. Sinovyev and Kamenev then became members of the first 

Polit bureau of the Party and belonged to the ten most responsible 

members of the Supreme Central of Revolutionaries. 

Sinovyev later became the first General Secretary of the Communist 

Internationale. Kamenev filled the highest Soviet positions. The 

struggle of Stalin and the ghetto-Jews against the Bronstein-Apfelbaum- 

Rosenfeld Group lasted from 1917 until 1936. Step by step, Stalin 

deprived his rivals of power, neutralized, and finally executed them. 

Sinovyev as well as Kamenev were already sentenced to long terms of 

imprisonment on 16 January 1935, in the affair of the so-called 

Moscow Central of Sinovyev’s adherents. The war staff of Supreme 

Court of the Soviet Union sentenced Sinovyev and Kamenev to death 

by shooting in the sensational trial from 19 to 24 August 1936. 

The wire-pullers and directors of the trial were likewise Jews. 

With justice, the entire German public stressed what a disgusting and 

repulsive impression the self-accusatory behavior and humiliation of 

the accused Jews made before the Court, and how they outdid 

themselves in self-abasement, contrition, and raging attacks upon 

“fascism,” in order to save their pathetic lives. In [35] his summation in 

the session of 23 August 1936, Rosenfeld-alias-Kamennev said the 

following, among other things: 

“Together with Sinovyev and Trotsky, I was the organizer and leader 

of the terrorist conspiracy which planned and prepared a series of 

attempted terrorist assassinations against the leaders of the government 

and the Party of our nation, and which carried out the murder of Kirov. 

Therefore we were serving Fascism (so Rosenfeld-Kamenev 

concludes) and we organized the counter-revolution against Socialism, 

and thus prepared the way for foreign intervention. This was our path 

and such seems the pit of our treason and of every sort of base dirty 

trick, to which we sunk.” 

Even Apfelbaum-Sinovyev, the Jew once celebrated as “leader of the 

World Proletariat,” as “Liberator of the Working Class” of all nations 

and General Secretary of the Communist Internationale, could offer 

nothing better.

“My defective Bolshevism was transformed into anti-Bolshevism and 

beyond Trotsyism into Fascism. Trotskyism is only another kind of 

Fascism and Sinovyevism only a kind of Trotskyism.” Through the 

maze of this Jewish dialectic a non-Jew can certainly not find his way. 

Sinovyev had been caught in the coils of his own noose. 

As nauseating as the trial, just as disgusting and repulsive was the way 

the shooting was carried out. We take the description from the Berne 

Tagwacht of 22 October 1936, which is based upon the report of a 

foreigner, which was first published in the Paris Journal and in the 

London Daily Mail: 

“Most terrible of all was the end of Sinovyev. He sat in a single cell in 

the first floor of the OGPU prison. After he, as the first, signed the 

application for mercy, he tried to fall asleep on the plank bed. Although 

it was rather warm, he kept tossing violently and he was freezing. 

About one in the morning, he was awakened. The nighttime 

appearance of a detachment of OGPU officials shook him. He jumped 

up, frightened, and looked around with uncomprehending eyes. The 

leader of the detachment said to him: 

“Prepare yourself, Sinovyev. We have been ordered to bring you to 

another location.’ 

With bloodless face, Sinovyev sank back on the plank bed. 

‘Get dressed, Sinovyev!” 

Sinovyev made inarticulate sounds and began pull at the hair at his 

temples. One got the impression that he had lost his mind 

[36] Then one of the OGPU soldiers walked out of the cell and brought 

water. A handful of this water was sprinkled on Sinovyev’s face. Now 

he got ahold of himself and stood up. ‘Take your belongings along!’ he 

was ordered. He did so. A half minute later he was led from the cell. 

Along the route, a detachment of eight men was waiting. By their look, 

Sinovyev understood at last what was supposed to happen. He sobbed, 

he resisted, he screamed. 

At the end of the walk he had a downright attack of hysteria. He held 

onto the hands of the accompanying soldiers and squealed like a 

woman. The leader of the execution squad, Lieutenant Yevangulov, 

commanded: ‘Open the closest cell!’ This was done. Sinovyev was 

pushed into the closest empty cell. Here the Lieutenant took hold of his 

hair with his left hand, bent his head downward, and put a bullet in the 

back of his head with his right hand.”

Thus ended this Jewish trial before a Jewish court — disgusting and 

bloody, completely different from the ‘famous’ Jewish trials before 

Aryan courts, where the accused Jewish ‘martyrs’ either were totally 

acquitted or punished only too leniently. 

To (next) Chapter III: Fences and Thieves 

To (previous) Chapter I: What Linguistics and Statistics Show 

To Table of Contents 

Copyright 2002 by R. Belser. Reproduction in whole or in part without 

express written permission of the translator is not permitted. All rights 

reserved. 

T h e   J e w   a s   C r i m i n a l 

Chapter III : Fences and Thieves 

————————————————— 

————— 

(p. 37) 

At one time people called Poland the “Paradise of the Jews” — Polonia 

paradisum iudaeorum — and not without reason. By nature, the Pole is 

a farmer or soldier, and it isn’t in him to be a trader. And thereby the 

Jews could bring all of commerce into their own hands in that 

nation(1). Not only the city merchant was a Jew, also the middle-man 

of every kind, the town grocer and — almost without exception — the 

saloon keeper and innkeeper. In Polish, a bar is kartschma, and when 

the immigration of Eastern Jews started, they brought this word along 

with them. These Jews met their natural allies in the hiding places of 

the Underworld — and thus the word Kaschemme ['German' word of 

Polish derivation meaning "gin mill," etc.] developed from kartschma

the designation for a crook’s pub or bar. 

Kaschemmen are not only to be found in crime novels or in the fantasy 

of journalists. They are a thoroughly real phenomenon. A professional 

expert on the world of crooks, Criminal Commissar Engelbrecht(2) 

describes the Kaschemmen of Berlin in the following somewhat 

abridged account. 

“Taverns, which predominantly the criminal world makes it a habit to 

frequent, are called Kaschemmen. There are such Kaschemmen in all 

areas of the city of Berlin. In particular, West Berlin is definitely not 

free of them, and one can visit Kaschemmen in Kurfürstenstraße

Ansbacher Straße, Pestalozzi-, Goethe-, Rückertstraße [note: die 

Straße = street], at the Stuttgarter Platz, and Savignyplatz, and in many 

other streets of Charlottenburg and all of the western suburbs. But it 

must definitely be admitted that the milieu of these Kaschemmen 

varies, too, in the different parts of the city. The types one sees in the 

Scheunen Quarter are rarely to be encountered in the Kaschemmen of 

the West. Nevertheless, in the former as well as the latter, the 

patronage of these pubs is composed of prostitutes with their male 

companions, professional criminals of all kinds and ‘Halbseidene‘ 

[literally, half-silk, an idiomatic expression equivalent to the old British 

"not quite a gentleman/lady"], work-shy lads [38] and girls, the 

augmentation of the criminal world. Among these, sometimes, is also a 

Stubben‘ or ‘Grünling‘ [= greenhorn], who either out of curiosity or out 

of ignorance falls into this society, and often has to pay the price in 

health and wealth. 

The Kaschemme itself is sometimes a licensed pub, other times a cellar 

prepared expressly as a hiding place for the criminal world. Such 

cellars are to be found chiefly in the Scheunen Quarter, in the Münz-

August-, and Steinstraße, etc. The proprietor of the Kaschemme, called 

a ‘Boost‘ (1), must be worthy of the trust of the criminal world. The 

dimensions of the place must allow for the possibility of disappearing 

at an unexpected visit from the criminal police, either by means of a 

trap-door and cellar into an neighboring yard, or through cellar 

passages across to stairs into an apartment located in the house, or, 

lastly, as has been found many times, by stairs up to the attic and from 

here out to the roofs into another house. These Kaschemmen have, 

almost without exception, business at night, which is strongly secured 

for the most part by several ‘Spanner‘ [bouncers]. The more violent the 

young men who frequent the pub are, the stronger also, the security 

generally is. If the criminal police do not succeed in entering by 

surprise, the place is opened only if the criminals being sought are well 

hidden or out of danger. At recent raids, such fellows were fetched out 

of the most impossible hiding places by the criminal officials. Even out 

of tiled ovens, in a dumb-waiter, and in the middle section of a 

sideboard. Preferred hiding places are also large baskets and crates into 

which the wanted man climbs and has himself covered with dirty 

laundry. 

The main business in these kinds of taverns always begins late in the 

evening. Night owls of all sorts, all those who shun the light of day and 

transact their unwholesome business at night, have their meetings here. 

Here, a new ‘Ding‘ [literally, 'thing,' the equivalent of the English- 

speaking criminal's 'job'] is discussed, and here they meet in order to 

mutually ‘ein Ding abstoßen’[= "divide the take"]. Each man gets his 

due. The piano-player plays dance music, and the prostitute invites her 

johns [to meet] the black marketeer. Whoever wants to play can try his 

luck at ‘Meine, Deine‘ ['Mine, Yours'] or ‘Schlesischer Lottery’ [Silesian 

Lottery], for, judging by experience, most criminals indulge in a 

passion for gambling. The playing tables, therefore, are especially 

crowded, since every guest has an interest in the play, all the more so if 

an ‘Otto’ is present, a fool who, according to all rules of the craft is 

quickly “cleaned out.” 

[39] Most of these pubs have a special back room, whose entrance is 

completely unnoticeable and is opened only to favored customers who 

are trusted. In this often windowless ‘club room,’ the more important 

pieces of business are concluded. Here the booty of theft, the “Sohre,” 

is divided and deposited with the “Schärfer” ["Sharpers"], i.e., the 

fences. Here, also, the “Ganoven” [crooks] stay who are going 

treife,'(1) i.e., who is being sought by the police. 

The premises of a Kaschemme are for the most part primitively 

furnished, even though there are also Kaschemme in which every 

possible sort of junk is supposed to simulate a shabby elegance. A 

bar counter, ‘Theke,’ some tables and benches as well as chairs and, if 

in any way possible, a piano or gramophone mostly comprise the 

furnishings; anything else is a luxury, and the guests make no special 

demands. But all the greater, often, are the demands relative to food 

and drink. Im this the ‘Boost‘ must be efficient, and also must be 

supplied with wine and champagne. Bouillon, beer and Schnaps

Soruff(2) are consumed in large quantity, and that bodily well-being is 

otherwise well looked after is given away by the rows of sausages and 

the bowls of grilled herring, with cold pig’s feet and the like, which are 

always very popular. 

The visiting of such Kaschemmen is not without danger for strangers, a 

dicke Marie‘ ['fat Marie'], i.e., a full wallet, awakens envy which 

frequently leads to a robbery assault. Not long ago, a Berlin journalist 

fared badly in one of the Kaschemmen of ill repute. He was left 

completely robbed and beaten unconscious. When the police come, the 

robbers are long gone and the police almost never learn anything from 

the ‘Boost.’ Matters frequently escalate into a ‘Aussprache‘ ['discussion,' 

'heart-to-heart talk'] among the guests, as every brawl is termed.” 

In Berlin the situation was particularly bad in the vicinity of the 

Silesian railroad station, in the Koppen- and Madaistraße, where there 

was oneKaschemme after another along these streets, where whores, 

pimps, and every sort of riff-raff hung about, where one was not 

entirely safe even in the daytime. The Silesian railroad station, the 

large and eastern most station in Berlin, was the goal and end point of 

the Eastern Jews immigrating to Germany. From there, they had not far 

to go to reach “Alex,” [i.e. the Alexanderplatz, city center for 

governmental offices, etc.] where their racial comrade, the Police 

President Dr. Weiß, resided and took pains to see that the naturalization 

process went smoothly for them. Therefore the streets of this district 

offered the spectacle of a tender mixture of “hard youths,” “easy girls,” 

and [40] greasy Jews. The Scheunen Quarter also offered a similar 

picture, which teemed with Jewish dealers, black marketeers and 

criminals, where stolen goods were sold openly on the streets, where, 

in the movie houses which were open all day, ear-splitting music 

roared and enticed a dubious public. The best known Kaschemmen of 

this district were “Münzglocke [literally "coin-bell" -- the ringing of 

change], “Martins Hackepeter” [Hackepeter is a dish of minced meat], 

Der gute Happen” ["The good/choice morsel"], “Café Dalles” [der 

Dalles = poverty], in which forks and spoons are fastened by means of 

long chains to the walls in order to prevent their being pilfered. In 

earlier decades, the criminal quarter extended deep into 

Dorotheenstraße and to Jerusaleme Straße(1). It seems symbolic, since 

as time passed, Jewish department stores and the palaces of Jewish 

newspapers grew up there, where earlier the Kaschemmen stood. 

These criminal districts of the large cities were simultaneously the 

incubation nests of Communism. Among the pimps, whores, fences 

and thieves, the agents of Moscow felt at home. Here the “operations” 

of the illegal Communist organizations were hatched out, here 

criminals were recruited and paid for what they had carried out. The 

Underworld furnishes the recruits of Communism. The Kaschemme is 

the nursery of criminal Bolshevism, just as the café is of salon- 

Bolshevism. In the Kaschemme of the East End [of London] or of the 

Scheunen Quarter, the same Jews sit as in the elegant cafés of the West 

End and of the Kurfürstendamm [famously fashionable street in Berlin, 

corresponding to New York City's Fifth Avenue]. The kaftan and the 

earlocks are not an essential feature of the Jews, any more than the 

kerchief and the crowbar essentially belong to the character of the 

criminal. 

The unified front of Communism with the criminal world is 

systematically cultivated and built upon. The “legal” and illegal 

Communist press of the whole world openly incites theft and robbery 

attacks. For example, the Rote Fahne [Red Flag], the official organ of 

the Communist Party of Germany, wrote in 1931(2): 

          “Yesterday afternoon at about 2 o’clock, several unemployed 

appeared 

          in the branch of the grocery store ‘Nordstern‘ [=North Star]. in 

Glasgow 

          Straße. They took about 35 pounds of sausage meats from the 

window 

          displays [41]and left. The police were able to arrest none of the 

culprits.” 

or: 

          “In the butter and grocery store of Göbel in Knobelsdorfer Str. 

56, 

          ten young lads appeared this afternoon about 12 o’clock and 

pilfered 

          sausage and bacon meats from the sale table. They succeeded in 

          escaping with their booty without being recognized.” 

and further: 

          “Yesterday evening a troop of unemployed went into the grocery 

of 

          Hoffmann in Gräfestraße and took for themselves sausages and 

bacon 

          among other things from the counter, with the words: ‘Welfare 

pays for 

          for that.’ The troop was pursued by two police officers in plain 

clothes 

          and is also supposed to have been shot at. Excited groups of 

passersby 

          formed on the street, who were talking about the fact that in the 

crowded 

          streets, they were shooting at the unemployed.” 

There is a widely distributed, illegal Communist underworld press, 

adapted expressly for the criminal element, and which is naturally 

written and managed by Jews. One example from the Berlin of pre- 

National Socialist times may suffice. The illegal newspaper of the 

street cells of the Virchow Quarter in North Berlin, Der Rote Weg [The 

Red Path], wrote, for example, the following during the winter months 

of 1931(1): 

          “Join together in hundreds, just as the unemployed did in Köln. 

Four

          hundred unemployed took to the fields of the estate owner and 

got for 

          themselves the potatoes which had been refused them. In the 

Ruhrgebiet 

          [Ruhr area, known for its coal deposits and heavy industry], 

hundreds got 

          coal for themselves from the piles of the Coal Kings, which 

were full to the 

          breaking point. 

          This is a mass struggle. If the unemployed do not wish to be 

abandoned 

          to hunger and freezing, then they organize ‘Red Self-Help’ and 

get what 

          they need for themselves.” 

This “Rote Selbsthilfe” ["Red Self-Help"] of the “unemployed” was, of 

course, nothing other than organized Bolshevist criminality. It is at the 

same level of criminality as the infamous “expropriations” of the Judeo- 

Bolshevists in Russia before 1917 and the murder and robbery of the 

gangsters in America. 

[42] The criminal unions or “rings,” which seek to conceal their true 

criminal core under the most ridiculous names, like “Eintracht” [= 

harmony, unity], “Libelle” [= dragonfly], “Immertreu” [= ever-faithful], 

Sparverein” [= savings club] and so forth, represent the transition 

from the individual Jewish criminal world to the organized criminality 

of Judeo-Bolshevism. 

The members of the “Ringvereine” [ring clubs] were in Berlin and are 

today in all large cities identical to the members of the Communist 

terror groups, of the Rotfrontkämpferbund [Red Front Fighters' 

Association], of the Antifa [Anti-fascists -- a group which has been 

resurrected in the puppet-Germany of the NWO] etc. The cowardly and 

underhanded murder of Horst Wessel, carried out by the member of the 

Underworld, Communist and pimp “Ali” Höhler on 14 January 1930, 

instigated and planned by Sali Eppstein and Else Cohn, has furnished 

for all time the irrefutable proof of the identity of Bolshevism, Jewry 

and crime. The murder of the two police captains on 09 August 1931, 

in origin and guidance carried out by the Red underworld at the behest 

of the Jewish Communist leaders Heinz Neumann and Hans 

Kippenberger, yet again confirmed this connection. 

And lastly, as a final example, the murder of the member of the 

NSDAP Friedrich Schulz, who was shot on 03 August 1932, in front 

of the house at Triftstraße 67 in Berlin by the members of a “ring club” 

who “coincidentally” also belonged to the RFB [the 

Rotfrontkämpferbund mentioned above]!(1) The Jew is the born 

denizen of the Underworld, he forms its bourgeoisie and feels at home 

in its hiding places, Kaschemmen and cellars, in the ghetto. 

Although the Jew generally does not commit theft or burglary by his 

own hand since he usually shrinks from the physical danger and only 

reluctantly reaches for the Klamonis (2), he is quite active in fencing 

out of preference. Theft and burglary are not lucrative enough for him, 

but their “appraisal” definitely is. 

An Austrian criminologist (Herz(3)) has taken the trouble to research 

for the Court District of Brünn the average loss which occurred due to 

various crimes. These average numbers are: 

theft          62 Kronen 

embezzlement       376 Kronen 

fraud          397 Kronen 

At the same time, the minimum compensation [per year] in the area 

was equal to 642 Kronen. In order to scrape out the meagerest of 

livings, a criminal would therefore have to [43] commit ten thefts in an 

average year, but only two swindle type crimes. 

These numbers prove that stealing is actually a “trade” of little profit, 

especially measured against its risk. It is easy to understand that the 

criminal Jew prefers either to resort to fraud or to get others to steal for 

him. 

The Jew carries on crime as a business — and business, at least in 

principle, as crime. Both are, for him, merely different forms of his 

struggle for power and existence against the “others,” the goyim. All 

wholesome transactions of the merchant take on, in the hands of the 

Jew, a distorted and criminal shape: credit is transformed into usury, 

fair purchasing into receiving stolen goods, exploitation of favorable 

opportunities into fraud, etc. 

So it is easy to understand that the Jew also conducts theft and burglary 

“on a business basis.” Exactly as the “respectable” Jewish merchant 

employs and exploits workers and employees, the Jewish gang leader 

or fence has crooks and burglars “working” for him. The lion’s share 

remains with the fence, while the burglar, who bears the risk and puts 

his freedom on the line, is put off with pennies. 

How far the exploitation of the thief by the fence goes, one can see 

from a typical example related by Dr. H. Weiß(1) in his monograph 

about fencing. 

In November 1926, the thirty-one-year-old Jewish “fur dealer” B. met, 

while on the street in Leipzig, a seventeen-year-old apprentice 

unknown to him until then, S., who was carrying a parcel under his 

arm. A fence must have at his disposal knowledge of people and a 

sharp eye, and it immediately struck B. that something was not right 

with the young man — his behavior was pointedly casual, but fear 

lurked in his eyes. He inquired of him whether he had furs to sell. Both 

then went into a hallway and B. inspected the furs stolen by S. from the 

loft of a fur goods firm. Without inquiring about the origin of the furs, 

he selected one fox fur for himself, for which S. was asking 8 RM. B. 

explained that he himself didn’t want to buy the fox but only wanted to 

“mediate” the sale — a well-known trick for securing a double profit for 

himself. S. declared himself in agreement with this proposal and B. 

went to a furrier, Cohn, to offer him the fox. As a matter of form, Cohn 

[44] inquired whether the fur wasn’t stolen, to which B. assured him 

that it was a completely straightforward matter, that the fox belonged 

to a small furrier who had an urgent need of money for a bill. Cohn 

acquiesced in this explanation, since, for him, it was only a matter of 

having an excuse ready in case he would be called to account, and he 

paid B. 20 RM. But B. told S. that he [B.] had only gotten 8 RM, and 

he subtracted 2 RM from that for himself as his “commission.” When 

S. wanted to make objections, B. threatened him with giving 

information to the police, and S. was forced to give in by force of 

necessity. A short time later, B. met an older couple from the country 

on the street, who were looking for a fox fur and he brought them to 

Cohn, where the fox was sold for 45 RM, from which B. received 5 

RM as commission. Thus, the thief got 6 RM, the fence 19 RM, and 

the dealer (who was not much more than a fence) 20 RM — a typical 

case. 

“A fence is worse than a thief” — so goes a well-known saying, and in 

the estimation of Sauer(1), the fence is one of the most reprehensible 

of criminals. The true keystone of the Underworld is, second to the 

pimp, the fence. What would a burglar do with his booty if there were 

no fences? The fence is as indispensible for the thief as the customer is 

for the merchant. Without fences, no thieves; without Jews, no fences — 

a quick calculation!

The Jewish fence has introduced the forms of Capitalism into the 

Underworld — organization, money- and sales-market. The Jew is the 

employer in the Underworld. Without participating himself, he garners 

the profits of the middle-man and the expeditor. But the fence is not 

tied to the individual criminal — if the latter becomes rebellious or 

demands a larger share of the booty, the fence slams the door in the 

face of the thief. In the Underworld there are more than enough 

criminals, and the fence can choose for himself the most pliant of them. 

The far-reaching similarity between the economic structure of the 

Underworld and the forms of liberal Capitalism is no coincidence, but 

rather a work of the Jews. Jews comprise the leading class of Finance 

Capitalism, and, we can also add, of Marxism and Bolshevism; Jews 

also comprise the class of the “Upper Ten Thousand” of the 

Underworld. 

In outward appearances, the professional fence is a more or less 

“honest businessman” — a so-called respectable Jew — a second-hand 

dealer, a shop-keeper, a dealer, sometimes even owner of a small 

department store — for then he can, without hindrance, [45] buy and 

sell anything without suspicion. Fences have a more or less close 

relationship to criminals, they advise them, give them tasks, “tips,” or 

even lead bands of thieves, while some, on the other had, are more 

cautious and only come into contact with the thief when buying the 

Sohre [goods, the "take", etc.].” The most dangerous because the 

hardest to catch, are the fences who work only with other fences and 

move the stolen goods onward: for the most part, the booty changes its 

owners several times in rapid succession and then resurfaces 

somewhere at the other end of the country. 

Let the career of a Jewish fence be described by the following, taken 

from the book by Dr. M. Weiß: 

“A powerfully-built, broad-shouldered man with a well cared-for 

appearance and good clothes, from whose Jewish face cunning and 

business sense emanates, that’s the thirty-two-year-old dealer Michael 

Strossenspieler. Related by marriage to the co-defendant ‘King of 

Burglars’ Kubusch, he is the prince of Polish-Jewish burglars, who 

have methodically been committing residential burglaries using lead 

strips for many years on their theft-journeys into various German cities, 

but especially in Leipzig. In the main trial, Strossenspieler contested all 

charges, preserved a calm demeanor, and sought to create the 

impression of an honorable businessman. 

Many years ago, Stossenspieler, nick-named Machull (from the 

Hebrew mechullah), is supposed to have come from poverty in Poland 

to Berlin and earned much money on the streets of the Berlin Scheunen 

Quarter from trade in well-made raincoats and stolen goods (watches, 

diamonds, diamond rings, jewelry, silverware, furs, various garments, 

pawn tickets, and so forth), but to have securely hidden this away 

before his arrest. In the evening, he is supposed to have waited on the 

street for the burglars, to buy stolen goods. He would proceed in this 

way with stolen goods: from jewelry, the stones were plucked out, the 

gold and silver melted down. With valuable watches, he changed the 

numbers and changed the linings of garments. The burglars are 

supposed to have met in Stossenspieler’s living quarters, weighed 

precious metals and tested gemstones. 

A Polish Jew is supposed to have acquired, as a purchase of 

opportunity, a stolen gold watch from Stossenspieler on 

Grenadierstraße in Berlin. In the ledger of purchases of a dealer in 

precious metals, the police discovered Stossenspieler’s name several 

times as the seller of precious metals, though [the signature] was 

somewhat garbled. Although he was again recognized, Stossenspieler 

denied ever having been in this shop. In another case, [46] two store 

proprietors identified Stossenspieler as the seller of a diamond ring and 

as the orderer of watch repair work. Stossenspieler replied that the 

diamond ring and the watches had been his legitimately acquired 

property. 

In the entire trial, seven burglars denied the charges, just as did the 

fence Stossenspieler, and no one incriminated any of the others. In 

front of the courtroom, Stossenspieler’s wife, wedded only according to 

the Jewish rite, threatened to scratch the eyes out of a wife of a co- 

defendant burglar, who had been summoned as a witness, and to bite 

her throat out, if she should make incriminating statements. She is also 

supposed to have arranged for another female witness to leave for 

Poland. In the main trial, however, she cried continuously and claimed 

‘to know nothing.’ The accused [Stossenspieler] received two years and 

six months in the penitentiary. Will this sentence deter him or even 

‘make him better’? 

Strossenspieler’s “milieu” was the ill-reputed Scheunen Quarter in 

Berlin, the meeting place of the Underworld and cesspool of the 

Eastern European Jews entering the country.

Criminal Commissioner Liebermann von Sonnenberg(1) passes the 

following judgement on this Quarter: 

“In this residential quarter of foreign Jews, the amount of pilfered 

goods which disappear can be fathomed only by him who has been 

working in this area for years, and even his imagination will hardly 

fully grasp the reality.” 

Wulffen(2) tells of a Jewish locksmith, Polaczek, who produced the 

burglary tools for the notorious burglar Kirsch in his work place. 

Kirsch was extraordinarily difficult to catch, since no one knew his 

residence and he appeared in Kaschemmen only intermittently to give 

his orders and then immediately vanished again. When Kirsch was 

finally arrested, Polaczek took his place as leader of the band, which 

consisted of two locksmiths, a silver polisher, and a mechanic. 

The same author reports on another band which was comprised of Jews 

and which after the Revolution of 1905 had fled Russia. There were 

also several children with this band, whose members stayed in various 

inns and often changed living quarters. The band lived from 

pickpocketing and purse-snatching, at which the children usually took 

on the chief role and frequently demonstrated an outstanding dexterity. 

[47] Jews were often active as store, cellar, garret, overcoat, bicycle, 

car, parcel, marketplace, tenant and railroad station thieves, and as 

thieves who robbed the dead, etc. “Inventor” of the black leotard suit 

for hotel thieves was the hotel thief Hirsch Isaaksohn(1). This 

“Merchant of the Second Guild” was born in Belaya Zerkov, Russia. 

He was barely 20 years old when he was imprisoned for the first time 

in Tula. Two years later, he was arrested in Petersburg after a major 

theft. Hardly having been released from prison, he decided to leave the 

“anti-Semitic” Russia. He had excellent language skills, was educated, 

presented himself very articulately and with good manners — and 

during his second term of imprisonment he had learned all the tricks of 

a crook. 

He was so clever that he succeeded in living for nearly five years from 

his thieving before being caught. After serving a sentence of 18 

months, he began to travel throughout Europe: Rome, Bologna, 

Florence, Milan, Genoa, Monte Carlo, Nice, Paris, Vienna, Cracow, 

Trieste, Leipzig, Mannheim, Cologne, Berlin — these are the cities in 

which it is definitely known that he committed his thefts. His tactics 

were always the same: in socks and a tightly fitting pair of black 

leotards, he left his room in the late hours of the night to steal. Should 

he meet up with anyone, he always said as an excuse that he was 

searching for the bathroom. His dexterity was incomparable and it gave 

him not the least difficulty to open a locked door and to steal gold 

purses which were lying under the pillows of the sleeping resident. He 

frequently came under suspicion of being a thief, but nothing could 

ever be proved against him. He was overtaken by his fate in Berlin. He 

first went into the Grand Hotel on the Alexanderplatz and stole from 

two travelers in the same night. The porter of the hotel recognized the 

thief from his extraordinarily bent and crooked nose, because he had 

earlier worked in Milan at a hotel where inexplicable thefts had 

occurred. The thief noticed the suspicion and immediately vanished, to 

resurface in the Kaiserhof. Here, too, he stole from a traveler, but made 

himself suspicious thereby, and the director of the hotel had all the 

corridors of the hotel filled with his employees on the following night. 

About four in the morning, the thief appeared; his gaunt form was 

scarcely visible in the dark leotards. When he was stopped, he acted 

very indignant and again tried the story of looking for the bathroom, 

but this time without success. In his luggage was found [48] 150 RM in 

gold, 200 Lire in paper, 50 Franks in gold, 6 black leotard suits, a large 

supply of wax candles, skeleton keys, cards from all over Europe and a 

horse racing program of the Hoppegarten. On his visiting cards was 

written: “Georgi O. Chambellan de Se Majesté le roi de Baviere“. . . 

The German court proved to be hard-hearted. Despite all the efforts of 

the defense counsel Friedmann, who defended his racial comrade, the 

hotel thief received a term of imprisonment of five years. 

As we have already determined, a typical Jewish specialty is 

pickpocketing. A physiological peculiarity often observed in Jews may 

contribute to this feature of theirs: clever hands with sensitive long 

fingers, which so frequently make many Jews competent pianists, 

violinists, watchmakers and goldsmiths. When the middle and index 

fingers are almost of the same length, the man possesses nimbleness, a 

talent for dissembling, knowledge of people and ability to quickly 

orient himself, and thus we have before us the born pickpocket, the 

Torfdrucker(1).” 

The number of tricks employed by pickpockets to divert the attention 

of the victim or of those surrounding him is extraordinarily large, and 

Jewish cunning takes care to constantly improve them. A practiced 

pickpocket has very powerful fingers, and he is able to hold completely 

securely even a heavy purse or pocket watch, even when he has them 

grasped only by the fingernails. 

The hands of the pickpocket are his main concern. No violinist 

maintains them with more care; they are preserved from any coarse 

labor, washed with soda in order to refine the sensitivity of the 

fingertips, kept supple with Vasoline and glycerin and properly 

massaged. Constant practice is also necessary in order to keep the grip, 

once learned, at its peak. Pickpocketting has to be learned; it takes 

months until the aspiring pickpocket succeeds in “working” with a 

certain skill. 

In every nation there are schools for pickpockets and, as the English 

police, for example, have been able to discover, their leaders were 

almost without exception “foreigners.” This reticent little word, of 

course, conceals Jews from Eastern Europe. In these schools, models, 

which are hung with little bells, so that any careless movement by the 

apprentice [49] is immediately audible, are used for practice. In a more 

advanced stage of “instruction” the task is assigned of stealing from the 

teacher so that he feels nothing when his eyes are closed. As a final 

test, the “teacher” leads his pupils out on the street, where they carry 

out thefts under his supervision. 

The business of the small Jewish pickpocket is “wearisome” and 

dangerous; the Jewish fence has things easier and more profitable — but 

it is most effortless and most profitable when it takes on “legal” form 

after the victory of Bolshevism and is now conducted “on behalf of the 

State.” 

In point of fact, is the “trading activity” of the Soviet government 

anything other than theft and fencing in the grandest style? Whether it 

is a matter of the cashing in of the old Czarist jewels, which may come 

from the robbery-murder of the Imperial family, or of the auctioning 

off of objects of art from the formerly private possessions of Aryan 

families, or of the sale of paintings from the Hermitage — all this is 

actually and properly fencing on a grand scale. The same is true of the 

splendid “business” of the Torgsin (literally: trade with foreigners), that 

Soviet-Jewish institution, which shows sales of many hundreds of 

millions of gold Rubles and which consists in the selling of food in 

State stores to the starving population in exchange for items of value — 

gold and family jewelry, gold teeth, bridges and crowns. This vulgar 

extortion and exploitation of the distress of the people is again, of 

course, conducted exclusively by Jews, who make the most terrific 

Reibach” with it, which a Jewish enterprise always effects. This 

“business” bloomed and thrived until the last thing of value was 

extracted from the unfortunate Russian people. What the Jewish 

Commissar robs and appropriates from the nobility and the citizenry, 

what it extorts and coerces from the worker, the employee, and the 

peasant, the Soviet Jew then sells at cut-rate prices to his racial 

comrades in the world market and the stock exchanges of Paris and 

New York. That is fencing in its most evil sense, worsened by robbery 

and extortion with the application of force and abuse of state power. 

To (previous) Chapter II: The Jew in Court 

To (next) Chapter IV: Imposters 

To Table of Contents 

Copyright 2002 by R. Belser. Reproduction in whole or in part without 

express written permission of the translator is not permitted. All rights 

reserved. 

T h e   J e w   a s   C r i m i n a l 

Chapter IV : Imposters 

————————————————— 

————— 

(page 50) 

The father of Ibnz Straßnoff was an employee in Matészalka, a small 

Hungarian city. The family was viewed as thoroughly respectable, one 

of the sons had become an actor in Budapest and Ignaz was supposed 

to have enjoyed as good an upbringing as possible. But after four 

classes he was already bored with the gymnasium. The easy life and 

glittering Budapest enticed him — he became a salesman in the capital. 

His salary was more than modest, and from home he could expect no 

help, for his father was dead. But he felt cigarette-smoking to be chic 

and a necessity. As a beginner, he was caught stealing in a tobacco 

shop. Two weeks’ loss of liberty — that was the first entry in a criminal 

record which was to become infinitely long: Straßnoff had begun his 

extravagant career of crime (1). 

Now he commits further thefts: gold watches, purses, rings, or, if 

nothing else is around, even billiard balls. His brother is an actor, 

consequently he has connections to the theatrical world. He uses them 

in order to procure free tickets and then sells them — in such a theater- 

happy city as Budapest, a profitable enterprise. For this he gets two 

months. 

When Straßnoff receives his third sentence — three-and-a-half years in 

prison — he is just 20 years old. Just having been released, he gets 

himself employed as — of all things — a cashier at a newspaper. In ten 

days, he commits thirteen instances of cheating and forgery and hurts 

the paper severely. Those are ten mad days. Straßnoff’s pockets are full 

of money, and he can finally realize his dreams. His duties are hardly 

done before he puts on black tie and becomes a noble cavalier. He rents 

a cab for himself for a month — the driver will later mourn the loss of 

his earnings — and among the [51] prostitutes he seeks the most 

beautiful, buys them elegant toiletries and spends nights with them in 

the best hotels. Hungarian wine is drunk there, the Gypsy violinist 

softly plays his favorite songs in his ear. Straßnoff closes his eyes, his 

face becomes melancholy, he seems lost in the music. Then he sticks a 

hundred-Kronen bill on the damp brow of the Gypsy and orders a mad 

csárdás. Straßnoff’s eyes flash challengingly, his shoulders twitch in 

time with the music. A just-released Jewish jailbird? No, a genuine 

Hungarian Count, who is enjoying life! 

Only ten days does he play this role. Then the police appear, Straßnoff 

is arrested, in his pockets they find only a few Heller — all of it is 

blown. He must go back to prison for three years. But these three years 

become four. 

Many a thief has the ambition of burglarizing the police — Straßnoff 

occupies himself in prison as an embezzler. 

He’s intelligent, has fine penmanship and is put to work in the office. 

There, he falsifies the cash books. He swindles 20 Kronen and receives 

an additional sentence of a year. 

With this fourth sentence, a change comes to Straßnoff’s life — he 

finally transforms himself into an imposter and thereby finds his actual 

“profession.” 

Barely released from the penitentiary, he procures for himself by fraud 

the uniform of a Hussar officer and orders — with the help of forged 

credentials — 1200 halters for horses — and demands 70 Kronen from 

the manufacturer as “commission.” The manufacturer is non-plussed — 

he is yet to have seen officers who get commissions. But business is 

business, and he doesn’t want to let this nice contract slip away from 

him. . .On the same day, the “Hussar Oberleutnant László Inezédy” 

borrows a considerable sum from a waiter. A year and nine months in 

prison are the consequences. . . 

Straßnoff tries on a clerical role: as an “Evangelical pastor,” he 

swindles a series of antique dealers. Two years in prison. 

Hungary is becoming too confining for Straßnoff, he makes trips 

abroad, swindles hotels, plays cards in the train station (and “wins” 

every time), then becomes active as a marriage swindler, leaving debts 

behind everywhere and decamps.

His face is haggard and shows many deep wrinkles, his black hair is 

smoothly parted, his nose is sharp and prominent, his lips narrow and 

bloodless; under bushy eyebrows sit a pair of dark brown, cunning 

eyes. His hands are well-cared for and fine — the hands of a cardsharp 

and pickpocket — [52] his bearing is pleasantly relaxed, he wears in his 

button hole the blue ribbon of the Prussian Kronenorden, and he 

prefers to be called “Imperial Councilor Ludwig Bényei de 

Erdöbenye.” He achieves his craziest scam as “Russian Military 

Attaché” at the royal maneuvers in Köszeg, where he awards various 

contracts for the Russian army — naturally for commissions — to a host 

of blindly trusting suppliers. When the affair becomes known, all of 

Europe laughs. Are these people blind, then, that they don’t see the gray 

overalls of the prison inmate under the black tie or the uniform of the 

swindler? 

Now — it is not the fault of those who surround him, it is Straßnoff’s 

“dues”: he is an outstanding actor. In every role that he plays — 

clergyman, officer, bon vivant, official — he lives that role. Every 

word, each of his gestures, his clothing, all of this is “genuine.” And of 

the penitentiary, in which he has spent nearly one-and-a-half decades, 

one senses nothing at all. His conduct is irreproachable, his knowledge 

of languages and his general knowledge are astonishing. Even in prison 

Straßnoff was always playing a role, that of the contrite sinner. Since 

he is, in addition, intelligent and clever, always ready to perform any 

service with a smile, he understood how to avoid hard work and has 

read a lot and continued his education. No — one truly sees nothing of 

the prison in Straénoff. 

He shows up in Hamburg as a book dealer, later he passes himself off 

as a friend of the American Consul. With a forged letter from the 

Consul, he makes the rounds of all the Consulates in Hamburg, and 

borrows 200 Marks a piece at each. . . 

Straßnoff tarries for seven months in America as a “photographer” and 

five months in England. With his new knowledge and experience, he 

returns to Hungary, where he wishes to realize an entirely major coup

This time, the princes of the Hungarian Church will have contributions 

levied upon them. He takes the address book of Budapest and selects a 

suitable, fine-sounding name for himself. 

There now appears on the scene “Ministerial Councilor Géza 

Bértessy,” a high official in his mid-thirties, clever, gracious, well- 

bred, well-versed in Church affairs, much traveled, an educated man 

and man of the world. 

The Herr Ministerial Councilor first visits the Bishop of Nyitra. There 

it turns out that the real Géza Bértessy is a nephew of the Bishop. 

Straßnoff loses his composure for only an instant. For the Bishop is 

deaf, he’s 76 years old and his eyesight is not the best. He clasps the 

“nephew” to his heart and disgorges 2000 Kronen to him without 

hesitation — Straßnoff may look back with pride upon the long road 

from cigarettes stolen in a dilettantish way, [53] to loans from a bishop. 

He next relieves a friend of the Bishop of about 800 Kronen. 

The next victim is supposed to be the Bishop of Steinamanger. Here, 

too, the “Ministerial Councilor” is received most heartily and is 

permitted to move in the best society, to be the center of attention in 

the salons of the provincial nobility — which is pleasant but not very 

profitable. Following methods tried and tested many times, Straßnoff 

goes to work on the Bishop — at first, however, without success. The 

Bishop is a man of captivating courtliness but will not part with any 

cash. Yet even with him Straßnoff has success at last. He contrives a 

convoluted story, according to which a well-known aristocrat has 

contracted considerable debts but is now unable to pay them. A scandal 

by which even the highest official of the district, the Obergespan

would be affected, must, however, be prevented by any means, and the 

Minister himself had entrusted him, the Ministerial Councilor Bértessy, 

with the task of enlisting the participation of the Bishop in this discreet 

campaign. A faked telegram from the Minister to the “Ministerial 

Councilor” gives the impetus, and the Bishop is made lighter by about 

6000 Kronen. 

A short time afterward, Straßnoff was arrested in Vienna, but only 270 

Kronen were found on him — his passions were as posh and expensive 

as ever. 

He sat in prison for years, awaiting freedom with patience — in order to 

dedicate himself once again to the profession of imposture. He travels 

through Italy, visits Venice, Abbrazia, returning to Budapest in 

between. The small swindles which he commits there do not satisfy 

him, he would like to again risk a great coup: in Agram, the 

“Ministerial Councilor Berger von Waldeneck” appears at the 

Archbishop’s and gets received as representative of the government. 

By chance he is unmasked and must spend three years in the prison of 

Lepoglda — “Schönblick” ["beautiful view"] — an ironic-sounding 

name. He remains there eight years, for he then again perpetrates a 

fraud — some sort of black-marketing with furniture, which brings him 

an additional five years. When he emerges, he is an aging man, the 

World War is over, people have become mistrustful and smarter. 

Straßnoff establishes himself as a photographer — since then, no one 

has heard anything more from him, nothing except for his “memoirs,” 

in which he describes his life in the way he would have liked it to have 

been. . . 

Ignaz Straßnoff has been one of the most successful imposters of our 

time, and at the same time one of the most typical. In him are displayed 

with the greatest clarity the outstanding traits of the imposter [54] — the 

firm will not to work, coupled with theatrical talent. 

E. Wulffen(1) numbers among the most noteworthy peculiarities of the 

imposter: vanity, pleasure-seeking, capacity for auto-suggestion, vivid 

fantasy, presence of mind which rescues him even in dangerous 

situations, and boundless dishonesty. He describes the imposter in the 

following words: 

“For it is the deceiving, obliging demeanor, the open, honest eyes, the 

charming kindliness, the fine-sounding manner of speech, the nimble 

movements, the entire appearance with its enchanting and fascinating 

sense of certainty, the tasteful attire, at times even a costume in the 

shape of a uniform, the formal dress of a diplomat or the garments of a 

priest.” 

It is now easy to understand why so many Jews are to be found among 

imposters: their intellectual versatility, adaptability, their inborn 

aptitude for the art of pretence, their talent for imitation and copying 

(note the many Jewish actors and performers), not least of all their 

unscrupulousness, dishonesty, and the lack of a sense of right — all 

these are characteristics which they have in common with imposters. 

When the Jew appears today as a “Russian,” tomorrow as a “Pole,” 

then as a “Swede,” as a “Spaniard,” and as a “German” — this is 

political imposture which all of Jewry has developed over centuries 

into a high art of public deception. The Jew plays roles and deceives on 

principle, professionally, as a rule, not as an exception. That is the 

most important weapon of his existence and in his struggle for power. 

The diverse arts of imposture are extraordinarily manifold — starting 

with the little Jewish traveling salesman who makes himself out to be a 

bank director in order to commit a paltry fraud on a hotel, or the 

cunning marriage swindler whose target is the savings book of his 

bride, up to the international swindler who elicits money from 

credulous women and even takes in smart people in the business world. 

As businessman, estate owner, clergyman, soldier, rich private 

individual, traveling explorer, scholar, sportsman, honorable craftsman, 

honest farmer, artist, insurance agent, industrialist or engineer, the 

Jewish imposter appears equally adept, and of course just as he appears 

in the political arena as now a Democrat, then as a Socialist, then again 

as a Conservative and as a Liberal. 

The social sphere in which the imposter “works” is determined by his 

special capacities and inclinations: [55] Straßnoff played the role of 

aristocrat, but Ignaz Trebitsch, whose dynamic life shall be related 

here, was missionary, politician, adventurer and spy. 

Paks is a small Hungarian backwater, where the Danube rolls muddily 

and wearily through the broad Hungarian plains. There lived Nathan 

Trebitsch, a pious Jew — pious and rich. He bought up the grain 

harvested through the labor of Hungarian peasants, and shipped it on 

his own vessels. He had two daughters who should some day make 

wealthy marriages, and two sons — the one was supposed to become a 

banker but then succumbed to insanity; for the other son awaited the 

career of a teacher, a social democrat and — somewhere in America — 

the fate of an emigrant presumed dead. 

In 1879 a third son, Isaak (or “Ignaz”), was born to the old Trebitsch. 

Like the father, little Ignaz was also pious — three times a day he was 

in the synagogue, twice a week he fasted and he pursued the study of 

the Talmud with utmost zeal. His capacities are astounding — with the 

help of a tutor he learns in one year everything needed to be able to 

enter the fifth class of the gymnasium. At 16 years of age he declares 

absolutely that he wants to become an actor. An actor? Certainly. For 

Isaak Trebitsch is of the same blood and mentality as Straßnoff, as 

Salaban, as Finkelstein, as many other Jews who began on the stage, 

only to later try out their talents on their fellow men. 

The trade in grain is a thoroughly profitable business, and the old 

Trebitsch does not lack for money to send his son to Vienna, Dresden, 

Fiume, Paris, London — perhaps there he will forget about his plans for 

the theater. He does not forget them, and he gets his way. In Budapest 

he becomes an actor, though to be sure not for any length of time. His 

father must pay again, and Ignatz travels to North and South America.

He describes what he has seen there in the newspapers, in the 

genuinely Budapest manner — wittily, with a light touch, like a 

journalist and erotically tinged; he becomes a well-known journalist 

and tries to involve himself in politics. For the most part, a Jewish 

youth in Hungary has the prospect of two careers: actor or journalist. 

Trebitsch has now entered them both simultaneously and becomes a 

“politician.” 

Yet he is not satisfied. He has gotten to know the world, Hungary is too 

small for him. The Jewish blood in his veins impels him toward 

cosmopolitanism, and just for this reason he wishes to put aside the 

formal chains of his membership in the Mosaic religion. They could 

trouble him in a world which is still not entirely free of prejudice. It 

does not bother him that on this account he should break with his 

father; a sense of family is not numbered among his weaknesses. 

[56] In Hamburg he meets with Protestant missionaries who work 

among the Jews. There, he is baptized by his former racial comrade, a 

Dr. Frank. Religion Nr. 2. . . 

More than this, Trebitsch becomes a priest of the Irish Reformed 

Church and goes to Canada as a missionary, where he has to convert 

Jews who are immigrants there. His successes are sensational, for he 

has the whole Talmud in his head, he can turn every argument around 

exactly as well as his opponents, can prove anything and also refute 

anything. He sits with his Jews for hours at a time, speech and counter- 

speech resound, they all take delight in the most impossible subtleties 

and hair-splitting. As they are accustomed to do at the cheder(1), they 

begin to rock their upper bodies and their voices become sing-song. 

The best at dialectics, the cleverest Jew is Trebitsch, and the converted 

Jews become more and more numerous. 

Then comes the great schism: Trebitsch demands free room and board 

and 85 Dollars salary, but the church committee wants to approve only 

65 Dollars for him, and besides, his activity is supposed to be under 

their control. Trebitsch is outraged, he flings the door shut — and goes 

over to the rival. In the shortest time, he converts to Anglican high- 

church, which has placed the desired dollars under his supervision. 

Trebitsch is now 35 years old and already has his third religion; he 

believes neither in life after death, nor is he far from denying that 

there’s a God at all, this priest Trebitsch. 

One year later, he’s already in England, knows how to court the favor 

of the Archbishop of Canterbury and becomes the pastor in Appledore, 

in the county of Kent. For Trebitsch and his wife there now follow 

months of peaceful and quiet living: church services, baptisms, burials, 

pastoral visits, and now and then an invitation from a neighboring 

squire. That’s all. No change, no “intellectual interests.” No possibility 

of playing a great role, of creating a sensation, of earning a lot of 

money — in short, it’s no life for Trebitsch. The “pastor” can hardly 

endure this peaceful existence, he thinks with longing of the “world,” 

recalls his glittering journalistic period, again studies politics and 

economics. For three years already he has occupied himself as a 

clergyman — it is not to be borne, this role is too heavy a burden for 

him. 

Then a great piece of luck comes along — a legacy, a sufficiently large 

inheritance. Not one moment does Trebitsch hesitate. He hangs his 

clerical skirts on a nail, goes to London [57] and establishes himself. 

The 24-year-old Hungarian Jew is ambitious — he wants to become a 

member of the most venerable of all parliaments, the English one. And 

why not? He is clever, nimble, adaptable and has money. Only one 

impediment stands in his way, the Jewish name. He’s done with that in 

no time. Isaak Trebitsch, whose grandfather was still called 

Schlesinger, transforms himself into a genuinely English “Timothy 

Lincoln-Trebitsch.” He finds a suitable start with members of the 

Temperance movement, at whose disposal he puts his oratorical 

abilities. Then he gets on close terms with a philanthropist and figure 

of heavy industry. On his behalf, he makes extended trips and pursues 

legislative studies. A travel office is organized, prominent scholars 

labor under Trebitsch’s charge — a comprehensive work concerning 

legislation is prepared. 

All of this brings Trebitsch into contact with numerous politicians, and 

in 1910 he manages to offer himself as the Liberal candidate at the 

elections. His fiery temperament, his sparkling wit, his biting sarcasm 

make an impression on the voters — he becomes a Member of 

Parliament. 

A fabulous ascent! Trebitsch is 31 years old, tall, has clever black eyes, 

full lips, the regular face of the Sephardic Western Jew. He is an 

irreproachable gentleman, British to his fingertips, clever, well-read, of 

the best manners, an efficient organizer, a very good speaker and a 

feared opponent. He has reached the zenith of his life, which up until 

now has been, to be sure, unusual and erratic, but not criminal.

Could he but tame his inner restlessness, had he more perseverance, he 

would be justified in hoping for a further, still more glorious rise. But 

he does not want to and he cannot: he has neither ideals nor higher 

goals in life, he knows no boundaries, only one thing urges him on — to 

constantly appear in new, glittering roles and to procure for himself 

money and power. 

One critical turning point is noticeable in his life. Parliament no longer 

interests him. He is still the English gentleman, but he shifts his 

activity to Galicia. There, a homelike breeze blows, there a man can 

speculate on oil, earn a lot of money but make still more in profits. 

When were the times when Trebitsch would become upset over 25 

Dollars? Now it’s a matter of hundreds of thousands, indeed, even 

millions. He dedicates all of his free time to the Galician oil fields, a 

band of middle-men, brokerage house salesmen and men on 

commission, of brokers, lawyers; racketeers, half [58] criminals and 

entirely swindlers, accompany him — people called Rosenthal and 

Rosenblum, Pinsker and Jontefsohn. Trebitsch thaws in their society. 

Finally, he has “people” around him with whom he can speak without 

having to mince words, among whom he can be himself — a Jew who 

wants to do business. Almost forgotten is the mask of “Timothy” — the 

ugly face of Isaak now grins brazenly. 

Money quickly accumulates in Trebitsch’s hands, but the war tears 

apart all threads. 

Trebitsch, of course, is a “Briton,” he wants to have nothing in 

common either with Germans or with Hungarians, he places himself at 

the disposal of his election district, to fight the “Huns.” That shouldn’t 

mean that he would be prepared to risk his life on the battlefield — no, 

being a soldier is not a Jewish calling. But he pledges to censor letters 

written in the German or Hungarian languages. 

Nevertheless, Trebitsch comes under suspicion. People say that he’s a 

spy, sideways glances follow him in his club, there are whispers behind 

his back. Trebitsch flees to America. And now something unexpected 

occurs, he emerges in one fell swoop as a passionate hater of the 

English. Having hardly landed in New York, he writes a series of 

articles in which he ascribes to England the sole guilt for the World 

War, and besmirches his “second home” with deadly hatred. He 

himself says the following of these articles: “I let loose, I invented the 

craziest fairy tales, so that cold chills of horror ran down the spines of 

the readers. No word of it was true.”

This sudden hatred for England, where he had made the climb to 

become a respected and rich man, would be hard to understand for any 

non-Jew. For the Jew Trebitsch, however, the hate was natural — 

whether against England or Germany is immaterial. As a Jew, he surely 

hated both equally. 

He lived fifteen years among gentlemen and was compelled for the 

sake of his career to share their way of life, to imitate their view of 

things, which stood in the strongest contradiction to the instincts of a 

Jewish vagabond and imposter. For fifteen years he had to suppress his 

real self — his blind “rage against England” (his own words) was the 

reaction to the suppression of his true nature, the repression of his 

instincts. For too long the imposter had to mimic the respectable, the 

Jew the Britons. . . 

Trebitsch was arrested at the instigation of England and charged with 

espionage and forgeries. In 1915 he arrives [59] in jail for the first 

time, an American jail. Soon he is a good friend with the professional 

criminals who have been arrested and is able to learn much from them. 

In his memoirs, he recalls this time not without comfort — these were 

lads with whom one could be of one heart and soul. He offers to 

decipher encrypted telegrams for the authorities. This brings him 

various sorts of easing [in his conditions] and he is permitted to visit 

the city and he uses the opportunity for champagne drinking bouts with 

prostitutes in bars and Kaschemmen. Eleven years ago he was a pastor, 

five years ago a Member of Parliament, hardly a year ago a rich oil 

field owner. All is forgotten; he sits between safe-crackers and pimps, a 

heavily made up woman of the streets upon his knee, with corks 

popping. Long live a life of fun! 

In 1916 he is handed over to England. For the forging of some bills he 

receives a sentence of three years imprisonment. Prison — that sounds 

terrible! In reality, Trebitsch becomes “sick,” enters the hospital where 

he lives for nearly the entire time in a spacious, bright room with steam 

heat. Trebitsch has never lacked for cleverness and the art of 

dissimulation. . . 

In 1919 he gains his freedom and is expelled from England. He reaches 

Berlin. There, he writes articles and takes an interest in politics. To 

whom should he attach himself now? To the Left? No, there are 

already so may Jews there, and besides, Trebitsch does not believe in 

the stability of a parliamentary regime in Germany. He decides to try 

his luck with the Right. He gets to know Colonel Bauer, makes trips to 

Doorn and Wieringen, but is received neither by the Kaiser nor the 

Crown Prince, he offers his services everywhere, makes plans and 

hopes to arrange an alliance of the German monarchists with Soviet 

Russia on the one hand, and the Russian monarchists on the other hand, 

becomes interested in financial issues, appears everywhere without 

being invited, and his self- assurance is so great that one doesn’t know 

what to do with this Hungarian Jew who bears the English name 

Lincoln. 

The Kapp-Putsch takes place. Trebitsch forces his way into the 

Reichskanzlei [Chancellery of the Reich], finds an empty room, 

establishes himself there with the greatest coolness and names himself 

Press Chief of the new government. Unfortunately, the next day it is 

suggested to him in unmistakable terms that he should disappear. 

Trebitsch follows the advice, disappears and surfaces again — in 

Munich. He tells of his “decisive role” in the Kapp-Putsch, invents a 

thousand tales, forges new plans, makes himself the center of attention, 

although nobody wants to take him seriously. [60] His newest plan is 

“to kindle a counter-revolutionary movement,” whose center is 

supposed to be located in Budapest. Conspiracies of great moment 

require much money. From where to get it? Trebitsch is not at a loss 

for a way out — he gets everything ready to print false Soviet bank 

notes: paper, colored inks, presses. In prison he has learned many a 

useful thing about counterfeiting. 

However, something goes wrong with the execution of Trebitsch’s 

plan. There are petty jealousies and bickering, Trebitsch is not granted 

the role which he claims for himself. One day it comes to an open 

break, and Trebitsch makes straightaway for the director of the French 

intelligence service, Muzet. Trebitsch has already changed religions 

and nationalities so many times that a change in his political 

“orientation” does not strike him as the least bit difficult. Trebitsch 

reports on his conversation with Herr Muzet in the following classic 

words: 

       “Muzet offered me 25,000 Czech Kronen. 

       I turned him down. 

       He raised the offer to 50,000. This I took. 

       What else should I have done?” 

What other recourse is a Jew supposed to have? 

The collaboration with the French, however, doesn’t thrive; they even 

threaten him with prison. Thereupon Trebitsch goes to the Czechs and 

offers them documents for a half-million Kronen. Under a “safe 

conduct” he travels to Prague, composes a memorandum there of 58 

pages and receives 200,000 Kronen payment. The Czechs make 

difficulties over the promised balance of 300,000 Kronen, and 

Trebitsch has the gall to sue the Czech government! The Czechs 

respond with a charge of fraud — Trebitsch’s documents are supposed 

to be forged. He is arrested but his opponents do not succeed in 

bringing forward valid proof of forgery, and the proceedings are 

stopped. 

Trebitsch now decides to abandon ungrateful Europe to realize a long- 

cherished plan and goes to China, to work there “as reorganizer, for I 

had selected this profession for myself.” His goal is the province of 

Szechuan, on the border of Tibet. After a few days, he teams up with a 

Chinese General and begins with the conquest of a province. Then he 

becomes an advisor to General Wu Pei Fu and promises him to obtain a 

loan in Europe. Trebitsch travels to Italy with great pomp, now 

promoted to “ambassador.” Trebitsch is in his element, he can conduct 

business, [61] tell fabulous stories, boast of his successes, spy and 

collect intelligence. He has a few Chinese along, he’s dressed them in 

uniforms dripping with gold braidings, and he passes them off as high- 

ranking Chinese officials. Yet now Trebitsch makes a fool of himself 

in the most pathetic fashion. A small furniture manufacturer from 

Vienna introduces himself as representative of a “consortium of banks” 

and negotiates with Trebitsch over a loan of 25 million Dollars — for 

which Trebitsch promises every possible and impossible concession. 

Nothing comes of the whole thing, for the Viennese gentleman 

possesses not one red cent. The master of all imposters has come across 

a still greater swindler. Trebitsch must return to China without having 

achieved anything, but beforehand he is arrested in Zürich on account 

of a passport offense. 

Trebitsch is tired; he is also discredited due to his failure — he enters a 

Buddhist monastery. There a heavy blow of fate meets him. His son 

John, who was living in London, is hanged as a murderer (it is 

supposed to have been a case of the fatal blow being struck under 

conditions of drunkenness). 

Trebitsch restlessly wanders through China for several years, from time 

to time he visits Europe, he writes well-paid articles and memoirs 

which are sensational beyond all measure, is arrested now and then and 

pushed over the border. He finally finds peace again in a Buddhist 

monastery. He adopts a new, the fourth (or is it the fifth?) religion and 

becomes abbot of the Monastery of the Sublime Inspiration. Yet it is 

claimed(1) that this peace is only an apparent one. 

That is the astonishing life of Isaak Trebitsch. In which transformations 

is it yet to appear? 

The personality of Trebitsch is extraordinarily interesting. Certainly he 

is lacking in perseverance and inner equanimity, but just this imbalance 

in his being allows the typical characteristics of the Jew to stand out in 

him with especial boldness. He possesses brilliant capabilities. 

Instantly he can grasp a strange concept or work out a plan. His 

adaptability to his environment permits him, as needed, to appear now 

as a Hungarian, then as an Englishman, as a German, even as a zealot 

of the Chinese revolution, without seeming inauthentic in this. He 

knows no mother-tongue, no fatherland, no religion, he is a chameleon, 

ever changing, ever adapting himself; with equal success he can play 

the role of the industrialist, of the missionary, of the politician, of the 

conspirator — he has no nature of his own, no faith of his own, no 

personality of his own, for it might be that kind of personality [62] 

which is displayed among Galician speculators or in the Kaschemmen 

of New York. Trebitsch is no dangerous criminal, like Straßnoff, with 

whom he has in common theatrical talent, but his unscrupulousness in 

the selection of means is unlimited, it gives him no trouble to appear as 

a forger, spy or counterfeiter and to cross over into the realm of the 

criminal. His temperament is restless and fierce, ha allows himself to 

be carried away into acts of impulse — in his memoirs (1) the 

expression “Ich war wütend” ["I was enraged"] occurs again and again. 

He is incapable of a creative thought, but inimitable on the other hand 

in the utilization of foreign concepts. At all times and everywhere, his 

own ego is an end in itself and the single absolute measure of all 

things. Uncreative but clever, rootless, deceitful and versatile — that is 

Trebitsch, the Jew. 

And so is another Jew — the third in the series of the great imposters of 

the present — Finkelstein, born in Bialystok. A master in the art of 

dissimulation and of the Lie, without scruples, greedy for power and 

worldly-wise, fundamentally at heart a coward and cruel — this wanted- 

poster type of summation is true not only of Ignaz Straßnoff and 

Trebitsch-Lincoln, but also of Finkelstein, presently Foreign Minister 

of the Soviet Union. 

Environment and circumstances allowed Straßnoff become an 

adventurer of business, Trebitsch an adventurer of religion, and 

Finkelstein an adventurer of politics. There is no great distinction 

whether Straßnoff appears as “Ministerial Councilor Géza Bérthesy” or 

Finkelstein as “His Excellency Litvinov.” Only the results are different, 

perhaps also the extent of the harm caused, in which the political 

imposter Finkelstein surpasses all Jewish swindlers up to this point. 

There is no essential difference between these Jewish crooks, merely a 

difference in the manner and fashion and in the extent of the deception. 

An exact investigation of all sources accessible up to now yields the 

following picture of that “Red Diplomat”(2): 

Meier Wallach’s origin, like the majority of the Bolshevists, is that of 

an Eastern Jew. His parents presumably lived in the ghetto of 

Bialytok. Of his siblings, five, who all bear different family names, 

have become known. 

[63] His eldest brother Leo has been living since 1905, the year of the 

first revolution, in San Francisco and practices the honest profession of 

a presser of gentlemen’s clothing there in 4th Avenue, Number 628. He 

explains that ‘our actual family name was Polyansky, but my brother 

Maxim, who was regarded from his earliest youth as a personality cut 

out for politics, settled arbitrarily on the name of Meier Wallach for 

this reason. But when he fled to Germany after that, he had suddenly 

become Gustav Graff, while he was still then called Litvinov. In any 

case, as far as I know, he never has borne the name Finkelstein(1).’ 

However, his sister calls herself Esther Finkelstein. Things are going 

quite badly for her, since a year ago her landlord in Warsaw put her out 

on the street because she was not able to pay a hundred Marks arrears. 

She complained then very much about the fact that her great brother 

did not want to give her any help at all(2). 

Before the war, still a second sister was living in Ireland. This was 

Rebekka. She always took Wallach in when things became too hot for 

him in England. What she is doing today is unfortunately not known. 

On the other hand, the name of a further brother has appeared in all the 

newspapers. This is Saveley (Salomon), of whom we will be speaking 

more closely. 

The third brother answers to the name of a Rabbi Yankel Wallach and 

lives in Bialystok, Lodz and Warsaw in succession. But brother 

Yankel, an older, dirty rabbi with earlocks, claims to know the exact 

name of his brother. In reality, he is called Meier Moises Wallach — 

where Meier is supposed to mean ‘light.’ Yankel, to whom the sad 

earthly lot has fallen, as a poor rabbi, of caring for the welfare of the 

soul of his worldly brother, one day runs to the train station in order to 

cadge from his brother, the Comrade People’s Commissar, on his 

passage through [town]. ‘Meier, Meier!’ he calls across the blocked-off 

station, and he actually is allowed to walk with him for a few minutes 

across the platform. Too bad, too bad, he speaks so much about money, 

which the powerful Meier Wallach has got to have, that the latter 

finally presents him with a cigar and then gets on with his departure in 

a blazing hurry. Concealed by a cohort of select bodyguards, Meier 

Wallach leaves for Geneva as Litvinov(3). 

But he will be speaking there on disarmament issues, about the Soviet 

‘definition of the aggressor,’ while in the Soviet Union [64] the Red 

Army of the Revolution grows and grows, in order to be able to stand 

by to assist at an overthrow in other countries at the suitable moment. 

But of course that will not be ‘war,’ there will be no aggressor whom 

one could define, rather the ‘army of peasants and workers’ would be 

only undertaking a military stroll. Then Yankel must once again 

complain about the greed of his brother Meier, for he once turned to 

him for some support when he was sick. After a long wait he finally 

received the answer from the Secretary of Litvinov, that Comrade 

Minister Litvinov was not in a position to take money across the 

border. Also, the son of Rabbi Yankel, Axriel Wallach, who even went 

to Moscow personally, was rebuffed in no uncertain terms by ‘Tanya,’ 

the daughter of Meier. 

This is the milieu from which Meier Walach came. It has come in very 

handy to him, for just the most dangerous of the Bolshevists, 

Menscheviki and the ‘Social’-Revolutionaries, come from the ghettos of 

the Lithuanian, Polish, and South Russian cities. They understand one 

another. In the secret gatherings of conspirators, in which the most 

cowardly assassination attempts were prepared, a society met which 

also completely belonged together organically and as whose general 

prototype Wallach is to be regarded. He was one of the most active of 

the conspirators. He was already traveling around Europe then, with 

the money which the poor peasants of the Caucuses had collected. Karl 

Woltz, one of the detectives of the Ochrana, tells how in 1902/03 he 

often stood in front of a small hotel in the Neustädtische Kirchstraße in 

Berlin, in order to day and night watch over a ‘seriously rich Russian’ 

of the name of Wallach. ‘Yes, Wallach, who later adopted the name 

Litvinov, was then a leader of the Russian terrorists who supplied 

funds to his people in Berlin. It wasn’t my mission to make as many 

arrests as possible, but rather to follow the secret threads which led 

from one European capital to another in the Russian nihilist 

organizations(1).’ 

Brother Yankel can tell how Wallach, after performance of his military 

duty in a regiment of the Caucasus (which now is called the Litvinov- 

Regiment) began working in a string factory. There he was already 

‘drawing the threads’ of the revolt from one center of the conspirators to 

another, until he was finally arrested. During his two-year stay in 

prison, he got to know two other Jews, Rosenfeld (Kamenev) and 

Apfelbaum (Sinovyev) and became familiar with the ‘conceptual world’ 

of Bolshevism. He [65] escaped in the course of a prison revolt. He 

traveled home, just as today, under a false name. Meier was pardoned 

under a general amnesty and then worked in a sugar factory of the 

wealthy Baron Ginsburg (one of the ‘friends’ of Rasputin!), who soon 

named his racial comrade Director with a salary of 20,000 Marks. 

There Socialism stopped even for Meier. That he was continuing to 

support his former friends with money, however, was finally 

discovered and Meier went to prison for a second time. He remained 

there thirteen months and then began his great travels to Germany, into 

Switzerland and to Paris, where he finally became a member of the 

conspiracy against the world, with Bronstein (Trotsky), and Ulyanov 

(Lenin). Wallach-Litvinov was later active as treasurer of the terrorist 

organization and shifted his residency to England for a long time(1). 

Wallach spent the entire time after his arrest in the activities typical of 

the Bolshevist: organization of conspiracy, illegal purchase and 

transport of weapons, preparation of attempted assassinations for 

whose performance he himself had not the courage. The Bolshevist 

Jewess S. M. Posner has collected several things in her book, Die erste 

Kampforganisation der Bolschewiki [The First Fighting Organization 

of the Bolshevists] which can serve as documentary proof of the 

Bolshevist conspiracy. Litvinov-Wallach himself draws up a picture in 

it of his activity, which throws a defining light upon his character and 

simultaneously proves that his ‘politics’ of today are only the 

continuation of the old, with different means. Litvinov-Wallach is 

speaking here: 

‘. . .In the summer of 1905, Burenin came to me at Riga and imparted 

to me that Gapon, along with the social-revolutionaries, was loading 

weapons on a steamer (John Grafton) in a Scottish harbor, without 

having taken the trouble to arrange for their reception.’ 

To this, Posner remarks that, in the correspondence of Lenin and 

Krupskaya with the revolutionary organizations, the following letter 

from Riga appears from ‘Felix’ (Litvinov) in the year 1905, concerning 

the question of the delivery of the weapons (Archives of the Lenin 

Institute, Letter Nr. 691): 

’26 September. Dear Friends! The thought haunts me about the delivery 

of the weapons. I could keep the previous roads completely open for 

the weapons, but where is one supposed to get the money? I am ready 

to sell my soul to the devil for the cursed metal. . .However, rifles, 

especially collapsible Mauser rifles, are necessary. Pyroxilin and 

explosives [66] we’re able to get through our artillery soldiers. The 

company of [military] miners in the fortress is for us and thirsts for 

battle. . .’ 

Litvinov continues: 

‘The social-revolutionaries applied to the Central Committee of our 

Party for help, and Burenin has now brought me the order from the 

Central Committee to take the matter in hand. 

After a study of the map of the Baltic, I have decided to go around the 

open harbor and make for the island of Nargo in the vicinity of Reval. I 

immediately went to the island, walked around it, and determined the 

numerical strength of the border post there as well as the conditions of 

the watch. . .We assigned to ourselves a reliable group of students and 

workers out of Petersburg and Reval and proceeded to get to work. . 

.At night, armed with spades, we made for the shore, dug out a pit, 

covered it with brushwood and over that with earth. Everyone worked 

as colleagues. . .We did not have long to work. After one week the 

information reached us that the John Grafton had smashed up in the 

Finnish shoals.’ 

A certain J. Luter, who in Posner’s book supplies a contribution to the 

same affair, makes a still more interesting remark about how the 

German Marxists stand on the issue of the weapons smuggling and the 

arrested comrades. ‘In August 1906, when a certain failure ensued in 

Hamburg, three men, with Sute at their head, were arrested. . .Since the 

bills of lading on which the weapons had been dispatched had not been 

intercepted and the police had merely documentary evidence 

concerning the sale of the weapons, those arrested were able to be set 

free with the help of Karl Liebknecht and were brought to Denmark.’ 

(1) 

They were all hand-in-glove. But all the top people, for example 

Ulyanov (Vladimir Illyitch Lenin) had directly participated as well. In 

a footnote of the same book we read: ‘According to the recollections of 

N. Burenin, this was the situation: When L. Krassin learned that the 

Social-Revolutionaries were proposing to take over the reception of the 

weapons from the steamer John Grafton, and that Gapon, who at the 

time was living abroad, was playing a large role in this affair, he sent 

N. Burenin to Vladimir Illyitch in Geneva. After he had received his 

instructions from Vladimir Illyitch, Burenin journeyed to London 

where he met with Gapon.’ 

It is also proven that Litvinov-Wallach had met with the Jewish 

conspirator, criminal and [67] provocateur, notorious throughout the 

whole world, Asev, who will also still claim our attention. Posner 

determines that ‘the persons involved were, on the Finnish side, Konni 

Zilliaukus (activist), and on the Russian side, the social- 

Revolutionaries Asev and Rutenberg.’In this entire affair, the 

provocateur Asev was the predominant participant on the side of the 

Social- Revolutionaries.(1)’ Konni Zilliaukus remarks in addition: 

‘Naturally Asev took part in all these consultations, he was not only 

privy to all the details of the plans which had been worked out, but he 

also knew the assignment of every single participant.’ 

The name Asev is typical for the whole milieu of conspirators, 

criminals, traitors, Jews and informers in which Wallach moved and 

was active. What purpose, then, did this trafficking in weapons serve? 

This, too, Posner’s book tells us. The general plan was this: Weapons 

and equipment were supposed to be brought by a freighter to a 

previously agreed upon point of the Finnish Gulf, the freight unloaded 

there onto two other ships and sent to Petersburg. In all, 12,000 men 

were supposed to be provided with arms. In order to divert the police, 

cottages were supposed to be set afire and Czarist castles in the vicinity 

of Petersburg were supposed to be blown up as the signal for the 

revolt. In this undertaking, a total of 15,000 rifles, 3000 revolvers and 

several tons of dynamite were transported. When everything had gone 

wrong, ‘Felix’ (Litvinov(2)) writes: 

‘If we had had the money (100,000 Rubles) which the Finns and Social- 

Revolutionaries have handed out for their unlucky ship, we would have 

been able to make our reception of the weapons more secure. . .I 

traveled to one little island and arranged there unloading places for at 

least a schooner, but the ship never came at the agreed upon time and 

turned up one month later somewhere in Finnish waters. The end [of all 

this] is naturally known to you from the newspapers. The devil knows 

how much this hurts!’ 

Litvinov-Wallach tells in the aforesaid book of yet another weapons 

transport in the year 1906. It was completed in the same fashion as the 

one described. We therefore cite it using just a few words. After the 

crushing of the first Bolshevist revolt in Moscow, Wallach lived [68] 

on the passport of a Ludwig Wilhelmovitch Nitz and managed the 

Bolshevist ‘Novaya Shizny.’ When this was forbidden, he fled abroad. 

Krassin (‘Nikititsch’) proposed to him, as an assignment from the 

Central Committee, that he either organize lectures for Maxim Gorky 

in the U.S.A. or take in hand the further building up of the weapons 

smuggling for the Trans-Caucasus. It’s characteristic that Wallach 

chose the latter. Based in Paris, he looked to buy some thousand rifles, 

Mauser and Mannlicher, some dozen machine guns and handguns as 

well as ammunition. In Hamburg, under the mask of an officer of the 

Republic of Ecuador, he made a connection with a Danish officer and 

bought machine guns. In this he was supported by B. S. Stomonyakov, 

then studying in Lüttich, by Camille Huysmans, who was at that time 

Secretary of the Second Internationale, and by De Bruker and Luter. 

The last named, who was then living in Germany under the name 

Eugene Pierre, reports in another place of the same book concerning 

the purchase of weapons. Litvinov asked him at that time to provide 

accommodations for himself, ‘Budu,’ ‘Kamo,’ and a ‘bald-headed 

Menshevist’ in Berlin. Luter lodged the last two in an inn of dubious 

quality in Elsässe Straße, the others in the Hotel ‘Zum roten Adler‘ ['at 

the red eagle'] in Friedrichstraße. There were then in Hamburg 500 

Mauser pistols, 9 machine guns, 1000 kg of dynamite and 3 million 

carbine cartridges bought. Luter further says: 

‘Even in this purchase, Maxim Litvinov participated as an officer of the 

Republic of Ecuador and as a member of the commission. As a 

souvenir he shot up his handkerchief with a machine gun. Did Maxim 

Maximovitch keep this memento?’ 

We believe that Litvinov-Wallach has in the meantime bought a new 

handkerchief, to wipe the sweat from his brow when he reads this 

report. 

Litvinov-Wallach further reports that he got the permission of the 

Bulgarian government, via the Macedonian revolutionaries and one of 

their leaders, Naum Tufektschieff, to send the weapons across Varna to 

Armenia, ostensibly in support of the Armenians against the Turks. A 

well-known Berlin transport office was successful in shipping the 

weapons out of Belgium and Germany across Austria-Hungary. 

Litvinov visited nearly all the harbors of Holland, Belgium, France, 

Italy and Austria-Hungary and finally bought in Fiume a yacht for 

30,000 Francs. By an almost unbelievable ‘mishap,’ this ship also 

smashed up on the Romanian coast. 

[69] Other undertakings were more successful for the Bolshevists. It’s 

known that in July 1907, Stalin himself executed a raid on a bank 

transport in Tiflis, at which 32 men were killed and 250,000 Rubels 

were looted. Litvinov-Wallach, who was careful to keep himself far 

from such dangerous enterprises, was arrested on 18 January 1908 

together with his companion, Fanny Yanpolska, at the North train 

station in Paris, while attempting to secure and exchange the bank 

notes from the robbery. He was then calling himself by the ‘French’ 

name of Wallach-Meer(1). 

We remember well, how the Foreign Commissar Litvinov spoke before 

the Committee of the People’s Alliance in December 1934 on the 

subject of ‘basic arguments concerning terrorism.’ He ‘rejected’ this 

‘political means’ as ‘senseless and harmful’ and as a member of the 

Soviet government, he stood opposed to it ‘with outrage and disgust.’ 

What grotesqueness there is in the fact that serious politicians of the 

world allow a Jew to say this to them, who not only has practiced 

terrorism to the full himself, but also represents a ‘state’ to whose 

imperialistic doctrine for spreading itself, the use of the political means 

of terrorism in every country in the world still belongs today and today 

especially. 

During the war, Wallach remained in England, married the well-to-do 

Ivy Low there and got himself naturalized under the name Litvinov, 

after had been calling himself Finkelstein in recent years. After the 

collapse of the Czarist regime, he became the main agent of the 

unrelenting efforts of the Soviets to insert themselves into official 

politics and to so influence the government, that it would tolerate the 

Communist effort at overthrowing [it] with as little resistance as 

possible. At first, the obstacles to the intervention of Wallach in major 

political affairs appeared to be insurmountable. When he finally 

exchanged his activities as book printer and travelling salesman in 

London for those of a Soviet diplomat, Litvinov went to Denmark in 

1919. But the small state then refused the Soviet envoy hotel lodgings. 

England as well had not recognized his appointment to the 

ambassadorship in 1918. Then Litvinov spoke more publicly. In a letter 

of recommendation for the known English agent Lockhart, he wrote to 

Trotsky:(2) 

[70] ‘I finally have the possibility of making the acquaintance of 

representatives of the workers’ movement. I have been publishing in all 

the Socialist papers an appeal to the English workers.’ 

It is also typical that Lockhart, in order to meet with Litvinov, went 

above Rex Leeper, to Rotstein (both Jews), who was then a translator 

in the English War Ministry and who later became Soviet envoy in 

Tehran. Here the lines of espionage and of Bolshevist agency — with 

and without diplomatic status — come into contact. 

How the ‘acquaintanceship’ of Wallach with the English workers was 

seen, emerges from a little scene which was played off between the 

Prince of Wales and Litvinov. After the Prince had attended a football 

match, a delegation of war veterans pushed their way through to him, 

led by a somewhat un-English-looking man. The latter immediately 

began a typical agitator’s speech against the Capitalists in such a rude 

manner that they wanted to throw him out. The Prince of Wales at last 

inquired as to what regiment he had served with. Without answering, 

he continued his speech. Again the Prince asked the question, so that 

finally the veterans themselves intervened and forced Litvinov — for it 

was he — to answer. This amounted to the naturalized Eastern Jew 

vanishing with all possible haste(1). 

Nevertheless, Litvinov kept pushing propaganda tirelessly. For 

example, in 1919, he published a brochure via the publishing house of 

the British Socialist Party: The Bolshevist Revolution, its Development 

and Significance, in which he reduced the hundreds of thousands 

murdered in the Soviet Union to 500 and at the same time gave such a 

detailed presentation of the overthrow, that any English worker could 

use it as instructions for treason against his country. 

In 1919 Litvinov was arrested. After he was released, he went as Soviet 

envoy to Estonia and afterwards became Deputy Foreign Commissar 

of the Soviet Union under Tchitscherin. He wanted to return to 

England several times but received no travel permit. Even when he was 

supposed to be officially named ambassador in London in 1924, he 

again received a refusal. Only much later did the English government 

change its attitude, when Wallach became Foreign Commissar in 1930. 

The same Litvinov, who earlier had to be arrested, was then permitted, 

as is known, to receive Eden [71] in Moscow and to propose a cheer 

for the English King. The same Bolshevists who had bestially 

murdered the cousin of the King, the Russian Czar, and his family, and 

who at the same time are making every effort to bring revolution to the 

British colonial empire and separate it from its motherland, struck up 

God Save the King. Afterward, it was also not taken to be offensive 

that Wallach walked behind the casket of the King, while his comrade 

of the Humanité published base comments about the solemnities.(1) 

The English writer Karmell tells how, after a visit with His Excellency 

Litvinov at his splendid villa near Moscow, she had met him there, to 

play cards with his children Mischa and Tanya. The play consisted in 

that person being the winner who was best able to cheat without being 

caught. Papa had been the best at it up till now, and at the end of each 

play one heard the children yell enthusiastically ‘Papa Swindler, Papa 

Swindler!’ 

But Maxim Litvinov is certainly more than “only” a swindler. 

The mysterious murder of Dimitri Navashin in Paris on 28 January 

1937 has again directed the attention of the entire world upon the 

international criminal organization of the Bolshevist Checka. Navashin 

was in no sense a “Russian” or even an anti-Bolshevist White emigrant, 

as the press claimed, but rather in all probability a full-blooded Jew 

with the past typical of such a person. Navashin began his filthy career, 

as have so many Jews, during the war with the central management of 

the Red Cross in Petersburg, by which he achieved, above all else, 

freedom from military service. Presumably in collaboration with the 

infamous Rasputin-pimp Simanovitch, he was active as a war profiteer 

and contributed much money toward keeping his racial comrades from 

the dangers of the trenches, in that he obtained for them exemption 

certificates of various kinds. Shortly before the Revolution, we meet 

Navashin in Stockholm, as a member of the commission which dealt 

with the exchange of prisoners of war — in complete safety and in 

possession of a great deal of currency. 

[72] After the triumph of the Bolshevists, this Jewish citizen of the 

demi-monde is named director of the Soviet bank in Paris and manages 

the “Banc du Pays du Nord.” At that time he in all probability was 

already a Freemason. In his three- fold capacity as Jew, Freemason, 

and bank “director” he becomes the typical “Métèque,” who soon has a 

“brotherly” relationship with the French deputies and ministers and 

becomes an initiate of the ruling Paris clique. 

With good reason, with the reporting of the Navashin case, the 

attention of the public was drawn to the remarkable coincidence of the 

murder of Navashin with the kidnapping of the White General 

Kutiepov seven years ago. But what is more strange, one fundamental 

fact did escape it, which shows the whole affair in its proper light. The 

kidnapping of the General Kutiepov occurred on 28 January 1930 on 

the day when the sensational trial of Saveliy Litvinov-Wallach, the 

brother of the Foreign Commissar of the Soviet Union, ended with the 

acquittal of Litvinov. And yet a third event falls, even more strangely, 

on the same day: the judgement against Radek-Sobelsohn, Sokolnikov- 

Brilliant, Arnold and consorts in Moscow, in the familiar second 

“Trotsyite trial.” All of these four events fall upon the same day. Even 

with this, the presumed connections between all of these things, as 

disgusting as they are frightening, are still not exhausted. Navashin was 

a Freemason and was murdered in a classically Masonic manner, with 

a stiletto. And Radek-Sobelsohn was a Freemason and maintained his 

connection to the “Grand Orient” [well-known Masonic lodge], to 

which Navashin also belonged. The accused, who gave the 

incriminating testimony in Moscow, the adventurer Arnold, was 

according to his own statement likewise a Freemason. The third 

defendant in the Moscow trial, Sokolnikov-Brilliant, was Soviet 

ambassador in Paris at just the time of the Litvinov Affair. Remarkable, 

that exactly these three, Radek, Arnold, and Sokolnikov, were not 

sentenced to death but went into exile. And now the most important 

thing of all: Navashin was the one who “uncovered” the alleged 

counterfeiting of Saveliy Litvinov and thus got the trial going seven 

years ago. As is known, it then dealt with the matter of the round sum 

of 200,000 English Pounds (= 25,000,000 Franks), a considerable 

amount, which was supposed to be applied to Communist propaganda 

abroad. As the French court found, the notes were issued by Saveliy 

Wallach-Litvinov on orders of the Soviets themselves in Moscow, 

when he was still an employee of the Soviets. 

[73] For example, the witness Aaronsohn said so: “Before my 

departure from Moscow in the year 1926, I went to Litvinov, who was 

living on the Kusnetsky bridge. Litvinov issued the bills directly. Two 

notes were lying on the table, very near me. The one was made out for 

5000 Pounds, the other in the amount of 10,000 Pounds. I asked: ‘What 

are these large notes intended for?’ Litvinov answered: ‘This is for 

overseas.’ The notes were on plain paper made out by hand.”

The French court saw through the crooked ploy the Bolshevist Jews 

had intended. They wanted to date the bills in Paris, issued with their 

knowledge and by their order in Moscow, and then expose them as 

counterfeit and refuse to redeem them, so that the French savers would 

have financed the Communist propaganda in France. They presumably 

counted on a very lenient sentence for Litvinov and his accomplices, 

the Jews Joffe and Liborius, so that all the perpetrators would emerge 

from the affair unscathed at best, and the money was lying on the table 

of the house. For this is nearly what happened, thanks to the zealous 

defense, conducted with a foaming-at-the-mouth “anti-Bolshevism” 

which — take note — was in the hands of the London Jewish attorney 

Moro-Giafferi, all too well-known from the Reichstag fire sham-trial. 

It is actually the same Moro-Giafferi, who in his speech for the defense 

before the Paris court on 28 January 1930, made the following 

statement, which he surely would not want to have regarded as true 

today: “Lies, murder, and robbery, those are the basic commandments 

of Bolshevism.” 

Even the other defense counsel were not sparing with apt 

characterizations of the Soviet government. For example, the defense 

attorney Campinchi, who today likewise stands in a unified front with 

Bolshevism, said: “Before me are the representatives of the 

dishonorable Soviet government. The government of thieves and 

bandits, which they here represent, has no right to count upon our 

assistance. Gentlemen of the jury, the verdict that you will pronounce 

this evening, must resound like a ringing slap in the face which will be 

your reply to the Soviet government.”(1) 

Finally, the Soviet Trade Representation had to answer for the notes, 

but of course just in installments on the date of maturity. 

[74] Only Jews appeared as defendants, witnesses, and defense counsel 

in this trial, and by their statements they involuntarily produced a 

downright shocking impression of an inextricable tangle of Jewish- 

Bolshevist crimes whose threads run on to the present day and 

continually require new human victims. When Navashin at last became 

ensnarled himself in these coils and paid for it with his life, so, also, 

before the beginning of the trial, a certain Turov, under whose orders 

the notes had been produced and who likewise after the completion of 

this assignment, as the French court discovered, was murdered in 

Moscow. A short time later, the “bandits” who had killed Turov were 

themselves shot. Thus the avalanche began to roll which today has 

taken on such monstrous dimensions and swept up perpetrators, 

accomplices, the guilty and the innocent into the abyss with it. 

What role the “great brother” of the Jewish swindler Saveliy Wallach, 

the Soviet Foreign Commissar Litvinov-Wallach-Finkelstein, played in 

that dirty and bloody affair is still unfortunately unclear, as is his role 

in the contemporaneous judicial murders in Moscow. According to his 

entire past and profession, Finkelstein-Wallach-Litvinov belongs to the 

most intimate membership of the Judeo-Bolshevist band of gangsters 

whose most prominent members, Apfelbaum-Sinovyev and Rosenfeld- 

Kamenev, the old “friends” of Wallach-Finkelstein, were shot in 

Moscow shortly before Navashin’s murder. If “Litvinov” did not 

participate in any of these murders, did Finkelstein, or Wallach? 

His own brother described the process of the change of name of the 

Jew Wallach to the French court as follows: 

“In my youth I wasn’t called Litvinov. My correct name is Wallach. As 

is my brother, the Moscow Commissar. But after the Tiflis ‘Ex’ 

(expropriation — i.e., armed robbery), when the present dictator Stalin 

robbed the post of a half-million Rubels, my brother, Maxim 

Maximovitch Litvinov was arrested at the Gar du Nord (on 18 January 

1908). In his luggage was found a portion of the Tiflis money. Right 

then my brother decided to change his name Wallach for the name 

Litvinov. He also asked me to do the same, and I agreed.” 

One “minor matter” yet came out at the proceedings before the Paris 

court in January 1930: One of the witnesses, the Warsaw Jew Dischur, 

Secretary of the “Society for the Support of Jewish Emigrants,” 

testified that Saveliy Litvinov stole 10,000 Dollars from the till of this 

society in the year 1923. [75] Litvinov’s justification to the court 

sounded very lame. “Some fellow Wallach stole in Warsaw, and not 

Litvinov, and I didn’t return the 10,000 Dollars later on. . .” Half did it, 

half didn’t do it — maybe it was a third brother from the noble tribe of 

Wallach-Litvinov? 

As fence, weapons broker and swindler, Finkelstein began his career, 

which after the victory of Bolshevism bore him up to the “dizzying” 

[There is a play on words here; "schwindeln means both "to make 

dizzy" and "to swindle."] heights of a political imposture of the greatest 

style. Today he plays the roles of a Foreign Minister and member of 

the Geneva Council with the same virtuosity as he earlier played the 

roles of an officer of Ecuador, of a “leader of the workers,” and of a 

“Socialist.” Genuine in him is only his Jewishness, which drives him 

from deceit to crime and from crime back again to deceit. The base and 

cunning role which he has really played will perhaps sometime later 

come into the full light of day — or is “Maxim” supposed to not know 

what “Maier” does? The dead will one day rise up and testify against 

Finkelstein. 

This Jewish imposter in the realm of politics by no means stands alone. 

His companions are of the same breed. They all began by making 

themselves out to be something other than they really were in order to 

acquire respect, power, and money. His rival in the realm of foreign 

affairs, the man who wanted to try another tack with Bolshevist 

“business,” namely over the notorious politics of Rapallo, is the Jew 

Sobelsohn. He was born in Vilna and was “active” in Germany during 

the Revolution period of 1918/19, sat here in jail, then went to Moscow 

and was finally “taken care of” by Kagan and Finkelstein in the well- 

known trial in February 1937. 

His alias is Karl Radek or, for short, K. Radek = Kradek, in German 

der Klauer” [from the noun die Klaue, claw], which means “the thief.” 

Sobelsohn obviously treated himself to this Yiddish “K-lauer” after he 

had been pulled in after stealing a coat in Leipzig. A typically Jewish 

reaction to typically Jewish behavior. The already mentioned Sinovyev- 

Apfelbaum and Kamenev-Rosenfeld offer another example. 

The same is true of the “great revolutionary” Bronstein-Trotsky, who 

was even able to play the role of a bold War Commissar of the Red 

Army for a time, and indeed so aptly that even today many 

unsuspecting Europeans are convinced that he understands something 

of courage and the art of war. Bronstein as field marshal — truly a 

zenith of Jewish misrepresentation and imposture, which not even 

Straßnoff was able to achieve. 

[76] The examples of such Jewish name changes are numberless: 

Goldstein, with the assumed name Volodsky; Goldendach alias 

Ryasanov; Nachamkes alias Sbeklov; Salkind with the alias 

Semlyatshka; Jehuda alias Yagoda, Brilliant alias Sokolnikov; 

Gubelmann alias Yaroslavsky; Mandelstamm alias Lyadov; Chaimov 

alias Lunatsharsky; Epstein alias Yakovlev; Löwenstein alias 

Lapinsky, etc., etc. The same is of course true outside of Russia: 

Mardochai = Karl Marx; Wolfsohn = Lassalle; Helphand = Parvus; 

Aaron Kohn = Bela Kun; Salomon Cesmanievski = Kurt Eisner, etc., 

etc. 

The Jew has no being of his own, no name, no language. Therefore he 

does not “cheat” when he cheats, for deception is his natural and 

normal behavior. He is the embodiment of the Lie and the Unnatural. 

The most relevant characteristic of the Jew is inadvertently stated by 

the Communist central organ itself, the “Rundschau” [Review], when it 

allows a certain H. Walecki to make the following evaluation about 

Radek-Sobelsohn: Radek, the “type of the born traitor,” is reminiscent 

in his behavior of “that beast in the work of Baudelaire that, like a 

feverishly glowing and lecherous woman sweating out a poison, 

languorously and cynically opens its womb filled with exudations. . .” 

This unappetizing description not only fits Sobelsohn-Radek, it fits 

Jewry in general. 

To (previous) Chapter III: Fences and Thieves 

To (next) Chapter V: Swindlers and Racketeers 

To Table of Contents 

Copyright 2002 by R. Belser. Reproduction in whole or in part without 

express written permission of the translator is not permitted. All rights 

reserved. 

T h e   J e w   a s   C r i m i n a l 

Chapter V: Swindlers and Racketeers 

————————————————— 

————— 

(page 77) 

“Let yourself step out of the lead, let yourself be thrown out of your 

rooms, let yourself be sued in court, let yourself sit in a doghouse, let 

yourself be whipped, let yourself be tortured half to death — but you 

must become rich!(1) — those are the words of an Eastern Jew, whose 

son is off for the wide world. To suffer any torment, to take any pain 

upon oneself, to shy away from no effort, in order to get rich, for “my 

honor is my money.'” 

As tightly packed as ants in their hill are the Eastern European Jews in 

their ghettos. There are only a few craftsmen among them, nearly all 

are dealers. The most improbable professions are seen there — such as 

the Jew who roves around the marketplace with a corkscrew, to uncork 

the vodka bottles for the peasants with it. 

So numerous are the Eastern Jews, that they get in one another’s way. 

To do business among themselves means little profit, for each one 

knows every wrinkle in the tricks of the other and is just as crafty. But 

if a non-Jew appears from whom money can be made, those striving 

after profit fall upon him like a swarm of blowflies. With elbows 

pushing into one another and bickering fiercely over every penny, they 

vegetate in the ghetto but in their hearts burns a violent greed for 

money, which makes them capable of every act and any outrage. 

Now, when one of these Eastern Jews, adorned in the filthy kaftan and 

with forelocks, once leaves his ghetto, when he arrives in a country 

where fidelity and faith are not empty words, when one man does not 

sniff at another like a swindler, where the people are free and enjoy 

equal rights — then the Eastern Jew becomes a dangerous predator. For 

him, who is without the sense of right and wrong, who shrinks from no 

trespassing of the law, for whom the entire world appears to be only a 

means for the unfolding of his own ego, every path now stands open. 

[78] But when he does find a locked door, he gets it open — if possible, 

with cunning, but with force if need be. Our law is not his law, our 

morality is not his morality, deception and crime do not seem to him 

dishonorable. With time, the immigrant Jew also learns that one doesn’t 

have to absolutely violate the law. It is enough to circumvent it or to 

slip through its meshes. The criminality of the foreigners — for a 

significant segment of the “foreigners” continually residing in Germany 

in reality consists of immigrating Jews — is very revealing. Let us 

examine the statistics of the crimes and offenses committed by 

foreigners(1). From this we discover that of 100 convicted foreigners, 

70% — therefore more than two-thirds — are “Poles” and “Czechs,” or, 

in other words, Polish or Czech and Galician Jews. If one takes the 

number of foreigners in general residing in Germany, one sees that, of 

1000 residing foreigners, the number of convicted are: 

Lithuanians……………………29.8 

Rumanians……………………..25.4 

Poles…………………………21.8 

Czechs………………………..17.7 

Those are the nations which send us their Jews. On the other hand, 

however: 

Sweden………………………..7.3 

Denmark……………………….5.0 

Switzerland……………………4.6 

Netherlands……………………3.3 

Those are the nations from which we do not get any Jews. . .These 

numbers speak for themselves. 

As an example of the “career” of an Eastern Jew, let us here relate the 

history of the racketeer U., whom the author personally knew. It isn’t 

the story of one of the major Jewish racketeers, who claim the attention 

of the newspapers, the courts and the public, but rather the tale of a 

completely average and typical Eastern Jew, one of the parasites who 

immigrated after 1918 and were naturalized by the “German Republic” 

during that period. 

In the Spring of 1923, U., a middling tall, typically Jewish-looking man 

with reddish-blonde hair and colorless blue eyes, arrived in Germany. 

How he slipped over the border is his secret, but in any event he 

arrived without a visa. What he brought along with him [79] was not 

only his spotted and dirty suit, his torn shoes with their uneven heels — 

but also his untamed desire for material success, his lack of scruples, 

and his “knowledge of languages.” He could yammer away in a 

Yiddish accent in Polish and German — almost like the red-bearded 

Social Democrat Charles Rappaport, who was famous not just for his 

aversion to any sort of bathing, but also for the fact that he could speak 

ten languages with a strikingly Jewish accent. What occupation a Jew 

takes up is purely incidental, for it is never matter of what he should 

do, but rather a matter of how much money he can make. One will 

become a politician, another a dentist or inn-keeper, but most remain 

dealers. U., also, was faithful to the tradition of his forebears, and he 

conducted his numerous obscure and, at first, his still not very 

profitable businesses in the Scheunen Quarter of Berlin, that first 

station for all newly-arriving Eastern Jews. Yet he had higher 

aspirations, “society” attracted him, the society of the currency 

exchange vultures, who at that time were gathering in inflationary 

Germany in thick swarms. 

The world city lay open before U., here he wanted to create his good 

fortune. His good fortune — what did that mean to him? 

To visit fine clubs, where waiters in black tie toadied to a clientele of 

racketeers, where the noise of a nigger band, cigar smoke, a din of 

voices, perfume and the smell of sweat provided the proper background 

for the throng of cramped dancing couples. To sit at the gaming table, 

to attend the races, to wear elegant clothes and to have an expensive 

barber give his Eastern Jewish head as European look as possible. No 

longer to be known as “the crook,” but rather to be called “the rich 

merchant Alexander U.” [To indulge his small] illnesses by frequently 

treating himself to the best physicians. To drive to winter sports or the 

lake and to marvel at the goyim who actually panted up the mountains 

or entered the cold water. To have much money, and still more money, 

to do profitable business and to watch how his rivals burst with envy. 

In later years, to go to Marienbad for the cure, to be chosen for the 

board of directors of the synagogue, to possess a villa in Dahlem. But 

each and every time — women! Obliging, rayon-and-peroxided 

beauties, who tolerate everything with a smile and who are ready for 

anything, with whom one can show off, who do not show their disgust, 

whom one can use at will, and to whom one owes no responsibility — 

women whom one can own and pay for. 

These were the ideals which U. wanted to realize. More and more often 

he let himself be seen in the cafés and nightclubs of Western Berlin, 

whose sham glamour, whose atmosphere of greasy dealings [80] and of 

lechery irresistibly attracted him. In such a club, one of the better 

Kaschemmen, his fate was decided — he got to know Grete S. She was 

a secretary and bookkeeper at some firm or other. She performed her 

work after a fashion, she gave no particular cause for complaint — a 

thoroughly average Jewish office girl. She lived with her mother in 

Charlottenburg, in a small three-room flat, in the morning she packed 

up her sandwich, like thousands of other women in Berlin, but on 

Sunday evening she went into the café. 

There the two found each other. From the acquaintanceship there soon 

developed an intimate friendship, for they complemented one another 

in the best way: Grete had money at her disposal, but U. knew how one 

can most profitably use money. 

This was the time when the Mark sank into the abyss, when more and 

more zeros appeared on the bank notes and all those who were cautious 

racked their brains over what would come after the millions and 

billions. The exchange rate of the Dollar, the single valid standard of 

all material and spiritual value, varied from hour to hour, the Mark 

could lose from five to ten, even twenty per cent of its value in the 

period from one afternoon to the next morning. Whoever knew how to 

cleverly make use of this, could double his money within a week, and 

during a month could multiply it twenty times over. One needed only 

to know what, when and where to buy or to sell. In this art of the 

business of illusion, of the swindle, of speculation and deceit, U. was a 

master. He was able to prove this when S. placed money at his 

disposal: she enjoyed the full trust of her boss, she always kept the key 

to the cashbox and she was the last to leave the office. U. was already 

waiting for her at the door, he took the cash — all of it, to the last 

million-Mark bill. By eight in the morning the money had to be back in 

the cashbox, else S. would be unmasked as a thief. But there were 

fifteen hours until eight o’clock, U. knew how to exploit them for the 

greatest profit for himself and for his financial backer, accomplice and 

lover. 

This game lasted for weeks and then months. During the day, S. was 

the dutiful employee, but evenings and nights the couple spent in the 

clubs and dives which grew like toadstools on the manure of inflation. 

There was not only drinking and dancing there, no, the essential thing 

was the “business” — cars loaded down with all sorts of goods, import 

and export licenses, commission [money] for procuring an apartment, 

hush-money for accessories. An apartment building for a hundred 

Dollars, girls, stocks, enterprises, false passports [81] and genuine 

residency permits, any articles of real value, cocaine — and above all 

currency — was bought, sold, and resold. This was the murky water in 

which U. sported and fished. And did so with great success. Larger and 

larger became the pile of Dollar notes put aside as future capital. The 

couple did not have the remotest intention of speculating further with 

the money “earned” in this fashion — for already foreign money from 

the foreign cashbox had to be paid for. 

The Dollar notes put aside increased in a downright delightful fashion. 

And yet S. cried many a night: since her companion had gotten money 

in his hands, he had become the perfect gentleman, whom only his 

Jewish accent distinguished from his racial comrades who populated 

the Kurfürstendamm. 

He had learned the art of bathing himself, strictly followed every “law 

of fashion” — and too often for Grete’s taste, let himself be persuaded to 

gamble. Meanwhile, his luck at cards stayed good — or perhaps he 

knew how to help it along? But one thing more than anything else: U. 

was seeing women on the side. Grete’s fat hips and her greasy hair 

were not very tempting, and there were so many appetizing women, 

who could be bought for good Dollar bills. . . 

Thus U. was making progress along the route he had set for himself. 

The experts of the law may look for legal definitions for what this fine 

couple were doing — at its most basic level, it was embezzlement and 

fraud. 

It is characteristic of Jewish methods — and that is what this narrative is 

about — that in the event S. would have been caught, she would have 

had to expect only a slight punishment, for her boss had suffered no 

material harm. As concerns U., under the circumstances he was able to 

get off with no punishment at all, for by his craftiness and cunning he 

would have found means to prove that he had suspected nothing at all 

of the unlawful dealings of his “bride.” The Jew is a master at finding 

sufficiently wide loopholes in the law, and with his money he can 

furnish himself with the best lawyers. . . 

The further history of the pair is quickly told. When the inflation 

suddenly came to an end, that was also the end of the currency luck, 

and most of the newly rich and profiteers disappeared together with the 

many zeros on the bank notes. But not in the case of U. He had been 

clever enough to collect only Dollars, and he proved to be the 

possessor of “an amount of capital which, while not large, was 

sufficient” for becoming a solid “merchant,” [82] to marry his bride, to 

procure an apartment on the Kaiserdamm and to become a member of 

“society.” 

Years went by, during which there was nothing in particular heard of 

U. When National Socialism triumphed in Germany, U. left this now 

inhospitable country and moved to the strongly democratic country of 

Switzerland. In December 1935, he was arrested under charges of 

offering for sale counterfeit bills to the Paris Soviet Trade delegation. 

Why shouldn’t that which was fair for the brother of His Excellency 

Litvinov, also be proper for U.? 

That is the tale of a small Jewish racketeer and swindler, not that of a 

Barmat, Kutisker, Michael or Goldschmidt, rather that of an average 

Jew, who led the life of a parasite and swindler using dubious means, 

but always unclean and dishonorable. 

The device of the Jew reads: Exploit the economic situation! Be it 

business or politics, or best of all both at once. The Jewish racketeer 

Rosenfeld furnishes a brief but excellent example of this, which we 

take verbatim from the large French newspaper Le Matin(1): 

“The Linder-Rosenfeld affair is gradually becoming clearer. Both of 

he main figures are emerging more and more plainly. 

Michael Rosenfeld, born on 9 May 1903 in Smolensk, Russia, was the 

son of a physician in Moscow, who was forced by the Revolution to 

emigrate. The young Rosenfeld was smart, venturesome, educated and 

very ambitious and seemed to have but one goal before him: to make a 

profit! This desire misled him into not always employing the necessary 

care in the choice of his means. Some difficulties and an incident 

involving post-dated checks on 21 January 1936 earned him expulsion 

from the country. He went to Zürich for a time without, however, 

breaking off his profitable enterprises. Everything was going quite well 

enough for him, and we find him at numerous transactions in which he 

personally regularly secured for himself a good share. Although his 

family had to suffer under the Bolshevists, he had no reservations at all 

about stepping in for the Soviets in more than one supply transaction. 

Apparently the weapons trade was a preferred area of work, without, 

however, his having to absolutely transgress the law in his dealings. 

[83] Without a doubt, Rosenfeld again returned to France using illegal 

means, and found opportunity through the events in Spain for a very 

profitable involvement. As middleman between the Iberian customers 

and those supplying weapons, he devised numerous combinations to 

get around the difficulties in exporting [them]. One of the simplest is to 

arrange for fictitious orders into other states. In this manner, the crates 

of weapons sail toward Mexico, in order to go no farther than Spain. 

Rosenfeld was involved in international dealings and thought of further 

extending them and eliminating his competitors. Thus he was very 

interested in documents which passed through individual 

administrative offices of the Quai d’Orsay. His secretary, Mlle. Linder, 

was the tool at hand for obtaining information. 

Incidentally, the dossier which existed on him at the Quai d’Orsay was 

somewhat unpleasant for him, first of all because from [reading] it he 

was afraid of disruption of his business, and second of all because he 

had the intention, it was asserted, of requesting naturalization. 

If the desire of making money explains the entire life history of 

Michael Rosenfeld, so this appears to also be true of the leitmotif for 

the dealings of Suzanne Linder

Accustomed to luxury for years and unable to forswear it, as merely a 

modest employee she could not refuse her boss anything. She procured 

information, she falsified the dossier but seems not to have dealt in real 

espionage. In any case, one cannot designate the pilferage and the 

damage, though serious, done to the secret service in the interests of 

financial transactions of an individual, as espionage. 

For more than a year, those in the office of the Quai d’Orsay had taken 

note of the behavior of Linder, whose poorly concealed curiosity 

justified every suspicion. 

A few weeks before, the Security Police had been consulted. By means 

of a piece of carbon paper, they got on the trail of a forgery; it was a 

matter of laudatory information about Rosenfeld which was created out 

of thin air and signed with the forged signature of a high official who 

had since died. 

At the same time, probably a few documents disadvantageous to 

Rosenfeld vanished from the dossier. 

The interrogation which M. Fougerit, the director of Department II of 

the Security Police, conducted on Sunday evening with Fräulein 

Linder, stretched [84] throughout the entire day. At first she denied 

having committed a forgery. Strangely, she was brought to confess 

more easily that she had betrayed to her friend Rosenfeld confidential 

communications, which she had picked up here and there in the 

administrative offices. 

Finally, at the pressing questioning by the police, she confessed 

everything. 

M. de Moissac, the examining magistrate, brought two bills of 

indictment: 1. Examination of Mlle. Linder and comrades for forgery; 

2. Charges due to offenses against an order of expulsion and the use of 

a false passport by Rosenfeld (only that! — The author.). 

Both accused were brought before the examining magistrate in charge, 

and after that, on the past Wednesday, arrested. 

M. de Moissac begins the first hearing this afternoon. In the presence 

of the accused, the sealed documents which had been confiscated at the 

house searches are opened. 

Yesterday afternoon, in the office of Herr Emile Joly, 4 Avenue 

Carnot, we were able to meet one of Rosenfeld’s colleagues, Herr 

Cabarocas, who had participated in the Spanish enterprise: 

‘I am a Spaniard,’ declared the latter right at the start,’but I am neither 

directly nor indirectly an agent of the Frente Popular in France. At any 

rate, since five or six years ago already, I’ve had connections with 

several political journalists of my country. . . I was even on the 

managing board of a paper there — then I still had money to lose! 

But since my resettlement in France, two-and-a-half years ago, I’ve 

given up any political activity. I am married to a Frenchwoman and 

have been a colleague of Rosenfeld’s for seven or eight months: that 

proves that our relationship began before the Franco revolt.'” 

Swindling is the typical Jewish crime. As cautious a scholar and a man 

as reserved in his judgements as Sauer(1) expresses himself in the 

following way on this question: “Many swindling specialties are 

excellently suited for the Jewish race. . .In addition, there are their own 

abilities and capacities, which likewise favor deceit: [85] a sense of 

acquisitiveness, the drive toward being active, delight in participating 

in lively dealings, speaking talents, boastfulness, the power of 

suggestion, the ability to misrepresent oneself and to lead others astray, 

slight affection for the truth, the capacity for adaptation, for empathy, 

and for transforming themselves, quick-wittedness, adroitness in 

exploiting the moment, especially in terms of the weaknesses of others, 

disinclination toward open, dangerous acts of their own. Thus we find 

all types of fraud realized in the Jews.” 

The kinds and the forms of fraud are thus numerous and manifold, the 

Jew understands so well how to use every appearance, every event, 

every fact for his own purposes, that an exhaustive description of 

“fraud” is hardly possible. Let only the most important types of crime 

be indicated here: 

Fraud in contracts dealing with trade, work, services, labor, renting, 

leasing, and loans. Swindling with precious gems, the sale of worthless 

goods, the Einspongeschäft [The closest English slang equivalent to 

this is the term 'con game.']. 

Fraud at businesses with securities, stocks, dividends, currency, checks, 

savings account books, mortgage bonds, pawn tickets; fraud with bail, 

foundations, balance sheets and insurance fraud. Bookmaking 

swindles. Fraud in employment, apartment rental, marriage, titles and 

military decorations agencies. Fraud in the use of public transport, as 

well as at the attending of theatrical events and at celebrations. Hotel 

fraud, skipping out on restaurant bills, swindles in lodgings. Con 

games. Fraud in rarities and antiques. Phony officials, commercial or 

industrial employees. Nonsense cures of all kinds, hypnosis, alleged 

medicines. Fortune-telling, magic, card-reading. Marriage swindles, 

marriages obtained by trickery, bigamy, adoption swindles and 

marriage-for-name. 

Those are some — by no means all — of the types of fraud which enjoy 

special favor with the Jews. 

Fraud is often tied together with another crime — document forgery, 

counterfeiting, card sharping, embezzlement, theft, extortion, abortion, 

arson, bankruptcy dellict, perjury, slander, etc. 

If theft was formerly the most widespread crime, in recent years it has 

become otherwise, and in first place now stands fraud(1). Fraud is the 

most universal Jewish crime, it is the form of Jewish existence in 

general, whether it is a “business” or is “politics,” it is all the same. 

[86] Let’s take a look at the practice of the Jews in the Soviet Union. It 

is an easy matter to demonstrate that the entire “political economy” of 

the Soviet Union represents nothing other than the systematic looting 

of a people whose population is 200 million strong. There, the Jew is in 

possession of a total monopoly. He is the sole employer, for everything 

is “nationalized” and he owns the state. For the working man in the 

Soviet Union, there is no deliverance from the Jew. He is in possession 

of the entire capital, movable and immovable. The credit system and 

the banking apparatus is in his hands, including the issuing of currency. 

The Jew dictates the wages of the worker and also decides the price of 

all of the necessities of life, of food, clothing and shelter. All economic 

and police instruments are at his disposal, in order to complete the 

enslavement of the people. Wages at a level for bare survival on the 

one hand, and fantastically high prices for goods on the other hand, 

methods of incitement, standards of coercion, etc., give the Jew the 

possibility of turning usury and defrauding into the “legal” standards of 

the state. That toward which the Jewish criminal strives using fraud 

and forgery, “political” Jewry has perfectly achieved in the Soviet 

Union. There is no essential difference between the Jewish usurer in 

New York and the Jewish President of the State Bank in Leningrad, 

between the Jewish garment manufacturer in London and the Red 

director in Moscow. What the Jewish crooks do on a small scale, the 

Jewish “politicians” in Moscow do on a grand scale: credit swindles, 

imposture, counterfeiting, looting, theft and robbery. What is the Soviet 

“loan-politics,” other than a large but downright fraud? The workers 

and peasants are forced to subscribe to the loans, which are completely 

devalued within the next year. The Soviet-Jewish issuing bank kept 

printing new paper millions and forced the population to part with 

things of value and to perform services and paid them with it. The 

money melts away and loses value in the hands of the exploited. Small 

wonder that this clever Soviet- Jewish system finally leads to the death 

by famine of many millions of people. 

If they can afford it, countries outside Russia will also be drawn into 

these kinds of fraudulent manipulations. The history of the so-called 

foreign concessions in the USSR, which ended together with the 

collapse and “take-over” of the foreign capital by the Soviet Jews, is 

one proof of this, as is the continued counterfeiting by the Soviet trade 

delegations outside the USSR. That here the maneuvers of the fraud 

adopt a “state” form, merely corresponds to the large scale of these 

Jewish enterprises. A state which just represents a cloak for [87] 

Jewish criminality in the economic sphere and politics, should hardly 

be permitted to still have any entitlement to be recognized as a state(1). 

It is established that: fraud in this or that form is the specific manner of 

conduct of the Jew. This is demonstrable not only generally, but also in 

an infinite portion of individual cases. Some examples may suffice. 

First of all, an example from the Soviet Union itself, where the little 

Jews as well as the big Jews want to “live,” taken verbatim from the 

Yiddish paper Hajnt, on 15 February 1937, Warsaw: 

An antiquarian has swindled the Soviet antiquarian warehouse. 

In Moscow a trial is underway against the antiquarian Borenstein there, 

who is charged with swindling Soviet Socialist property. 

Borenstein was accustomed to buy various articles in the state 

antiquarian warehouse; sometimes he was seen crawling about in the 

papers which the administrators and warehouses threw out as waste 

paper of no use. 

The increased expenditures by Borenstein aroused suspicion. He was 

arrested and an audit was made at a search of his apartment. It has 

turned out that Borenstein picked out important historical documents 

among the papers thrown out; in his apartment, for example, were 

found original letters from Catherine II, Nicolas I, etc. Moreover, he 

was accustomed to buy things in the state antiquarian warehouse on 

which the sellers had put too low a price, far lower than their practical 

value, due to their inexperience and scant education. Borenstein has 

managed to assemble a valuable collection from all these things. 

According to the Izvestia, the collection numbers more than 1200 

pieces. Just the plates of old Sèvres porcelain. 

Borenstein is facing a death sentence.” 

Poor Borenstein, he “faces a death sentence”; he didn’t have as much 

luck as Finkelstein. 

One of the most favored fraudulent maneuvers of the Jewish merchants 

is bankruptcy. Only rarely is the fraudulent intent proven, but almost 

always it is there: the Jew is such a cunning businessman, the circle of 

relatives and acquaintances [88] from which he can count on assistance 

is nearly so large that in most cases he can obstruct the opening of a 

rival concern, if it is really important to him. 

For a non-Jew, bankruptcy is a catastrophe, a difficult trial from which 

many a man cannot recover for the rest of his life. On the other hand, 

the “business failure” for a Jew is an everyday and insignificant event — 

more than that, bankruptcy is used by preference in order to “sich 

gesund zu machen” ["restore one's health"] as the vulgar expression has 

it. Pyrrhus was ruined by his victory, but for the Jew as many defeats 

as possible, in the form of bankruptcies, are the surest road to 

affluence. 

Levy says to Cohen: “Cohen, you’re messhuge [crazy]! You’re selling 

your goods for less than the purchase price and you’ll be ruined!” To 

which Cohen calmly replies: “No problem, the sales will fix it!” 

That’s not just a joke, but it’s also a hint at the “technique” of the 

bankruptcy. To give a rough outline, a “rehabilitating” bankruptcy is 

begun as follows: 

Cohen establishes a business selling men’s coats, his “capital” is 

scarcely able to cover the first month’s rent for the store. Since he 

(naturally) has at his disposal acquaintances, recommendations and 

references, he’s able to buy, let’s say, 1000 coats for 50 RM a piece on 

credit. He sells them for 40 RM each, therefore at a bargain-basement 

price which must result in his losing 10 RM on each piece. His 

business flourishes, for such cheap prices are unheard of, but he does 

not pay his creditors one penny, so that in a short time he goes 

bankrupt. He’s sold 500 coats, therefore taken in 20,000 RM, but this 

money vanishes without a trace. His honorable wife helps him with 

that, or earlier liabilities punctually surface which are unconditional 

and must be paid immediately, or he claims that he’s been swindled by 

a villainous person — or something along those lines — and there’s 

nothing left of the 20,000 RM. The only things of tangible value are the 

500 still unsold coats. They’re publicly auctioned off and Cohen 

secretly buys up the remnant through a middleman, a relative or good 

friend from the Underworld, for perhaps half the price, for 12,000 RM. 

This money goes to the creditors, who thereby are losing 75% of what 

is owed them. But Cohen is rubbing his hands together. For his actual 

final balance looks like this: he has put out in cash only 12,500 RM. In 

Cohen’s pocket, therefore, 7500 RM in cash remains, and besides this 

he’s the owner of 500 coats, which with no trouble [89] he can sell for 

at least 20,000 RM. That’s what is called a healthy bankruptcy! Under 

the circumstances, it can “pay” to even accept a punishment, if the 

fraud can be proven, since the dishonestly acquired money is so well 

shifted [currently, we would say "laundered"], that it remains protected 

from seizure by the authorities or by those injured. 

The most difficult thing for the swindler is the procurement of the 

necessary credit which makes possible for him the purchase of larger 

lots of goods. When an entire gang is operating, dummy firms, so- 

called “Stoßfirmen,” are established in different parts of the city or 

outside it, which naturally have the best references, which pacify the 

most suspicious suppliers and infuse them with trust. How this is done 

is illustrated by the example of the Jew Moses Kamermann, convicted 

in Berlin on 15 February 1936. He had teamed up with a Romanian 

Jew living in Bucharest, M. Lupu, who had established a firm there, 

“M. Lupu & Co.” This swindle-enterprize now ordered all sorts of 

goods from various industrial and export companies in Germany. For 

every order, Kamermann was always given as a reference. If any of the 

firms inquired of him, he always hurried to furnish the best testimonial 

of all for his Bucharest accomplice: “The firm Lupu & Co. has a line of 

credit of 40,000 RM.” Not a few German firms fell victim to the 

swindlers. 

If the swindler is thrown back on his own resources, and if he has some 

money at his disposal, he at first puts in small orders with the supply 

firms and pays them immediately in cash. When he sees that they are 

ready to trust him, he then puts in a large order which shall serve as his 

coup. As “security,” forged certificates of deposit for securities, bills, 

mortgage bonds, etc., can be used. 

A counterpart to this “credit swindle” are the frauds dealing with the 

giving of credit. In every newspaper, especially in the Sunday issues, 

one finds notices in which money is offered. A Berliner who has tried 

to get money in this manner reports the following concerning his 

experiences with this. 

“I had been sick for a long time and got into financial difficulty. I 

urgently needed 500 RM, but didn’t want to ask my acquaintances for a 

loan, but rather decided to try my luck with one of the ‘financiers’ who 

advertise in the papers. A few weeks before, I had [90] furnished a 

three-room apartment for myself and had paid over 3000 RM for the 

furniture then. Now I wanted to raise money on the furniture. 

Of the three addresses which I had picked out of the newspaper for 

myself, the first was the most promising: there was wording about 

financing within three days, accommodating, low fees and so on. When 

I showed up, a flaxen-haired young man received me. At first I was 

delighted not to have to deal with a Jew, but soon I had to notice that I 

was dealing with a straw man, who knew nothing and whose only job 

was: to get a fee of 15 RM ‘for investigation’ from those seeking credit. 

It was an obvious swindle, and I wished the young man good day and a 

more respectable line of work. 

My second choice likewise led me to a young man, this time a brunette, 

badly shaved and who spoke with a definite Jewish accent. He 

apparently lived there as a sub-tenant, since the bed of the alleged 

financier was also in the small, disorderly room. Here, too, 15 RM was 

demanded of me at the start, whereupon I took my leave. 

In both of these cases it was clear that the goal was simply the ‘fee for 

investigation.’ The third one I visited, however, was entirely more 

cunning, and I quickly fell for it. Although he had a hooked nose and a 

Jewish name, he seemed otherwise trustworthy enough: good manners, 

of a mature age, impeccable German, a well-arranged office, two 

telephones on the desk. He, too, asked for a registration fee, but only of 

6 RM. As I had resolved firmly in advance to refuse to pay, even if 

only a penny, he explained to me in a long speech for what pressing 

reasons he had to ask the 6 RM from me, and proved to me that it 

would be an unforgivable foolishness on my part not to give him the 6 

RM. I let myself be persuaded. . . After this what happened was. . 

.nothing. When I became impatient and called at the ‘financier’s’ several 

times, he promised me to expedite the matter, at which point it turned 

out that the actual lender was another person. 

After some days, a neat but somewhat arrogant young man appeared at 

my place — this was the ‘investigator.’ He comfortably smoked my 

cigars, stuck the list of my furniture in his pocket without showing any 

particular interest, grumbled about the weather and the hard times, and 

presented me with a receipt for 3 RM ‘for investigation.’ Before I was 

able to properly understand the whole thing, [91] my 3 RM had 

actually made their way into his pocket. 

Again, weeks passed; I wrote, telephoned, and then received a 

questionnaire with — if I’m not mistaken — 47 different questions, to 

each of which an exhaustive answer was expected. Then, again 

nothing. Two months had gone by and not the least thing had 

happened. I was happy when I was able to find another way out to 

getting my affairs in order.” 

The matter came off still not too seriously for the man who tells this, 

since apparently not too much was able to be gotten from him. Under 

certain circumstances, however, rather large amounts are pried out 

from others, since repeatedly “new difficulties have arisen” from which 

one can escape only with the aid of advances. . .

One may ask why the “financiers” are content with coaxing out 

advances and down payments, instead of really lending money out and 

getting interest. The answer is simple: only in the rarest cases do these 

“lenders” have actual money — even if they wanted to, they would not 

be able to give a loan. Certainly there are such cases, in which one can 

get a loan. But they are unusual, three-fold and always tangible security 

is demanded, and usurious interest must be paid. But in general, the 

entire “credit”-giving is a swindle, which is based upon the exploitation 

of small amounts. 

Popular and profitable are the Einspongeschäfte[The slang noun, die 

Einspongeschäft probably comes from the verb einspinnen = to lock in, 

to reel in], businesses in which the victim, called, in the 

Gaunersprache [crooks' jargon], the “Freier” [literally, "free man" or 

"citizen"; an American equivalent might be "mark," which will be used 

here, although in the U.S., those operating outside the law often refer to 

the naive non-criminal with some contempt as a "citizen" and the 

police often refer to him, with equal contempt, as a "civilian"] or 

Molle (1), is first lulled into a sense of security and infused with trust. 

He is first “reeled in” and then the coup follows. Criminal 

Commissioner Possehl(2) tells the following typical story: 

A certain B. had acted as broker for a “mark” in various completely 

legitimate businesses, which were not unprofitable, so that the “mark” 

firmly trusted the “broker.” One day the “broker” appeared again and 

told him this: “I have bought a lot of circular saws for export for 40,000 

Marks. The goods are at the shipping agent’s, but I myself have only 

6000 Marks that I can tie up in this business. I’ve already found a buyer 

in London who’ll pay me 44,000 Marks for it. If you want to participate 

in this [by coming up] with the missing 34,000 Marks, I’m ready to 

share the profits with you.” 

[92] The prospect of making 2000 Marks without any effort does not 

fail to make an impression upon the “mark.” But, as a cautious man, he 

demands that the buyer in London furnish him with a document in 

which he states that he has seen the goods and is satisfied with their 

condition. Moreover, a letter of credit is supposed to be deposited at a 

major bank. Everything is arranged to the satisfaction of the “mark,” 

and the buyer in London only makes one condition, that the goods be 

shipped at the latest at a date given by himself. The time period is 

sufficiently long and the “mark” hasn’t the slightest reservations [about 

the deal].

At the shipping agent’s, he deposits the 34,000 Marks, the goods are 

loaded and transported to the harbor in time. After some time, the 

unsuspecting “mark” drives to the harbor city in order to receive the 

purchase price, but dreadful news awaits him there: the gentleman from 

London writes that he is reneging on the contract, since the goods have 

not been shipped by the agreed-upon date. The “mark” is dumbstruck — 

how is this possible? But the “broker” seems to be the most aggrieved, 

he is bereft of his profits. Meanwhile, it turns out that the Englishman 

is actually in the right, because the goods arrived in the harbor city late 

for some reason or other. . . 

Meanwhile, a new letter arrives from England, and the “buyer” informs 

them that perhaps, in time, he might be in a position to buy the goods. 

The “broker” then persuades the “mark” to send the goods to England 

on the basis of cash-on-delivery. 

With that, the fraud is complete. The 34,000 Marks are split between 

the “broker” and the “buyer,” the goods are naturally not redeemed and 

several weeks later are put up for auction by customs. The proceeds 

amount to a few hundred Marks, for the goods have proven to be 

totally worthless. 

The essence of this kind of fraud consists in making the “mark” so 

trusting by means of earlier common and successful deals, that this 

time he neglects to verify whether the goods whose purchase he is 

financing really possess the value which the “broker” has said they do. 

The “mark” has lost his money. To recover it by legal action is 

completely hopeless. The “Englishman,” in actuality one of the 

swindlers, can not legally be sued since the contract has not been 

adhered to. As a last possibility there remains suing the “broker.” He, 

however, is long gone. Finding him proves impossible. The address of 

his “firm” turns out to be a boarding house, he has not left his new 

address, and his personal data appear to have been forged. 

[93] And thus the “mark” is the richer by one life experience, but both 

swindlers by a very nice sum. Do we still need to attest that there are 

no greater masters of the Einspongeschäft than the Jews? 

The work of a counterfeiter isn’t easy, since a good copy of coins and 

modern bank notes is extraordinarily difficult, time-consuming and 

expensive, the risk with it is very great, the punishment is high and the 

criminalists know of hardly one case of counterfeiting which has not 

been discovered. And yet men are repeatedly found who take on the 

work as well as the risk, so much are they possessed by the passion for 

money. For a Jew, for whom money, money as a means to power and 

as an end in itself, appears to be the thing most worth acquiring on 

earth, the thought of creating money with his own hands has something 

irresistibly seductive about it. One meets many Jews among 

counterfeiters. As an example, let the story of Colonel Salaban be 

related: 

Salaban was an extraordinarily multi-facetted, able and clever man, 

born in Czernowitz. His criminal instincts already showed themselves 

in early youth and he was sentenced to a term of imprisonment for 

burglary. It is an old tradition of the Eastern Jew to leave home and 

head for Vienna or Berlin when things get too hot for him at home. 

Salaban, too, followed this tradition after serving his sentence. He 

surfaced in Germany as — an actor. His acting wasn’t bad but it earned 

him too little, for he already had all kinds of expensive habits at that 

time. 

He left the stage and became a businessman. At first, he struggled as a 

bookkeeper, but proved to be so capable that he was promoted to an 

authorized signatory. Then he ventured to make the great jump: he 

became independent. But still more than that — on his own authority he 

gave himself an academic degree. As Doctor of Jurisprudence C. 

Salaban, he ran a sales business for chemical articles. Burglar, actor, 

businessman — Salban could do still more. He dedicated his free time 

to amateur craftsmanship, in which he showed outstanding dexterity, 

and to legal studies. He conducted them with the greatest zeal, he 

listened to scientific lectures and also acquired a fair amount of 

knowledge, so that he was even able to become a member of the 

International Law Association and the publisher of a handbook on 

international law. 

[94] Salaban had every reason to be satisfied with life; he was to some 

extent well-known and respected, he lived in a villa in Lichterfeld, and 

he led the peaceful life of the private scholar. In actuality, he was 

running a counterfeiting operation. What drove him to become a 

counterfeiter? In court, he claimed that his income had become so 

small and he’d been on the verge of ruin. Now, such an inventive and 

able mind, a man with so many different areas of knowledge and 

relationships, would have been able to find means other than criminal 

ones to rescue himself. No, it was the irresistible greed for money, the 

triumphant feeling: “I myself am the source of the money, I myself am 

the creator of the most powerful [men] in the world,” which drove him 

to crime. 

In 1919 the fifty-year-old began to produce counterfeit two-Mark 

pieces. The execution was very good, the false pieces contained exactly 

as much silver as the genuine ones and were not differentiable by their 

ringing sound. In order to get possession of the corresponding alloy, 

Salaban used the relationships which he had made in his time as a 

businessman: at a chemical manufacturer’s, he ordered thin silver 

sheets which contained fifty percent silver, exactly like the genuine 

coins. In accordance with this, Salaban had it established in court that 

he had neither injured nor deceived those persons who came into 

possession of his coins. He bought 29,000 Marks worth of these silver 

plates in the course of the year! 

He produced the coins in the cellar of his villa. The servants only 

stayed in the house during the daytime, so that Salaban could not be 

disturbed by them at night. In the cellar, there was a large shelf with 

books, behind which was, however — as in a crime novel — a secret 

door, which led to an extremely well-equipped workroom. As was 

fitting for the owner of a villa, Salaban owned his own automobile. In 

the hours before noon he drove, usually accompanied by his wife, into 

the neighborhood of one of the numerous weekly markets. Shabbily 

dressed, the two walked along the stalls with shopping bags and bought 

various small items, mostly soup greens for five Pfennige and paid 

each time with a two-Mark piece. In the course of three years, Salaban 

had put over 40,000 counterfeit coins into circulation, more than 

40,000 times did injury to the sellers. As cautiously as Salaban went to 

work, he nonetheless made himself suspicious: he was arrested on 13 

January 1932 on the Rudolf-Wilde-Platz in Schöneberg, in front of the 

Rathaus [city hall], when he was about to get into his car with a bag 

full of vegetables. 

[95] It is claimed of professional criminals, that they never change their 

specialty and always commit the same type of crime: the safecracker 

will not practice pickpocketing, the cat burglar will not become a 

package thief, and the bell- ringer [for 'charity'] will not try his hand at 

cardsharping. However, one cannot say this of the Jewish criminal. On 

the contrary, they amaze one by their versatility. The forty-six- year- 

old Jew Leo Veit, who was convicted in Berlin on 12 February 1936, 

might serve as an example of this. 

Veit is a trickster, a marriage swindler and imposter. At “work” he 

always appears adorned with a band of military decorations, on which 

a good dozen different medals hang — his bravery and his merit have 

supposedly yielded these honors. In reality, during the war Veit had 

made successful efforts to stay as far as possible from the shooting, and 

all of his “medals” were commemorative or memorial coins which he 

bought. Nevertheless, these decorations do not fail to have an effect, 

especially upon women, who are impressed by his sure and self- 

confident bearing. The array of tricks used by Veit to deceive his 

victims is astonishing. At one time it was sure-fire racing tips, which 

promised to bring in a small fortune, another time he lured the watches 

[from his victims] “in order to give them settings of gemstones.” He 

also successfully tried his hand at marriage swindles and knew how to 

remove rings, furs or less significant amounts of cash from his 

unsuspecting “brides.” Sometimes he assumed the mask of an honest 

businessman, and took jewelry and objects of value in order to show 

them to “high paying interested persons,” at the sale of which he 

promised to take for himself only a modest commission (naturally, 

every time he disappeared, never to be seen again). In all, Veit was 

convicted fifteen times. In March 1935 he had served his last sentence, 

and hardly having been released, he found a new, gullible victim, again 

a woman. Tricked out in his military decorations, he introduced 

himself as a “writer and representative of the press.” In apparent 

contradiction to this profession were his hands, which in prison had 

become rough and coarse. Veit was not at a loss for an explanation: he 

had just returned from the theater of war in Ethiopia, where he had had 

to do hard labor. His bad luck that times had changed in a fundamental 

way; he will probably hardly find opportunity again to spin the story of 

his “heroic deeds” to gullible and unsuspecting women. 

To (previous) Chapter IV: Imposters 

To (next) Chapter VI: Gambling Cheats 

To Table of Contents 

Copyright 2002 by R. Belser. Reproduction in whole or in part without 

express written permission of the translator is not permitted. All rights 

reserved. 

T h e   J e w   a s   C r i m i n a l 

Chapter VI: Gambling Cheats 

————————————————— 

————— 

(page 96) 

A few years ago, one could observe the following scene everywhere 

where many people were passing by. A man appears, sits down on a 

bench or even in the grass, takes cards out of his pocket and proposes a 

game to the passersby. Soon one of them stays there, that’s the 

assistant, the Schlepper [= the tower, dragger; i.e., the one who pulls in 

the "marks"] — and wins, wins so persistently that people gather 

around. So there is now a whole group, most of them are onlookers, but 

there is always one who is the stupidest, the “Freier” ["mark"]. He 

wants to play too, his money makes its way into the pocket of the 

Zocker” (the word comes from the Hebrew “tsochek” = cards). The 

game is “Kümmelblättchen” — this term has nothing to do with Kümmel 

[i.e., caraway seeds], it again comes from the Hebrew, from “cimmel,” 

which means “three”; it therefore means “Dreiblättchen” [i.e., "three 

little leaves/pages/cards"]. The Zocker and his Schlepper sit down 

somewhere in the open, preferably on a beautiful Sunday, when 

strollers are plentiful. Or the “mark” is lured into a pub, where he 

comes upon the players, etc. The different ways of enticing the victim 

are manifold, but their goal is always to bring the unsuspecting one to 

the Zocker. The game itself is described by H. v. Manteuffel, a 

prominent expert who directed the Gambling Section of the Berlin 

Police Praesidium for twenty years, in the following words (1). [The 

game, as described below, appears to be identical to a popular card 

scam called "three-card Monte." It is also quite similar in principle to 

the "shell game," in which a pea is placed under one of three nut pecan 

or walnut shells and the shells are interchanged several times by 

moving them around on a table top.] 

“Three cards, the so-called ‘Besen‘ ['brooms' or 'whisks' or 'beaters'], are 

shown to the mark. Only one of these three has a picture on its other 

side. The con-man picks up the three cards so that he holds one card 

with the thumb, middle, and index fingers of his left hand, and holds 

the two other cards on top of each other with the same fingers of his 

right hand, all of the cards with the back side face upward. The picture, 

i.e., the winning card, as he declares to the mark, he holds in his right 

hand on the bottom, and he shows the mark exactly where he has 

placed the cards. Now, using flamboyant motions, right before the 

mark’s eyes, the con-man throws down on the table one after the other, 

first the picture, then the single card held by the left [97] hand, and 

finally the card still remaining in the right hand with its back side face 

upward. At this point, the con-man asks the mark to pay attention to 

where the winning card stays and changes the position of the cards on 

the table by picking up the cards one by one. The point of this behavior 

is to instill the error in the mark that winning only depends upon 

watching the first card thrown down and following its motions exactly. 

. .”If the mark is made to feel absolutely sure, and places higher bets at 

the encouragement of his comrades, then the con-man no longer makes 

a show, as he did in the beginning, of throwing down the picture card 

first and then the other cards, but instead first throws down the upper 

card from the right hand, then the card from the left hand, and at the 

end throws down the picture card from the right hand. The mark, who 

neither suspects nor can see anything of this trick, camouflaged by the 

flamboyant hand motions at the placing of the cards, in his error that 

the picture card would again be thrown down first, follows closely with 

his eyes the first card thrown down and now has to lose and guess the 

wrong card.” 

The Kümmelblättchen is thus no game but a flat-out deception on 

which much money can be made. If the crook has found a suitable little 

place and if he has at his disposal clever Schlepper, the day’s 

“earnings” can amount to 100 RM or even more. 

From what classes of the Underworld are gambling cheats recruited? 

For the most part, from the ranks of the pimps and other work-shy 

rabble. A pimp, even if he is “running several girls,” has enough free 

time — for his profession is not one which requires hard labor. What 

does he do in his idle hours? Now, he sits somewhere in a Kaschemme

crime gossip is exchanged, plans are contrived, information and 

experiences exchanged, and in between there is a bit of gambling. 

Sometimes this is played on the basis of “gut Massel” (from the 

Hebrew “massel” = luck), i.e, the game is honest, but often experienced 

Zocker demonstrate their tricks and boast of their successes. New 

talents are discovered there, and aspiring cheats earn their first spurs. 

Many cardsharps come from the ranks of the imposters, since the art of 

guiding the luck of the cards along suitable channels can be of the 

greatest use to the soldier of fortune who is traveling around. Under the 

circumstances, it is simpler, quicker and cheaper, to pluck a successful 

commercial traveller — a “star salesman” — on a train — or to clean out 

a rich tradesman [98] in a crooked game at a health resort, than to make 

do with minor swindles or to get tied up in protracted marriage 

swindles. 

Finally, a certain connection exists between cardsharps and 

pickpockets, since both have to have at their command dexterous 

hands, cold-bloodedness, ability to dissimulate and a facile ability to 

empathize with the mind of a stranger. 

Cheating at cards is not a simple matter, for success depends not only 

upon the manual skills of a Zocker, but also upon proper organization. 

If the players to be gulled are sober and watchful, it is extraordinarily 

difficult, even when the cardsharp is adroit enough to completely 

conceal his illicit hand movements. It is necessary to have assistants 

who distract attention from the Zocker, create the necessary mood by 

means of joking and quarreling, encourage drinking, and who — this is 

of great importance — enjoy an exorbitant amount of luck — arranged 

beforehand — in the game, and thereby awaken a desire in the marks of 

likewise winning. These helpers — they bear the descriptive name of 

“Judas” — are indispensible and get up to one-fourth of the “winnings.” 

Further necessary collaborators are the “Spanner,” whose task it is to 

keep a look out for police officers and give warning about them. The 

role of the “Schlepper” is also of importance, for it’s incumbent upon 

him to find suitable persons who are easily talked into going to the card 

table and to bring them to the Zocker. If a Schlepper comes across a 

suitable and wealthy “mark,” he doesn’t let him out of his sight, he 

studies his habits, discovers his associations and determines how 

contact can best be made with him. If a mark is travelling on business, 

the Zocker goes hot on his trail, for experience shows that even 

mistrustful people are more accessible when on a trip. 

This large retinue of “assistants,” the journeys, the appearance 

“appropriate to his class” of the Zocker — all of this requires not just 

good organization, but also much money. Each of the more important 

gangs has its “Lageman [= lay-out man],” i.e., organizer and financier. 

The Lageman plays the exactly same role as the fence, since he holds 

in his hands the actual secret directorship, only he is even harder to 

catch than the fence. In general, the relationship of the Lageman with 

his helpers is a very good one, and only rarely is he “auf Tivoli 

geschoben [pushed onto Tivoli],” i.e., betrayed. The role of the 

Lageman is excellently suited for Jews, and their [99] collaboration in 

this “trade” is actually particularly great. Since they themselves do not 

directly participate, it is as good as impossible to catch and convict 

them. 

The passion for gambling has spread to all levels of society and its 

effect is devastating everywhere. The worker who carries home his 

modest paycheck is lured into a bar and at one of the numerous games — 

Meine Tante, deine Tante [My Aunt, your Aunt], Häufeln [Pile-up], 

Mauscheln ["mauscheln" = to talk like a Jew] (!), Kartenlottum, [card 

lottery], Gottes Segen bei Cohn [God's Blessing for Cohen] (!) and 

whatever they might be called — his small amount of earnings are taken 

from him. The employee, the civil servant who has fallen into the 

company of cardsharps, gambles away his belongings; he is misled into 

a swindle and cheat. For still wealthier circles, the more or less 

“exclusive” gaming clubs exist, which supposedly are open only to 

members, but they are really only better gambling hells. For they are 

all gambling hells, whether club or dive, whether an “exclusive” public 

(one thinks of the notorious “Isidor” Weiß, the former Vice President 

of Police in Berlin, who indulged his passion for gambling in various 

clubs, and his brother, who took care of licenses for the gamblers) or 

poor fellow-countrymen lose their money there. Even in the case where 

the professional gambler is not a cardsharp, he remains a public danger. 

What, then, is the role of the Jew in gambling fraud? It is decisive. 

The Jewish fence himself does not steal, the Jewish bordello madam 

does not sell herself, and the Jewish director of a gaming club does not 

need to personally appear as a cardsharp. But over and over again, 

human vices and weaknesses serve for the enrichment of these 

conscienceless parasites, who, in accord with their nature, strive to 

enlarge the circle of their victims whenever possible. 

The trial of the “Harmlosen,” (1) ["harmless" or "innocent"] as a 

gambling club in the Central Hotel was called, once caused an 

enormous sensation. The wealthiest people in Berlin socialized there. It 

was a paradise for those possessed by gambling. On the outside, 

gentlemen with feudal names and with expensive habits but uncertain 

incomes, represented the club. One of them had a fixed income of only 

110 Marks a month — which did not stop him from having a 

demanding songstress as mistress, and a luxurious two-horse team with 

a valet. Another of these seedy courtiers was always stuck in debt, even 

to waiters, although his mother had already once paid 70,000 Marks for 

him. These people possessed [100] from their earliest days the best 

connections in society, which extended up to Court circles, and served 

as “Schlepper” and, simultaneously, as ornamental figures in the 

landscape for the true wire-pullers — the Jewish cardsharps Ernst 

Levin and Hermann Wolff

Of the two Wolff was the more dangerous. Originally from Austria, he 

was work-shy from his youth and grew up among nine siblings in poor 

circumstances. When barely seventeen years of age, he had to serve 

two years in prison, where he got to know all the secrets of the 

Underworld. He soon became an outstanding cardsharp and travelled 

throughout Europe. His greatest coup was his game with the 

industrialist Prinz-Reichenheim, from whom he took not less than 

800,000 Marks, half of it in one night. A term of imprisonment was the 

result. 

For long years he wandered through America, North Africa, and the 

East Indies, always living in luxury, throwing money around and 

searching for new victims. Of large physique, with black hair, 

somewhat corpulent, he dressed with utmost elegance and was seldom 

seen without patent leather shoes, top hat and expensive cuff links. His 

manners were impeccable, his extraordinary politeness overweening — 

an astute observer said of him: “He is too polite to be honest” — and his 

French was genuinely Parisian. On the other hand, he mastered the 

German language only imperfectly. It is the old picture of the Jewish 

imposter as we’ve already come to recognize it. 

After a thoroughly rewarding stay in Aachen, Homburg and 

Wiesbaden, he arrived in Berlin in the summer of 1897. Gradually, a 

circle of dubious types now formed around him, and he leisurely 

selected for himself suitable persons to serve as props. The club was 

able to be opened with great pomp on 14 October 1898. . .There was 

everything that a “man of the world” of the time could wish for: 

lobster, caviar, and rivers of genuine champagne. After the Galadiner 

[formal reception or feast], Wolff took over an “honorary game table” 

and donated half of the profit of the club treasury to it — a noble 

gesture whose value was impaired, however, by the fact that Wolff, as 

always, had profited through cheating. . . 

For two months the guests were plucked by every technique of the art, 

and the “earnings” of the cardsharps can’t even be approximately 

gauged. Not only the masterful cardsharps of Wolf and Levin were 

guilty of this, but also all of the parasites who gathered about the club 

and used it as the base of their operations: artistes of the Varieté, music 

hall songstresses, women of thedemi-monde and also “ambitious” 

prostitutes who wanted to climb higher, the swarm of pimps associated 

with them, but also racing horse owners and [101] trainers, suppliers of 

wine, of delicacies, jewelry and women’s toiletries, blackmailers, 

feudal valets who looked like genuine dukes and had at their disposal 

the best connections of the Underworld — each wanted his part of the 

prosperity. The lion’s share, however, stayed with Wolff. Thus, for 

example, he won 120,000 marks from Herr v. Gally during a game 

which went on without interruption from Sunday evening until 

Monday. Whoever arrived in Berlin from the provinces — industrialists, 

squires, general directors [of companies] — and who brought a wallet 

sufficiently stuffed, wanted to try his luck in the gaming club and 

pocket a fat profit. For winning wasn’t rare, it belonged to the tactics of 

the sharpster. If anyone won a larger sum, then the news spread like 

wildfire, and those greedy for loot streamed in from all directions. 

The bomb exploded when (more strikingly!) a sensational article by a 

Dr. Kornblum appeared in the Jewish Berliner Tageblatt [Berlin 

Daily]. The topic was gambling fraud; names were not named, but 

sufficiently transparent hints were given and mention was made of 

Schlepper from the nobility” (but not of the Jewish principals!). 

The scandal was stupendous, for the best society frequented the gaming 

club. An investigation was begun. Wolff was warned in time (or he 

was in bed with Kornblum?). He, Levin, and the card dealer who 

managed the “prepared” card games, vanished unscathed abroad and 

were able to take along all of their loot. Some persons were arrested. 

But the trial led to no clear result since the main defendants had fled, 

and on the other hand those arrested had influential patrons and 

protectors. 

The main goal of this genuinely Jewish “coup” was completely 

attained: systematic plundering, corruption, and afterward “finger- 

pointing” at the non-Jewish “good Society” and a part of the Prussian 

nobility by Jewish provocateurs and journalists! 

Still more revealing is the trial in Hanover in the year 1893. What 

follows is taken from a book of the Jew H. Friedlander(1).

Friedlander was a well-known Jewish court reporter who undertook the 

publishing of a collection of reports about contemporary sensational 

trials. In the ten-volume work [102] the number of Jewish criminals 

listed is extraordinarily small — he was just an “objective” reporter, 

who painted the sins of the anti-Semites in the most glaring colors. 

There can be no doubt that Friedlander has glossed over the crimes of 

the Jewish gangs in Hanover. But even what he does tell is vast 

enough. 

As witnesses over one hundred officers of every rank were called, but 

at the defense table sat the following persons, mostly Jews: the “man of 

independent means” Jakob Fährle, a large, bald-headed man with a 

gray beard who looked like a commercial counsellor from the comics 

pages. Although born in Offenbach, he wasn’t able to speak German 

properly. In his youth he’d been a newspaper seller, then a thief and 

swindler. He fled abroad and was active as an imposter and cardsharp. 

He passed himself off as a foreigner, was restless and nervous and so 

undisciplined that his attorney, a racial comrade, had to constantly 

warn him to be still. 

The two bankers, Julius and Max Rosenberg. They looked like honest 

businessmen, as did the banker Ludwig Süßmann. In reality, they 

were merciless usurers. 

A special ornament of this company was the man of independent 

means, Samuel Seemann, called the “old honest Seemann,” he was a 

plain man as it says in the book, with a full gray beard, quiet, reliable- 

looking, a man to whose honesty anyone would swear without a 

thought. This Seemann was well-known for his roulette, with which he 

travelled through all the cities of Europe. His popularity in gaming 

circles was very great, and, as one of the witnesses said: “why should 

one go to Monte Carlo, when one can go to Seemann’s?” The roulette 

was fitted with a device which made it possible for Seemann to always 

win. 

The banker Louis Abter, a quiet, rather young man, with black hair, a 

beautiful full beard and gold-framed glasses. In addition were charged: 

the banker Albert Heß, the travelling salesman Ludwig Stamer and 

the captain of cavalry, Baron a. d. von Meyerinck. The latter kept 

himself off to the side, exchanged not a word with his fellow- 

defendants, and maintained the greatest calm. The good-looking, well- 

groomed man with dark blonde, slightly grayed and styled hair and the 

arrogant face was the center of general interest. 

The numerous defense attorneys were likewise mostly Jews. The most 

prominent among them was Fritz Friedemann, himself a passionate 

gambler. He claimed that he played with his clients and had often 

gambled away to them his attorney fees in advance. 

[103] Of what was this mixed company, which consisted of bankers, 

salesmen and former officers, accused? Of usury and gambling fraud. 

Max Rosenberg, Abter, Heß and a certain Lichtner, a Jewish criminal 

from Vienna who had fled in time, conducted in Hanover a “banking 

business,” more accurately a usury business, which targeted officers. If 

an officer was in need of money, he could always get it from these 

“bankers,” but on terms which one could never believe, had they not 

been established in court. The officer had to sign a note and pay six 

percent interest as well as two per cent commission, which were also 

immediately deducted from the amount paid to him. In themselves, 

these conditions weren’t bad, if there hadn’t been the detail that the 

amount named in the note was never paid to the officer in cash. Only 

the smaller portion did he actually receive that way, but the rest in 

lottery tickets and in fact not even in the original tickets, but in “quit- 

claim” certificates. In other words, the debtor had claim only on 

possible winnings under 2000 Marks. Should larger winnings accrue to 

a ticket, the debtor had to sign it over to the “banker.” At any extension 

of the note, new lottery tickets had to be bought, for which interest also 

had to be paid. 

Thanks to this system, the indebtedness soon grew immeasurably. So, 

for example, if an officer borrowed 2500 Marks from Abter. For this, 

he had to buy during the course of a few months lottery tickets of the 

kind described, for 8500 Marks, so that the usurer had in his hands 

notes from the officer for 11,000 Marks, therefore more than four times 

the actual amount loaned. 

The consequences of this system were devastating. The debtor was 

either impoverished or ruined, or driven to suicide. There were also 

some cases in which the officer resorted to embezzlement in order to 

satisfy the greedy gang. Still others became the will-less tools of the 

criminals. This system of usury and the shameless exploitation of the 

situation of the officers who had fallen into difficulties, were bad 

enough already. But the band went one step further — it artificially 

created a situation such that officers had to get into trouble. The means 

was gambling. That was still not enough — the essential goal and 

actual result of this criminal activity was the “scandal,” the corruption 

and defamation of the Prussian officer, and of good society. It was such 

“affairs” and “scandals” which [104] made the old state and the old 

army into a victim of Jewish “reporting,” of Jewish humor and of the 

Jewish caricature. Behind the more or less “chic” affairs was 

concealed, in the last analysis, the planned, persistent and cunning 

attack of Jewry upon the existing order, the Jewish struggle for prestige 

and money. 

The band in Hanover consisted of two gangs. One — the Zockers — had 

as its task bringing officers to ruin through gambling fraud, thereby 

driving the victims into the arms of the usurers, who took from them 

their last resources. On the other hand, the gang of usurers played the 

role of “Lagemänner [lay-out men],” i..e., they fronted the money to 

the cardsharps which they needed for their machinations. 

The affair had grown to a large scale, and a great host of accomplices 

and cardsharps, who were brought to the spas or race tracks under the 

camouflage of being wealthy estate owners, merchants, etc., had to 

come in on the fraud. According to the proven recipe, at first the 

cardsharp “lost” but then won more and more, until the officer had lost 

everything and saw no other recourse but the usurious “banker.” 

The most important role among these “Schlepper” was played by the 

Baron von Meyerinck, a man with an extraordinarily eventful past, a 

passionate gambler and wastrel. Once he had owned two estates for 

which he had made a down payment of 200,000 Taler, without ever 

considering payment of the rest of the amount. By 1880, he was 

already forced to sell both estates, for which he received 1,200,000 

Marks, which he nonetheless squandered within a short time. Earlier, 

he had to take an oath of manifestation in Straßburg. A “small” income 

of 22,000 Taler a year remained to him and for some years he 

wandered through Germany, settling in Hanover in 1885. He lived in 

great style (meat alone cost his household 6000 Marks yearly), gave 

parties, his house was always full of guests, and gambling flourished. 

At last the decadent aristocrat came into contact with the Hanover 

gangs and entered their service. 

Von Meyerinck particularly focused his efforts upon the officers of the 

Hanover garrison, or those who were seconded to the famous riding 

academy. He invited them to his magnificent villa or supped with them 

in the best hotels of the city. After the meal, it was a matter of: “Now 

we’ll go to play Jeu [a game of chance popular at the time].” Then the 

unsuspecting victim was cleaned out and the winnings divided. 

One of von Meyerinck’s closest friends was the Jew Lichtner, an 

international imposter and cardsharp. He had originally been a 

salesman in a Vienna fashion business, but then he was [105] 

sentenced to a long prison term for embezzlement, gambling and usury. 

He succeeded in escaping from the prison hospital. He then operated as 

a gambler in Hungary and in Germany. 

One of the witnesses, an officer, told the Court how the cardsharps 

worked. In the gaming room of the “Hotel de Russie” in Hanover, he 

met Meyerinck by chance. While he was chatting with him and with 

another gentleman, a good-looking man entered the gaming room (it 

was Lichtner). When Meyerinck spotted him, he said: “I know him 

from Helgoland. He’s very rich and is called von Lindner — we can 

win some money at Jeu from him, he always carries at least 50,000 

Marks with him.” They were introduced and soon were sitting at the 

card table. They played Ecarté for perhaps a quarter-hour, at which the 

supposed “von Lindner” continually lost. But then they changed to 

Makao, and soon the officer had lost 3000 Marks. And he was not the 

only one. Many hundreds of people had fallen into the net of the blood- 

suckers, and most of them preferred to remain silent. 

The sentence was unspeakably lenient, the usurers, who were merely 

punished for the “lottery offense,” naturally came out of it best. All of 

those sentenced accepted their punishment calmly, only Meyerinck 

voluntarily made an end to his misspent life. 

Rarely has a trial allowed such a deep insight into the devastating 

activities of Jewish gambling swindlers, whose goal was not only the 

exploitation of their victims, but also the ruin and the disintegration of 

the social order in general. 

In spite of their disastrous effects, both examples which have been 

given pale when we think of the role of another Jewish loan shark and 

owner of gambling hells, Aaron Simanovitch. The field of his activity 

was pre-revolutionary St. Petersburg, and later the base of the White 

armies in South Russia. Simanovitch falsely described himself as a 

“secretary” of the famous Rasputin, to whom he dedicated a book 

which appeared in 1928, published by Hensel & Co. Verlag in 

Berlin(1).

To understand the role of Simanovitch, one must understand to begin 

with that Jewry was subject to far-reaching limitations in Old Russia 

and was permitted to live only in the so-called Pale of Settlement in the 

western part of the realm. Jewry [106] formed the leadership of all 

revolutionary movements and parties in Old Russia, as much the 

bourgeois-liberal as the “moderate”-Marxist, as well as the Bolshevist. 

Hermann Fehst, already cited by us once, reports concerning this(1): 

“Jewish revolutionaries were in all of the Russian democratic and 

socialist parties, from the Cadets to the Bolshevists. And, according to 

number and influence, they were always strongest in the leadership. 

Their share in the leadership was on average five to ten times greater 

than it was in the party masses. 

There were important Jewish leaders of the Cadets: Vinaver, 

Grusenberg, Yollos, Hessen, Herzenstein, etc. 

In the Menshevists: Martov (Zederbaum), Trotsky (Bronstein), Dan 

(Gurvitch), Martynov, Liber (Goldmann), Abramovitch (Rein), Gorev 

(Goldmann), etc. 

In the Internationalists: Steklov (Nachamkes), Suchanov (Himmer), 

etc. 

In the Social Revolutionaries: Gotz, Bernstein, Bunakov 

(Fundaminski), Ruthenberg, etc. 

In the Left Social Revolutionaries: Kapelinski, Ehrlich, Linde, 

Steinberg, Proshyan, Schlichter, Schreider, etc. 

In the Bolshevists: Borodin (Grusenberg), Frumkin, Goloshchekin, 

Hanecki (Fürstenberg), Yaroslavsky (Gubelmann), Kamenev 

(Rosenfeld), Lashevitch, Litvinov (Wallach), Lyadov (Mandelstamm), 

Radek (Sobelsohn), Sinovyev (Radomyslsky), Sokolnikov (Brilliant), 

Sverlov, etc. In 1911, at the Bolshevist academy in Longuejumeaux 

near Paris, of twelve instructors, six were Jews: Steklov (Nachamkes), 

Ryasanov (Goldendach), Davidson, Rappoport, Sinovyev and 

Kamenev.” 

The whole of Jewry in Russia had but one single goal: the fall of Jewry- 

hostile Czarism, Emancipation and finally, the seizure of power. To 

attain this goal the Jews played at different roles in the various classes 

of society, in the different parties, in the Press, in public opinion, in the 

economy, etc., in all of which these Jewish columns and divisions 

naturally mutually supported one another and so proceeded together 

according to one strategic plan. The Jews everywhere and at all times, 

by the way, are accustomed to act following this recipe. By its very 

nature, the task of penetrating the highest level of the Russian 

aristocracy, the Czarist Court itself, was especially difficult. One Jew 

succeeded in doing this — Aaron Simanovitch, who by means of 

bribery, by establishing gaming clubs and as jeweler [107] found entré 

into the Court circles and there unfolded his pernicious activities. This 

one Jew achieved more for the destruction of the Romanov monarchy 

and for the preparation of the Bolshevist Revolution than many of the 

prominent Party Jews. 

The instrument of his work of destruction was Rasputin. An enormous 

literature, which sometimes makes him out to be a kind of saint, 

sometimes a devil in the flesh, yet again a libertine, here as a miracle- 

worker, there as a plain man of the people, again as an opportunist, has 

come about in the entire world about this person. In any case, he is 

imbued with the aura of mystery, he’s romanticized with a mystical 

power and he is considered to be one of the most interesting 

personalities of pre-Revolutionary Russia. This view of Rasputin must 

today be fundamentally revised and overturned. 

Rasputin was actually little more than a corrupt and depraved subject, 

who allied himself with Jewry — to be more exact, who sold himself to 

the Jews — out of material motives, from the greed for power and 

hatred against the nobility. Simanovitch himself describes the 

“significance” of Rasputin in this way(1): 

“Rasputin was one of the many clairvoyants and soothsayers with 

whom the Czarist court teemed. These sort of people were sought for 

all over Russia, and the relatives of the Czar took an active part in the 

hunt for miracle-workers.” (p.293-294) 

Rasputin was apparently brought to Court by Simanovitch, who had 

gotten to know him in Kiev (p. 33), and brought to the Princess 

Orbeliani and the Lady-in-waiting to the Czarina, Anna Vyrubova, who 

smoothed the way to the Czarina for Rasputin and who remained his 

slave to the end. Simanovitch writes about this: 

“And indeed, she was the first who intervened with her whole person 

and with the expenditure of her every power and all of her influence at 

Court for Rasputin. Every desire of Rasputin was law for Vyrubova. 

She downright idolized him, and to her, the loyal intercessor between 

him and the Imperial couple, Rasputin owed, to a great extent, his 

unique position. He said of her, that she would follow him to the end of 

the world, and she was actually his most devoted and compliant 

agent(2).” 

Whether Vyrubova believed that she was “merely acting in the interest 

of the Imperial couple and of the dynasty,” as Simanovitch claims, or 

whether she did not, rather, also take a very material [108] interest in 

Rasputin and in Simanovitch over and above this, is not entirely clearly 

establishable. In any case, Simanovitch reports (p. 211) that Vyrubova 

frequently accepted “donations,” indeed, that she also personally 

received “valuable presents.” Simanovitch writes verbatim: “Thus, Frau 

Rubinstein gave her, for example, 50,000 Rubles, Frau Beinensohn 

25,000 Rubels, the Banker Manus 200,000 Rubels, Nachimov 30,000 

Rubels, Popov 10,000 Rubels. From me myself, Vyrubova received 

various valuable diamonds, emeralds and precious silver flower vases.” 

That sounds rather incriminating. Protopopov, who, after making the 

promise “to do something for the Jews,” (p. 209) obtained from 

Simanovitch, Rasputin and Vyrubova the post of Minister of the 

Interior, likewise “donated” 100,000 Rubels for the military hospital 

founded by Vyrubova — one of the usual bribery maneuvers during the 

war period in Russia. Before his appointment, by the way, Simanovitch 

redeemed the note of Protopopov at a profit of 150,000 Rubels. But not 

without “Protopopov’s promise to repay me this amount out of the 

secret fund of the Ministry of the Interior after his appointment.” (p. 

211.) 

From these examples, to which are added still numerous others from 

the memoirs of Simanovitch, it is obviously clear that Vyrubova at the 

least liked to “take along with her” such things. In her own memoirs(1) 

Vyrubova naturally treats Rasputin positively and declares that all 

rumors about him and his impure relations with the Czarist house are 

slanders. She pronounces him, as usual, to be a simple “itinerant 

preacher,” a subordinate advisor of the Imperial couple, whose scant 

influence was based upon the well-known fact that he was able to 

dispel the hemophilia of the heir to the throne though his power of 

suggestion (p. 140, etc.). That this was not the case emerges right from 

the fact that attacks in great number were committed against Rasputin, 

and that he finally was murdered by their own hands by a Grand Duke 

(Dmitri Pavlovitch), a Prince (Yussupov), and one of the most well- 

known Duma Deputies (Purishkevitch). These three persons would 

obviously never have needed to murder a man of no importance and 

without influence.

Most of the legends about Rasputin stress the “strange magical 

suggestive power” of this man of wonders and describe the more or 

less brutal and boundless sexuality of Rasputin as the source of his 

influence, particularly upon his countless female supporters among the 

highest levels of [109] Petersburg society. It is frequently even claimed 

that his influence on the Czarina was not without such a basis and that 

even the Czar’s daughters were sexual slaves to him. As a typical 

example of this we might list a notorious article of the likewise 

notorious Jewish agent, journalist and companion of Simanovitch, 

Manassevitch-Manuilov, which he even presented before the 

Extraordinary Investigatory Commission of the Provisional 

Government, on 8 April 1917(1): 

“I published an interview with him at that time, which raised a lot of 

dust and which was also translated into French and English; it appeared 

in the Novoye Vremye (The New Times). His famous story of the bath 

room. . .What it was about, was that he (Rasputin) described to me the 

following: ‘When I was living in Siberia, I had many female admirers 

and among these female admirers there were (I may say this, because 

it’s already been printed) ladies who were very close to the Court. So 

they came to me there (that is, to Siberia) and then they desired to get 

closer to God. . .One can come closer to God only through self- 

abasement. And now I led all of these women of the great world, in 

diamonds and expensive clothes, into the bath room (there were seven 

women). I undressed them all and forced them to wash me.'” 

This famous account is typical of the legend of Rasputin. It’s just as 

typical that it [the story] comes from a Jew. The Jews made use of 

Rasputin for two goals simultaneously: at once to carry corruption into 

the Czar’s Court and to attain through him substantial influence on the 

formation of the government and the direction of politics, but at the 

same time to use the same Rasputin as the figure of propaganda 

against the Czar and the conditions at Court which had been created by 

and desired by themselves, at which [conditions] they of course 

speculated in true Jewish fashion on the avarice and meanness of 

people, and in this speculation they were correct. By means of the 

agitation of the Jewish press, Rasputin became the symbol of Czarist 

degeneration. He was so closely identified with Czardom, that the 

revolver shots of Yussupov at Rasputin became at the same time fatal 

shots at the Czarist rulership in general. Thus, the case of Rasputin in 

actuality is a political campaign of Jewry, planned out and executed 

with downright devilish genius, a campaign which had its conclusion 

just in the night of 18 July 1918 in Ekaterineburg, where the Czar 

himself, the Czarina [110] and all their children were bestially 

murdered by Jews. Of this final act of the tragedy introduced by the 

“Court Jeweler” Simnaovitch we shall still have to speak. 

The same Manasse-Manuilov naturally(1) maintains that Vyrubova 

was the sexual slave of Rasputin and that the same was also true of the 

Czarina. In noteworthy contrast to this is the statement before the 

investigative committee of Vyrubova herself, which very soberly 

pointed out(2): 

“But above all, you yourselves know, that no woman would have been 

prepared to make love with him, why, he was an old man; well, how 

old was he? Fifty years, I believe.” 

From the memoirs of Simanovitch as well as from the evidence of the 

investigative committee, and after the elimination of the romantic and 

improbable, the following simple fact emerges: Rasputin found himself 

in the hands of a clique of Jews and executed their orders in return for 

generous rewards. 

Simanovitch was in no way his “secretary,” but rather his employer. 

Besides Simanovitch, who himself emphasizes this several times in his 

memoirs, the already mentioned Manassevitch- Manuilov belonged to 

it [i.e., the clique of Jews] as a “political agent.” Manassavitch was an 

agent of the political police and was one of the best-known journalists 

of Petersburg. He became secretary to the liberal Minister President 

Count Witte, who was known to be married to a Jewess and later also 

had connections with Rasputin. During the war, Manassevitch became 

“confidential secretary,” in reality probably a substantial advisor to the 

Minister President Stürmer. Extremely typical is the fact that Stürmer 

himself, Minister President of the Empire during the World War, was 

of Jewish descent and was appointed Minister President at the 

instigation of Rasputin, i.e., at the instigation of the clique of Jews, 

Simanovitch & Co. 

If Manassevitch represented the left hand of Stürmer, then his right 

hand was another Jew, Gurland, who after his “conversion” to 

Christianity supposedly became one of the most important leaders of 

anti-Semitism. In other words, Gurland played the role of a Jewish 

provocateur within the Jewry-hostile circles and in public opinion. To 

the same clique of Jews around Rasputin at that time belonged the 

banker [111] Rubinstein, who later became Court Banker to the 

Czarina on the recommendation of Rasputin, and further, the Jewish 

attorney Sliosberg, the banker Ginzburg, and several others. A typical 

scene is depicted in this passage(1): 

“Many outstanding representatives of Jewry were assembled, among 

them the Baron Ginzburg, well-known on account of his charitable 

donations, attorney-at-law Sliosberg, Leo Brodsky, Gerassim Schalit, 

Samuel Gurevitch, Bank Director Mandel, Varshavsky, Poliakov and 

several others. By intent, no lawyers besides Sliosberg were summoned 

to the conference since Rasputin declared that he wanted to deal with 

neither lawyers nor socialists. An exception was made for Sliosberg 

because Rasputin had nothing to say against him. He took him to be a 

good Jew, whose activities as an attorney didn’t matter. 

Those present prepared an reception of honor for Rasputin at his arrival 

in Ginzburg’s salon. Many among them wept. Rasputin was very 

moved by these signs of sorrow. He listened attentively to our 

complaints about the persecutions of the Jews and promised to set 

about doing everything to see that the Jewish Question would yet be 

brought to a resolution during his lifetime. He added: ‘You must all 

help Simanovitch so that he has the possibility of bribing the people on 

whom this depends. Do as your fathers did, who even did financial 

business with the Czar himself. What has become of you! You no 

longer act as the Jews used to do in former times. The Jewish 

Question must be solved by bribery or cunning. As concerns myself, 

you can be entirely at ease. I will grant you every assistance.'” 

Rasputin kept his promise. From this point on, the ministers were 

appointed and discharged by the clique of Jews around Rasputin. 

Simanovitch and his friends found their greatest and most dangerous 

opponent in the Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolayevitch, the Supreme 

Commander of the Russian Army, an extraordinarily energetic man 

who correctly saw through the Jewish Question and who proceeded 

against Jewry ruthlessly at the front and in the rear lines. The clique of 

Jews decided upon his overthrow. And now there was played out an 

unexampled struggle for power between the oldest and most powerful 

of the Grand Dukes and Supreme Commander of the Russian Army on 

the one side, and Simanovitch, Rasputin and the clique of Jews on the 

other side. It ended with the triumph of the Jews(2). 

[112] “After I had informed Moses Ginzburg about the result of my 

conversation with Rasputin, he proposed arranging a Galadiner in the 

apartment of the attorney Sliosberg, whom Rasputin held to be a 

trustworthy, reliable Jewish leader. In fact, Sliosberg had done very 

much for the Jews, without the possibility of there having been any sort 

of substantial personal motives in it for him. 

The Jewish representatives assembled on the appointed day at 

Sliosberg’s, among them Baron Ginzburg, Moses Ginzburg, 

Blankenstein, Mandel, Rabbi Maso and many others whose names 

escape me after so many years. After everyone had arrived, I was asked 

by telephone to show up with Rasputin. We drove there. When 

Rasputin entered the living room of Sliosberg, he was received with 

ceremony and with great respect. The Jewish delegates, older 

gentlemen with long, full beards, told Rasputin during the course of the 

evening of the persecutions of the Jews by Nikolai Nikolayevitch and 

other anti-Semitic men in power. Their descriptions made a deep 

impression upon Rasputin, he was actually shaken. In his attempt to 

reassure the delegates he was able to hold back his own tears only with 

effort. When the general excitement had somewhat abated, Rasputin 

declared that he was ready to gladly help the Jews, but that it appeared 

to him impossible to put through radical measures in a short time, since 

the anti- Semitism in Russian government circles was too deeply 

rooted. ‘The government and the nobility,’ he said, ‘are vicious like 

dogs. One must steel oneself for a hard and long struggle. It’s a pity, 

but how can one change it? I will try everything that I can. Only tell me 

what I ought to do for you. ‘ ‘Help us, Father Grigory!’ replied the 

Jewish delegates, who were very much heartened by Rasputin’s words. 

‘You’re fools,’ declared Rasputin, ‘to be sure, you are rich and clever, 

but you don’t know how to court the favor of the persons who could be 

useful to you. You must bribe all the people upon whom this depends, 

you must do everything, whatever you’re able, to associate your 

interests with the interests of the influential men of power.’ 

The delegates told Rasputin that the Jewish leaders Vinaver, 

Grusenberg, Kalmanovitch, Rabbi Eisenstadt and Friedmann, had 

pronounced themselves opposed to these kind of tactics, since 

according to their view, more than anything else the equal rights of the 

entire Jewish people must be strived for. For the implementation of that 

sort of reform, however, time would be necessary. 

[113] ‘I really don’t understand you,’ repeated Rasputin. ‘In earlier times 

various Jews, for example Polyakov, had great influence, and now 

Simanovitch has access to the Czar. Why will you not fight your way 

through to him?’ 

The delegates continued their complaints over the Grand Duke Nikolai 

Nikolayevitch and asked Rasputin to protect the Jews from his 

persecutions. He had obviously not expected that he would have so 

much to listen to. We gave him one report after another about the 

persecution of the Jews and the hatred the Supreme Commander of the 

Russian Army had for the Jews, and we could not suppress our tears 

when we told of the countless executions of Jews by the military 

authorities. 

Rasputin stood up and crossed himself. That signified that he had 

vowed to himself to help us. With profound emotion he declared he 

would remove Nikolai Nikolayevitch from his post as Supreme 

Commander of the Russian Army within ten days, as long as nothing 

happened to him himself. 

‘Then the Czar himself will take over command and we can perhaps do 

something for the Jews,’ he said. 

Everyone present was shocked by this promise of Rasputin. I proposed 

to grant him a donation of a hundred thousand Rubles for his family (!), 

and my proposal was unanimously accepted. Rasputin said that he 

would tell the Czar of this. 

On the next day, M. Ginzburg deposited fifty thousand Rubels at a 

bank for each of the two daughters of Rasputin. 

We saw with astonishment how Rasputin kept his word. Even before 

the end of the ten-day period, Nikolai Nikolayevitch was removed from 

his post and named Commander of the troops in the Caucasus.” 

The “Court Jeweler” and proprietor of gaming clubs, Aaron 

Simanovitch had inflicted a grave defeat upon the Grand Duke Nikolai 

Nikolayevitch. This victory cost Jewry only 100,000 Rubels. 

Simanovitch reports that Rasputin’s way of life consumed enormous 

sums. He received each month from the Ministry of the Interior, by 

order of the Czar, 5000 Rubels, which nonetheless did not go far. A 

single drinking bout in the notorious “Villa Rode,” where Rasputin was 

accustomed to spend his nights, cost 15,000 Rubels in one instance(1). 

[114] The largest sums for Rasputin came from the Jews, about which 

Simanovitch writes the following(1):

“Therefore I procured money for Rasputin from special sources which I 

never shall betray, in order not to harm co-religionists.” 

Rasputin never refused Simanovitch his support. 

“He became a friend and patron of the Jews and supported me without 

reservation in my efforts to relieve their situation(2).” 

That he did, even when it meant desertion and treason in the war. An 

example of this(3): 

“The Jews in general showed little inclination for military service, 

which was understandable considering their outcast position and heavy 

oppression. In order to ease the way to their release from the duty of 

military service, I made further connections with the recruiting 

commission in the city of Luga not far from Petersburg. All members 

of the commission were appointed at the instigation of Rasputin, and 

when I sent anyone there whose papers displayed an agreed-upon 

mark, he inevitably came away free from military service.” 

Simanovitch was a tireless founder of gaming clubs. At first, he 

established a gaming club under the screen of a chess club. The 

Imperial Maître d’Hôtel Poincet as well as both brothers, the Princes 

Wittgenstein, who served in the personal body guard of the Czar, had 

an interest in this establishment(4). 

Another time, he established a gaming club on the Fontanka wharf, in 

house nr. 14. A Count Tolstoy acted as founder, and Baron Roop was 

elected President of the club. The board of directors was comprised of 

the Cossak officer Bermond, Count Musvitz-Schadurki and the former 

attorney Rosen. It is extremely interesting that Rosen was legal advisor 

in the very influential reactionary and anti-Semitic Association of the 

Archangel Michael(5). The leader of this Association was the famous 

hater of Jews, Purishkevitch, one of the later murderers of Rasputin. 

What the purpose of the “gaming club” of Herr Simanovitch, with Herr 

Rosen as “secretary” was, among other things, emerges from the 

following(6): 

[115] “All complaints about the Jews which came into the Association 

were delivered to him (Rosen) for examination. I managed it so that 

Rosen first sent these documents to me. Complaints which could have 

had undesirable consequences I burned up in short order, and only sent 

on totally unimportant letters to the leadership of the Association. 

Purishkevitch finally drew suspicious conclusions about Rosen. He was 

followed and surprised in the vicinity of my apartment with a large 

briefcase which was filled with complaints about the Jews. He was 

thereupon relieved of his post as secretary in the ‘Association of the 

Archangel Michael.’ Incidentally, that was no great loss for him. For he 

was getting two thousand Rubels from me each month and had other 

income besides.” 

The so-called “Scientific-Commercial Alliance,” whose “President” 

was a Professor Rayev, and which was also founded by Simanovitch, 

was also nothing more than a gaming club. When one day the Czar was 

in need of a man for the highest political-clerical position of Chief 

Procurator of the Holy Synod, Professor Rayev received this position 

on the recommendation of Rasputin. Another gaming club 

establishment of Simanovitch was the so-called “Fire Brigade Club.” It 

was located in the house of the famous Countess Ignatiev and naturally 

had nothing to do with fire-fighting. The “President” of this fire- 

fighting club was the Lord Mayor of Pskov, Tomilin. He was hired 

away by a rival establishment, the so-called “Russian National Club” 

and also took along with him from the Fire Brigade Club two servants 

into the new club. These shifts in personnel occurred with the 

knowledge and with the intent of Simanovitch, who thus had eyes and 

ears in the rival establishment. It was in the “Russian National Club,” 

incidentally, that the secret conferences between Purishkevitch, the 

Grand Duke Dmitri Pavlovitch, the Prince Felix Yussupov and other 

enemies of Rasputin occurred, by whom Simanovitch was informed in 

advance in this way(1). 

The plans of his opponents seemed not to have been frustrated only 

through the “idiosyncracies” of Rasputin and the careless omissions of 

the security organs. 

It strikes one as very strange, since all means of power were indeed at 

the disposal of Rasputin and the clique of Jews. The assumption seems 

more probable that Simanovitch or one of his “co-religionists” was also 

proprietor of the “Russian National Club” and [116] intentionally did 

not prevent the murder of Rasputin, perhaps even promoted it. 

Rasputin had served his purpose. The first act of the corruption and 

undermining of the Czarist rulership was finished. Now decisive 

measures could be taken. As the Jews well knew, Rasputin’s death had 

to plunge the Imperial couple into despair, hopelessness and apathy. 

Rasputin’s death had to become at the same time the signal for 

revolution. 

And so it turned out to be. In the night of 17 December 1916, Rasputin 

was shot in the apartment of Felix Yussupov by the conspirators. One- 

and-a-half months later the Czar abdicated. 

Simanovitch nevertheless maintained his influence on the Czar even 

after the elimination of Rasputin. He writes(1): 

“Directly after Rasputin’s death this (my) influence became downright 

decisive. The Czar believed I alone was informed about Rasputin’s 

plans.” 

Simanovitch exploited this influence against the Czar to the last drop, 

by placing a totally unfit person at the head of the government at this 

critical hour of the Czarist dynasty(2): 

“Our candidate for the post of Minister President was Prince Golitsyn, 

an old, frail man, but a good friend of Protopopov (the Interior 

Minister) and a very sweet man. The mistresses of Protopopov and of 

Prince Golitsyn were on friendly terms with each other, and when 

Protopopov became Minister, both ladies decided to procure a high 

post for the Prince too, so that one friend would not be leaving the 

other behind. To our satisfaction, we discovered in the papers (of 

Rasputin) a photograph of Prince Golitsyn with the inscription by 

Rasputin in his own hand: ‘The Old One’ (i.e., the Minister President). 

That sufficed perfectly for our goals. . .” 

“The result was that Trepov had to leave the post of Minister President, 

which he had occupied approximately one week long, as soon as the 

next day. Prince Golitsyn, until then entirely unknown, was named as 

his successor. He himself was probably the one most surprised by this. 

. .”(3) 

“Contrary to custom up to this time, this cabinet did not present itself to 

the Czar at all. Prince Golitsyn, as well as I can recall, was not received 

a single time by the Czar. But [117] every newly named Minister held 

it to be his bounden duty to make an initial visit to Vyrubova, for it was 

very important then to secure her support. 

The Golitsyn cabinet was the last under the government of the last Czar 

(1).”

The work of the Jew Simanovitch was complete. The gaming clubs had 

payed for themselves. 

To (previous) Chapter V: Swindlers and Racketeers 

To (next) Chapter VII: Pimps and White Slavers 

To Table of Contents 

Copyright 2002 by R. Belser. Reproduction in whole or in part without 

express written permission of the translator is not permitted. All rights 

reserved. 

T h e   J e w   a s   C r i m i n a l 

Chapter VII: Pimps and White Slavers 

————————————————— 

————— 

(page 118) 

Typical for the Jew is the exploitation and organization of crime. This 

is also true of prostitution and procuring. Here, too, the Jew — or the 

Jewess — is usually the “entrepreneur,” employer and pimp, sometimes, 

though, even the performer. 

An objective and expert criminologist, who deals only in facts and who 

weighs every word(1) has written the following daring sentence, whose 

reserved tone underlines its content all the more: 

“The widely-held view that Jewesses are not to be found among 

prostitutes is absolutely refuted by the facts.” 

A Jewish prostitute is in no sense an exceptional phenomenon. As an 

example, let the story of such a Jewish prostitute be related here(2): 

Anna Mayner was born in the year 1892 in Magdeburg. Her father is a 

baker, efficient in his business and well-to-do, the mother a former 

milliner, a nervous, always excitable woman. She is diabetic, the large 

household gives her much to do, she coddles her six children. Anna is a 

healthy, robust girl, she only sometimes has trouble — as do many 

Jewish children — with her tonsils. She attends a Jewish school, doesn’t 

learn especially well, a couple of times she is not promoted. The reason 

is more laziness than lack of intelligence, for by no means is Anna 

dumb, she has self-confidence and her lack of book knowledge doesn’t 

bother her — if things become difficult, she will find a way out. All in 

all, Anna has a happy childhood, she knows neither need nor bad 

family circumstances. Gradually, Anna is growing up, her circle of 

acquaintances and friends is large, she often goes off in the evening 

and stays out for a long time. Her mother quarrels with her, there are 

unpleasant scenes and then a tearful reconciliation: [119] Anna 

promises over and over again to attend to her behavior, otherwise the 

wealthy marriage which has been placed in prospect for the baker’s 

daughter will be more difficult to achieve. She doesn’t keep her 

promise for very long. She’s barely seventeen years old when she 

makes the acquaintance in the synagogue of a wealthy Jew. Directly 

from the synagogue the pair goes to a restaurant serving wine. The 

gentleman is generous and does not stint on the wine; the next morning 

Anna awakens in the apartment of her new friend. She’s not 

uncomfortable with this situation, and a strong relationship ensues 

which lasts a year. Her friend wants to marry her, for she’s a handsome, 

typically Jewish blonde, she comes “from a good house,” her father is 

not without wealth. But Anna isn’t thinking in the least of tying herself 

down already. With 500 Marks in her pocket, she leaves her parents’ 

house one day and goes to Cologne, where she has an aunt. Then she 

goes to Brussels, to a new lover, a Jewish tenor. The singer is 

masochistically inclined, he enjoys it when he is abused, and Anna also 

finds fun in it, for she is not free of sadistic tendencies. 

After four months she has had enough of the tenor and returns to 

Cologne. There she gets to know a charwoman who does the laundry 

for a large bordello. Her descriptions of the supposedly carefree, labor- 

free life of a prostitute make an impression upon Anna, and she 

becomes one of the ornaments of this bordello. 

That’s the right kind of life for the work-shy, fickle Anna, who is 

enamored of fineries! She doesn’t need to work, she gets sweets, as 

many as she wants, and one evening after another she’s allowed to 

drink wine. To be sure, it sometimes happens that she does too much of 

a good thing. Then she cuts loose, smashes things up and runs naked 

out on the streets. The proprietress of the bordello doesn’t hold it 

against her, though — she earns more than a little on Anna. 

When Anna has had enough of the “residential life,” she leaves the 

bordello and goes on the street for a while. She’s picked up by the vice 

police, put under supervision, and several times contracts venereal 

disease. When she wants to “rest,” she returns to the bordello, only to 

again become a street prostitute for a change. She spends five years of 

her life in this way. . . 

Nevertheless, Anna does not in any way see herself as a “fallen” 

woman. She is still always the same lazy but by no means stupid 

Jewish girl as she was years before. In 1915, she makes acquaintance 

with a Jewish “wholesale merchant,” who doesn’t do badly supplying 

the army. She is 23 years old, her life experience is great, her mind 

sharpened. She believes that she has “amused” herself enough and that 

it’s time to think of the future. 

[120] Just as she once transformed herself from the spoiled little 

daughter of the house into a street whore, she now completes the 

transition to the “respectable” life. She learns stenography and 

bookkeeping, she puts through her release from prostitution police 

control, and in 1916 she marries her racketeer and war profiteer. Now 

she is suddenly married, has a fine apartment for whose furnishings her 

very numerous acquaintances envy her. She dresses with elegance but 

not flashily, she is very proud of her beautifully cared for hands, her 

husband earns a lot of money. To complete the idyll, the two adopt the 

illegitimate child of one of Anna’s sisters. Of the former prostitute no 

trace whatsoever seems to remain, Anna has, for now, transformed 

herself into a “lady.” 

Anna Meyner could be regarded as a genuine full-blooded Jewess. In 

her case we see that typically Jewish slipping back-and-forth between 

two spheres which to us seem totally separate but which for the Jews 

form a uniform whole with no trouble at all — the sphere of the middle- 

class life and the sphere of the criminal Underworld. Anna Meyner did 

not go down to ruin. She did nothing in the eyes of her racial comrades 

which would justify expulsion from their “society.” 

The Jewish prostitute differs psychologically from the others — she 

regards her activities as an occupation like any other, an occupation 

which she can always change. The Jewish prostitute is — by Jewish 

standards — a completely wholesome person, while non-Jewish whores 

are degenerate, genetically tainted, or are otherwise racially inferior. 

The exception here is the rule there; the inferior is “wholesome” there 

and the criminal, “legal.” Two worlds. . . 

The throng attending the trial of Riehl-Pollack(1) and accomplices was 

huge. 

Eleven persons sit at the defense table: a plumber’s helper who left his 

daughter in the public house of Riehl, received a monthly pension from 

the proprietress for it and had energetically worked on his daughter in 

case she became refractory. Further, there were eight wretched 

prostitutes who had been made to commit perjury by threats, requests 

and promises by Riehl. Those are the secondary figures in this trial. 

The chief defendants are two women: Riehl and Pollack. Regine Riehl

a powerfully-built, stocky person, with traces of former beauty in her 

face, is assured in her manners, impudent and at the same time fluid in 

her gestures, quick-witted in her responses — the typical bordello 

hostess. 

[121] Next to her sits “Antoine Pollack, born 1 October 1838 in 

Pravonin, of the Mosaic religion, married, a waitress” — a small, 

deformed old woman with a sunken back, black-colored hair, with 

burning unsteady eyes under the disorderly tangle of little curls, with 

dark shadows on her face, with nervous speech and a hard, guttural 

voice: she didn’t know a thing [she said], she was a simple waitress, she 

was being slandered — she cried all the time, protested her innocence, 

called on God to bear witness. 

Of what are Riehl and Pollack accused? False imprisonment, abuse of 

the girls, embezzlement, suborning perjury. 

The husband of Riehl was a chief clerk. Since he didn’t earn enough, 

Riehl came up with the bright idea of establishing a bordello, in order 

by this means to “save and to prove that she was a good hostess.” The 

bordello is located in the Grüne Torgasse and on the door it reads 

“Riehl Fashion Salon” — it looks highly respectable. The establishment 

had cost 40,000 Kronen, the yearly rent amounted to 10,000 Kronen — 

a great deal of money for the poor wife of a clerk. Who had advanced it 

to her? Riehl keeps up to 20 girls, and her confidante, assistant, agent 

and helper is Pollack. When it is a matter of keeping an eye on the 

girls, taking presents away from them which the guests had given them, 

the so-called “Strumpfgeld” ["stockings-money" -- i.e., money for 

purchasing silk stockings, given to a prostitute as a personal gift above 

and beyond the fee for sexual acts, which the "guests" knew went 

mostly or entirely into the pockets of the madam...], delivering a girl 

who had become ill to the hospital, picking up a convalescent girl, 

recruiting new girls, listening in to their conversations, pursuing girls 

who had fled, locking in the inmates of the bordello, talking the parents 

of the girls into tolerating their trade, leading the authorities astray — 

all this Pollack takes care of, to the complete satisfaction of Riehl. 

Pollack can handle everything, just not receive the police agent in 

charge, who bears the remarkable name Piß; Riehl takes care of that 

herself. 

Pollack does not live in the bordello, since she has a “secondary 

occupation”: somewhere in the Jewish Quarter she owns a residence 

and rents the rooms to “bed-goers” — mostly whores who walk the 

streets. Pollack has supplied many of them to Riehl, and she otherwise 

zealously advertises the bordello of whose income — and it is 

extraordinarily high, for Riehl earns up to 45,000 Kronen annually — 

she is not without a share. She keeps a file of agents who are constantly 

searching for such suitable girls: unemployed fellows, criminals, 

pimps, sometimes even unscrupulous parents. The usual fee is 4 

Kronen for each girl supplied but sometimes considerably more, if the 

object is especially beautiful and attractive. With agencies supplying 

domestic help, with the inmates of hospitals, in short, with [122] all 

places where reckless girls or girls who are in circumstances of need, 

can be found, the tireless Pollack maintains connections. 

What is the life of the girls like in the Riehl-Pollack House? 

The rooms below, where the guests are received, are fitted out with 

great comfort, but above is where the girls reside, and it has been 

characterized as “barracks.” The last guest has scarcely gone off when 

the girls are herded upstairs where they must sleep two to a bed in 

awful proximity. The windows of the “barracks” are secured by means 

of bars, and the door is locked from the outside. The room is so small 

that only nine cubic meters of air is allotted for every girl (compared 

with twenty cubic meters in the district court prison). Sleep lasts until 

the middle of the day, then the girls must go to line up for lunch, only 

to be locked in the “barracks” again until evening. For clothing, one 

blouse, a slip, stockings, slippers and a large apron or nightgown are 

given them — in such clothing they can neither flee nor show 

themselves on the street. At Riehl-Pollack House, everything has been 

calculated and figured out ahead of time. 

In the evening, they go to the “salon”; there the girls get their 

“professional clothes,” which they must surrender before going to 

sleep. Pollack, unceasingly darting back and forth with soundless steps, 

collects the money from the visitors, and nothing escapes her eyes and 

ears. 

The correspondence of the girls is watched over in the strictest fashion, 

they write most of their letters from Riehl’s dictation or Pollack’s. None 

of them are allowed to go outside the house, only sometimes Riehl 

permits some favored girl to go into the garden for a short time, so that 

most of them, without air or sunlight for months, become pale and 

sickly.

The inmates of the bordello aren’t able to save any money. 

Theoretically the girls are supposed to be paid one half of what is taken 

in from the guests. Theoretically — for from the other half they have to 

pay daily four Kronen for “room and board,” pay the doctor, pay for 

their clothes. In short, it always turns out that the girls never have a 

penny to their names and are not allowed to keep money with them at 

all. 

Life in the bordello is so agonizing that each girl thinks of escaping. 

They can almost never realize it, for a Cerberus, to whom the strictest 

orders are given, sits at the door. The remaining single possibility is — 

illness and transfer to a hospital. And that is why Riehl-Pollack fear 

nothing worse than they fear [123] illnesses. When the doctor comes 

on his prescribed visit, the sick girls are hidden in the henhouse, and if 

transfer to a hospital really cannot be avoided, Pollack must go into 

action again — she delivers the girl there, she constantly informs herself 

concerning the course of the illness, she knows when the discharge is 

supposed to occur, she waits in front of the hospital prepared with a 

hackney carriage to bring the girl back into the bordello. 

Riehl always insists upon “the strictest observance of the laws,” i.e., 

she observes the police regulations in her way. So, for example, it is 

prohibited to keep girls in the house who have not yet lost their 

virginity; if such a girl falls into her hands, Pollack sees to it that what 

is necessary is done. If the victim yells too loudly, Pollack stuffs a 

pillow in her mouth. 

Riehl-Pollack believes in “strict discipline,” in which face-slaps, 

whippings, pokers, canes, and broomsticks must be used. Requests for 

release [from the bordello], laments or complaints, have as their result 

only insults, threats of the police or the workhouse and mistreatment. 

Pollack is always there; the old hunchbacked sadist is delighted when 

she hears a girl scream and groan. Here she feels herself to be in her 

element — exploiting defenseless victims is the classic occupation of 

not only the male, but the female Jews as well. 

Wheresoever the whirls and eddies of life might drive the Jew, he does 

not go under. He slowly rises to the surface again, finds others of the 

same attitude and of the same blood, allies himself with them — and 

forms that hardly visible over-layer of the nations, which cut off their 

air, a class which has just been torn away from Germany. . . 

Jewry constantly strives upward — toward money and power. That is 

true also of the world of professional sexual offenses, of prostitution. 

Among the ordinary prostitutes, the Jewesses comprise perhaps 8-10%, 

At the next level — pimps and procuresses — we find the Jewish share 

to be already 20%(1). And in the highest levels of the criminal demi- 

monde, we meet almost exclusively Jews. As everywhere, we find 

here, too, the continual Jewish “migration” upward: the Jewish 

prostitute is in her later years a procuress, owner of a dubious inn 

[analogous to today's 'hot-sheet' motels] or bordello hostess, while the 

young Jewish male street person, who has focused on homosexuals, 

becomes a pimp and, if he’s lucky, also a white slaver. 

[124] Within the Underworld, the pimp plays a significant role, for he 

is the binding glue between prostitution and criminality, he’s the middle- 

man of the fence, the loan shark, and, naturally, the white slaver. More 

than this, he himself often steps into these roles and does not content 

himself with protecting prostitutes and living off their money, he also 

goes into business on his own initiative and plays banker to the 

Underworld livelihoods, he knows the best sources for cocaine, he 

imparts instruction on dexterous card-handling in his local Kaschemme

he sells “sure things” in the betting office, keeps an eye out for “fresh 

goods” for bordellos — the pimp is the factotum of the criminal world. 

With this internal connection, it is small wonder that it was precisely 

the pimps who played an especially prominent role in the numerous 

criminal organizations, the “ring clubs,” which, as we already 

discovered, were a particular ornament of the system of the time(1). In 

Berlin, there were, among others: the “Ring Groß-Berlin” [Great Berlin 

Ring], “Loge Groß-Berlin” [Great Berlin Lodge], 

Interessengemeinschaft” [Community of Interests], etc. The nimble, 

somewhat elegant pimp was the natural representative of these rings to 

the authorities, from whom they had less to fear than notorious burglars 

or fences did. From the outside, the organizations were innocent social, 

lottery or sport clubs, but in reality they were loci of support for the 

worst criminals, who could find material help, defense counsel or 

helpers there on the occasion of an arrest or a similar misfortune. 

“There must be a clever lawyer appointed for the criminal, food 

packages sent to him while he was in custody awaiting trial, his family 

supported and consoled. Prosecution witnesses were intimidated, 

defense witnesses persuaded that they had really seen what they were 

supposed to have seen, and many a hard-to-produce alibi was cobbled 

together by hook or crook.” 

The fees were very high, the gentlemen members wore gold badges, 

their female companions dripped with stolen jewels, and at festivals 

they marched with heavy, gold-embroidered banners. That’s how they 

lived then — before the National Socialist power take-over — in “beauty 

and dignity.” Under the pressure of “public opinion” and influential 

comrades, the authorities had to keep one eye, or even both, shut tight. 

They gathered in expensive pubs with the Jewish lawyers, who were as 

well-known for being advocates for the Underworld [125] as for the 

communists, and the pimp-song was sung with chests swollen with 

pride: 

“Who should gobble up the whores’ money 

If it weren’t for us bastards!” 

An investigation by B. von der Laan(1), which is devoted to the study 

of the pimp, shows with great clarity how deeply the pimp is rooted in 

the Underworld. The previous life of 134 pimps was studied. Only 12% 

of them had never been sentenced before, i.e., they were clever enough 

not to have let themselves get caught. For the rest, not less than 1096 

previous sentences, an average of almost 10 per subject, were 

demonstrated, and in particular: 

Offenses against morality . . . . . . 20 

fraud . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 56 

receiving stolen goods (fencing) . . . 59 

embezzlement . . . . . . . . . . . . 72 

offenses against public order . . . . 107 

gambling . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 198 

offenses of brutality . . . . . . . . 107 

theft . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 284 

There is no crime from which the genuine pimp would shrink! 

From what circles are pimps recruited? From all of them. The 

streetwalker has for her pimp the work-shy young man who went rotten 

early in life, or the bull-necked thug of the suburb, who follows her 

when she goes about her wretched trade in dark doorways, in empty 

sheds or in the shrubbery of public parks. The pimp of a “choicer” 

prostitute is often the waiter in a bar which provides entertainment, a 

musician of shabby elegance, a gigolo, who on the side steps out as a 

male prostitute. On the uppermost level is “elegant prostitution,” which 

is to be met with in spas, race tracks, in gambling halls. In this case, the 

pimp also appears as a gentleman of total elegance. Often, he is an 

imposter, working with a prostitute who cleans out the victim, but not 

infrequently one also sees procurers who have a proper occupation too -

- traveling salesmen, agents on commission, real estate brokers. It is 

typical that one encounters mostly Jews among the procurers even in 

this “elevated” category, and no less typical and shocking is the fact 

(reported by B. von der Laan) that in the pimp jargon, a poorly earning 

[126] prostitute is called a “Goje” [goye], i.e., designated with the same 

contemptuous word that the Jew uses for the non-Jew in general. 

The female counterpart to the pimp is the procuress, often a former 

prostitute who knew how to “work her way up.” She, too, has the best 

connections to the Underworld, she too is frequently a fence or drug 

dealer, and she too has, for the most part, a previous record of being 

sentenced for offenses — up to 20%!(1) In her case as well, only in rare 

instances can she be held accountable for her filthy trade. Is it any 

wonder that the shape of the fat, old Jewess has become the prototype 

of the procuress?! 

Silberreich and Wallerstein are two excellent foreigners, they make 

themselves out to be Russians. Both have black hair; with Herr 

Silberreich one already sees individual strands of silver at the temples, 

Herr Wallerstein is bursting with good health and a good mood. With 

the tips of their moustaches curled — this case is from the Berlin of 

1910 — armed with Malacca canes and kid gloves, a monocle perched 

at the eye, they appear every evening in the finest pubs of the 

Friedrichstraße. Both speak a fluent but harsh German; one who 

knows can pick out the Yiddish from their words, which rapidly bubble 

out. They seem to have money in abundance, they enjoy life to the 

fullest. 

But one thing is unusual: both of these wealthy and posh gentlemen do 

not live in an expensive hotel, but in a sort of dive in the vicinity of the 

Alexanderplatz, there, where it’s only two steps to the Jewish Quarter, 

to Grenadier- and Dragonerstraße. They seem to feel an extraordinary 

sense of well-being there. They’re on excellent terms with the dubious 

characters who reside at the “hotel,” and they are often seen in earnest 

discussions with — the cook. Not that this cook was particularly young 

or attractive — an aging, vague, unclean Jewess — also, her cooking is 

miserable, but this is a matter of business. Every transaction of such 

business brings in 1000 Marks apiece to the two men of honor, and in 

the pre-war era a lot could be accomplished with a thousand Marks. 

What, then, is their mysterious business? White slavery. The 

gentlemen Silberreich and Wallerstein supply the bordellos of Buenos 

Aires with fresh goods, the cook is the go-between; she searches for 

girls who are ready to emigrate to South America and receives 50 to 

100 Marks “commission” for each. The [127] two Jews take over the 

transport till they reach South America and are paid twenty times this. 

A good, solid and safe business, which pays well enough to risk a 

couple years in prison. 

Silberreich and Wallerstein are cunning crooks, their accomplice cut 

from the same cloth, and for years all goes as desired and the bank 

accounts of the white slavers show ever- increasing numbers. 

And then, suddenly, something extraordinarily embarrassing happens. 

The cook, the stupid woman, makes a huge mistake: she tries to recruit 

a Frau M. as a sub-agent, and charges her with looking for suitable 

girls. But Frau M. has connections with the Berlin police . . . 

She pretends to accept this offer, but reports the story immediately in 

the “Alex” [i.e., police -- whose headquarters were probably located on 

the Alexanderplatz]. There, two policewomen are put at her disposal, 

who are supposed to play the roles of women eager to emigrate. The 

two women are introduced to the white slavers, but do not meet with 

their approval: the goods have to be young, really young, if possible 

under 20 years old. 

Frau M. succeeds in finding two other young women who are prepared 

to play the comedy. One is twenty years old, the other 16, and both are 

of striking beauty. Silberreich and Wallerstein are delighted. They roll 

their eyes and, gesturing expansively, they tell the two girls of the 

paradise that awaits them in South America. They are supposed to be 

employed as housekeepers in two fashionable homes. Little work, 

much free time, a fantastic salary and then — marriage! For both will 

most definitely marry. In Argentina, they are told, there are three times 

as many men as women, the men there are rolling in wealth, and there 

can be no doubt that after a few months they’ll find rich husbands. Only 

one thing is demanded of the girls — complete discretion: the German 

authorities, they are told, are bureaucratic and narrow-minded; 

whenever there’s an opportunity they’ll make unnecessary difficulties . . 

. 

The women pretend to be persuaded. The departure is supposed to 

occur in a few days, and meanwhile they are staying under the charge 

of Frau M., who is supposed to prevent any attempt to get away. The 

three are living in the hotel of the white slavers; Frau M. is supposed to 

receive her payment — 50 Marks for the older and 100 Marks for the 

younger girl — right after their departure: Silberreich and Wallerstein 

pay promptly, but they do not give credit. 

The day of departure has now arrived. Wallerstein is supposed to drive 

with the two girls, Silberreich will follow them in one week. [128] He 

is tired of his lover, a beautiful girl, and wants to sell her as well at 

Buenos Aires, but she is not yet ready to travel. Frau M. meanwhile 

keeps the police posted on what is transpiring, and everything goes 

perfectly — the gang is arrested at the railroad station. 

In Court, the white slavers make a thousand excuses and difficulties. 

First of all, they supposedly can’t understand German, only Russian. 

An interpreter is summoned, the accused pretend not to understand 

him, and the Court cannot proceed further until Frau M. appears and 

testifies that they both understand and speak German. Then, there are 

problems with determining personal facts: Silberreich and Wallerstein 

do know, to be sure, when they were born, but where has slipped their 

minds. Also, the Jewish defense counsel is no help to the Court, and 

seeks to show, using clever stratagems, that Paragraph 48 of the 

Emigration Law of 9 June 1897, speaks of “fraudulent concealment by 

silence,” but that both girls in fact had been perfectly informed of the 

true purpose of the trip, so that there was not any intention to mislead 

whatsoever. 

However, all of this is of no use, the situation is too clear. Not only the 

witnesses are able to confirm the guilt of the white slavers, but also the 

correspondence found with them. Though it is written in the Yiddish 

tongue and with Hebrew characters, it can be deciphered and much 

discovered about the past of the pair. Among other things, it is learned 

that they often gave the girls false passports and thus made any 

investigations impossible. Should any girl show that she was 

mistrustful, marriage was easily promised her or was even entered into - 

- there were enough rabbis who were ready to do anything for a 

corresponding compensation. The evidence was so overwhelming that 

the Court sentenced the pair to 2 and 2½ years in prison, respectively. 

That’s the history of two white slavers who were caught, and whose 

victims could be freed at once. But how many are there of whom the 

police knew nothing, who were able to transport their “goods” right 

under the noses of the emigration authorities? 

One indication of this is given by statistics(1).

In the capital of Argentina, Buenos Aires, during the years 1889-1901 

prostitutes were regulated by state authority. The following numbers 

were reported: 

[129] originally from: 

Argentina ………………. 1561 

Russia …………………. 1211 

Italy ……………………… 857 

Austria ……………………. 668 

France …………………….. 606 

Germany …………………….. 350 

other nations ……………. 1141 

In other words — barely ¼ of the registered prostitutes were natives, the 

rest were nationals of other countries. In addition, in other South and 

Central American countries, the percentage of foreign prostitutes is 

very high: Brasil 80%, Mexico 60%, Uruguay 42%, etc. All in all, we 

are speaking of thousands of women who had arrived from overseas. 

There can be no doubt about the fact that here middle-men, recruiters, 

employers, organizers, had their hand in it, for this is not a case of 

individual phenomena but of an emigration of young women under 

conscious direction. Now, who are the directors and men behind the 

scenes? 

This is actually a multi-branched organization in which the pimps, as 

suppliers of the “goods,” bordello madams as customers and, finally, 

agents who find still innocent girls, are all connected. Above them the 

white slavers proper hold sway, who have the over-all control in their 

hands but who almost never come into direct contact with the human 

“goods,” and who are therefore hardly ever caught. 

How well this organization works can be seen from the fact that in 

Paris, every two years a list of bordellos appears and that in Buenos 

Aires, a “trade paper,” called Lupanar, was published. In the German 

system as well, there was a special newspaper for prostitutes, Der 

Pranger [The Pillory], which was tolerated by the police in exactly the 

same way as the papers of homosexual men and women, or like the 

notorious “Verein der Vorbestraften” [Ex-Convicts' Association]. 

Only a little is known to us about the true leaders of white slavery. 

Only one thing can we maintain with certainty — that the great majority 

of white slavers are Jews. This fact cannot be contested.

So, for example, stated Herr G. Tuch of Hamburg, representative of the 

Jewish great lodge for Germany of the Order of B’nai Brith: “A large 

number of Jews from the East devote themselves to this disgraceful 

trade(1).” 

[130] Furthermore, the Rabbi Dr. L. Rosenack admitted in a lecture(1) 

at an assembly of rabbis held in Frankfurt am Main in 1902: “But at 

any rate, it is a sad fact that the Jewish girl victims are a 

proportionately large part of the percentage which the Poles and 

Russians, Galicians and Romanians, generally put into white slavery, 

and not less gloomy is the fact that a good portion of the white slavers 

are Jews.” 

The Freemason O. Henne am Rhyne(2) also claims the same thing: “It 

is mostly Jews who are running this large organized branch of the 

business.” 

And the list of the white slavers who operate in Switzerland contains 

almost exclusively Jewish names: A. Klinger, Feibisch Singer, Sulisch 

Singer, Laib Reisner, Sperling, Josef Handl, Josef Falilmann, Leo 

Tabak, Josef Goldstaub, Hersch Hirsch, Jetta Trost, David Sucher, 

Chaim Parlett, Enoch Kohn, Josef Wolberg, Berta Fostel — most of 

them come from Lemberg, Czernowitz, Kolomea. 

The Jew Dr. B. Schidlof(3) has expressed himself in the same way. The 

fact of the Jewish dominant influence in the white slave trade is so 

incontestably true, that even the Jews themselves are not able to cast 

doubts upon it. The proclivity of the Jews for the white slave trade is 

not conditioned solely by the possibility of particularly high 

earnings(4), but is also explainable on psychological grounds: the 

white slave trade corresponds in especial degree to the psyche of the 

Jew and his unique “ethics.” Let us listen to what Wulffen — by no 

means an enemy of the Jews — has to say concerning the psychology of 

the white slaver:(5) “The cunning with which he frequently must 

proceed at recruitment, the feeling of superiority that he learns to feel 

towards the girls ensnared and the authorities and officials he has 

deceived, can at times develop a sadistic hardness in his character, a 

hardness which, if he has a sensual nature, is even not without regard 

for the future sexual life of his victims of the sexual Underground. 

Then he allows himself small confidences as signs of his supposed 

caring. The lustful white slaver is a psychologically interesting [131] 

phenomenon. Sometimes he awkwardly steps out of his role, but the 

infatuated girl senses no looming disaster. Sometimes he shows a 

marked great inner coldness of heart, indeed, even evil. If provoked, he 

can easily become brutal. He has no respect for the honor of the female 

sex. For him, the young woman is only a piece of goods, for whom he 

shows merely the same care as a tradesman.” All these determinations 

climax in this sentence of Wulff: “All of these characteristics are to be 

found together in Jews.” 

The majority of white slavers come from the ghettos of Eastern 

Europe. The European centers are located in Warsaw, Budapest, 

Lemberg, Jassy, Brussels, and the important “harbors of departure” are 

Triest and Marseilles, while Hamburg, in consequence of the 

watchfulness of the German police, is only used reluctantly. 

In the following, some typical cases of the white slave trade detailed by 

Wagener are given, which delineate the methods of this business. 

In Warsaw there lived a cigarette [factory] worker with his wife and his 

beautiful 16-year-old daughter Pauline. He was forced by unfortunate 

circumstances to borrow a sum of 150 Rubels from Herr Israel Loput. 

Through this, he fell into the hands of this man and moved with him to 

London, while his wife and daughter remained behind in Warsaw. 

After a short time the father summoned his family to follow him to 

London, and Loput was to bring them the money to travel. Of course 

Loput did not travel to London with the women, but to Brasil by way 

of Genoa. In Rio de Janiero, he arranged for the wife to go on land, 

while the ship continued on to Buenos Aires. There Loput sold the 

daughter for 4000 Marks to a whorehouse. 

In the same year the Jewish white slaver Hermann Bahr of Galicia was 

arrested when he was travelling with a transport of 25 girls to 

Constantinople. Bahr, who is a resident there, exported more than a 

hundred girls each year to Constantinople, where they were auctioned 

off publicly in Galata for 400 to 1500 Marks, according to beauty. At 

first, the girls were hired as cashiers or chambermaids at a large salary 

and kept in the dark as much as possible about their fate. When they 

then discovered the truth, return was impossible. Bahr had numerous 

male and female agents and a completely outfitted office. His firm 

name read: Bahr, Exports to the Orient. 

Into the house of a well-to-do merchant in Zatmar (Hungary), a 

respectable-looking gentleman who called himself Oskar Klein, and 

passed himself off as a patron of the arts, got himself installed. He 

[132] very soon discovered that one of the daughters of the merchant, a 

talented opera singer, was a rising star in the theatrical firmament. He 

wanted to smooth the way to glory for the future great singer and, 

thanks to his influential connections, arrange for an engagement for her 

in Munich. With that, her fortune would be as good as made. The 

parents were beside themselves with joy. The father delivered the 

daughter to his friend and handed over to him 2000 Gulden besides. 

Herr Klein now travelled to Constantinople with the girl and five other 

novices of the arts, supposedly to establish a German theater, but in 

reality to sell the girls. At the last moment the girls fortunately 

succeeded in escaping. 

In the Prater in Vienna, the cook Marie H. became acquainted with the 

agent Chaim Apter, who on the same evening introduced her to his 

brothers Scholem and David Apter. The brothers pretended to the girl 

that they wanted to get her a position as a cook in America. She would 

get, in addition to free room and board, 60 Dollars a month in salary, 

free travel and many presents. Marie H. declared that she was ready to 

accept the position, and met with Scholem Apter and another girl one 

morning to start the journey to America. Apter instructed the girls how 

they had to behave once underway. They were supposed to speak with 

no one, not leave the wagon at any station, and most important of all, 

act as if they had never before seen him, their leader. Only by a lucky 

accident were the girls freed. 

One of the best known and most dangerous white slavers, who was 

already wanted for about 15 years, but who constantly evaded arrest by 

means of false papers, was Israel Meyrowicz. He was caught in 

Kattowitz and sentenced to three years in prison and five years of loss 

of civil rights. He conducted a white slave trade by entering into fake 

marriages with the girls and then getting rid of them abroad. These 

phony marriages are, as already described, one of the most customary 

means of carrying off girls abroad. These marriages are all the easier to 

bring about because the parents themselves advise their daughters to 

marry. The agents go into the poorest areas of Galicia and promise the 

girls the most shining future, then also present them with contracts 

mentioning the same goals, which are naturally false. The parents can 

neither read nor write, and gladly give their approval, in the hope of 

getting their daughter married to a man without having to give a 

trousseau or dowry. The young couple, beaming with happiness, 

travels to a harbor, where the man, after he has gotten his wife on 

board, disappears on a flimsy pretext. He [133] then sends a message in 

the closest harbor, that he will be coming behind in the ship following. 

The young wife is now travelling without anxiety to her true new 

home, where she is immediately brought into a bordello. 

The white slaver Breier (sometimes also called Dr. Oppermann) knew 

how to insinuate himself into a respectable Berlin family and become 

engaged to the daughter of the house. Despite the fact that the young 

lady was officially informed that Breier was a notorious white slaver 

and had already been married for a long time, the daughter went with 

him to Budapest. From there Breier wrote also to the younger sister and 

invited her to the wedding. Fortunately, the young girl did not accept 

this invitation. Probably she would have shared the same fate as her 

sister. The parents received only a postcard from the latter, with the sad 

words: “Your profoundly unhappy Jenni sends you her greeting.” She 

was later discovered in Vienna, but refused to return to her parents. 

In a manner similar to these individuals, also a great proportion of 

impresarios conduct a white slave trade. The musical comedy theater 

owner Preußer forced the members of his troupe to participate in 

suppers in cabinets séparés after the performances. Four of his female 

singers, once they had dissolved their employment relationship, filed 

charges of procuring against Preußer, in which they heavily 

incriminated him. But Preußer produced the girls of his present troupe 

as defense witnesses, who all swore in the most irresponsible way, that 

nothing improper had happened. Preußer’s conviction was thereby 

circumvented. This case shows clearly what a corrupting influence 

these “entrepreneurs” exercise over their employees, and how difficult 

it is made for the Court to convict the dealers, even when they have 

gained proof of their activities. All of these people see perjury as a 

crime only when they are caught at it. 

The white slaver Veith, who was also not unknown in Berlin, was 

arrested in Hamburg. He had assembled a troupe of artistes, “die sieben 

Libellen” ["The Seven Dragonflies"] with whom he toured through 

Russia, Austria, Holland, Italy and Germany. He pressured his artistes 

into sexual offenses. A whole series of girls were sold by him to the 

whore houses in Buenos Aires. He was arrested by an accident. One of 

the girls had gotten a job in Hamburg as a waitress. She saw Veith with 

a girl on the street and brought about his arrest. The girl with whom he 

was just planning his departure, he had bought from her own parents 

for 1000 Marks. 

[134] As the internationally known police expert J. Palitzsch (1) was 

able to determine, the modern modern white slave trade works in three 

directions. Once, inexperienced and innocent females were led into 

sexual indecency by deceit — that is an instance of direct white slavery 

which has now become rare. 

Another kind, which is an extremely widespread and profitable 

business, is a matter of the professional supplying of women, who 

either find themselves in desperate need, or who are driven by 

recklessness and love of finery, to houses of ill repute, cafés with 

female staff, or to positions as “travelling companions,” etc. Even in 

this case, the woman is kept in the dark about the actual purpose of the 

trip abroad. 

The third kind is the direct exchange of prostitutes from bordello to 

bordello. This is also a “rewarding business,” for in France alone, for 

example, there are 1500 bordellos, 12,000 registered prostitutes and 

perhaps 70,000 unregistered, of which 4000 are foreigners. In Spain 

there are 21,000 prostitutes (1000 foreigners), in Italy 12,000 (900 

foreign), etc., so that the “turnover” and correspondingly, the “profit,” 

would not be insignificant. 

The modern white slave trade, then, is nothing other than an enormous 

organized pandering operation in international scope. 

At the top of the pyramid of the white slaver hierarchy are the 

wholesalers, who own their own villas, have impressive bank accounts 

at their disposal, and are members of “society.” They earn the most, 

they are never caught, and their names seem spotless. Naturally, these 

are Jews. 

The cases are rare in which the police succeed in catching the agents, 

and ever more rarely do they penetrate to his man behind the scenes, 

but always Jews are encountered. 

The difficulties in battling this are shown by the “Trial of the 112” in 

Buenos Aires, of which Dr. J. Ninck, the President of the Swiss 

National Union against the White Slave Trade, tells. 

Rahel Liebermann is a pretty, fresh girl, far from stupid but somewhat 

inclined to adventure. She has the bad luck to meet a white slaver, who 

promises her a fabulous post in [135] Argentina. She leaves Poland, 

makes the long journey across all of Europe and goes overseas, to land 

in a bordello. The girl did not reckon on that, she tries to gain her 

freedom again. However, the police officials are bribed, she isn’t able 

to speak Spanish, and as an inmate of a whorehouse she is met with 

mistrust everywhere; the madam does not shrink from violent measures 

to “calm” the girl. 

Rahel Liebermann is clever enough to see that she will not get 

anywhere this way, that she is completely powerless without money. 

Since she has now become a prostitute, she decides to at least get the 

greatest use out of this profession. Four years she remains in the 

bordello, she is industrious in her “work” like no one else, the guests 

like the pretty, always cheerful girl, and she gets many a silver peso as 

a present. She is also good at numbers and does not let herself be 

cheated by the madam. So well can she quarrel, yell and argue, that she 

knows how to prevent an excessive record of “debts” and the madam 

does not hold it against her, for she recognizes in Liebermann a nature 

which is akin to her own. 

After four years things have progressed so far that Rahel Liebermann 

has saved enough money, she leaves the bordello and — without any 

transition — becomes an honest businesswoman. She opens an art shop. 

She runs her business with the same zeal and the same devotion as she 

earlier showed in the prostitution business. She’s successful and soon 

has a capital of 90,000 Pesos. 

As one sees, the story of Rahel Liebermann is very similar to that of 

Anna Meyner. No wonder — they are the same type, a Jewish prostitute 

who does not feel shame or debasement in her her occupation, but 

rather sees it as a business, like any other. The similarity goes still 

deeper — Liebermann too is married — she marries a rich Jew, Herr 

Salomon Josef Korn . . . 

It soon turns out that the otherwise so clever Rahel has made a big 

mistake this time: to wit, Herr Korn is a white slaver. He gets control 

of his wife’s money but he demands of her that she again go into a 

bordello. 

For Rahel, it’s a matter of money — and there she knows no 

compromise. Like a lioness, she fights for her capital, she goes to the 

police, to the state’s attorney, to the Court. There she meets a judge, 

Ocampo, who has long waited for a chance [136] to bring the white 

slaver to justice for his shameful trade. The judge takes on the case 

with fiery zeal, and he succeeds in discovering extremely interesting 

facts. 

In particular, Herr Salomon Korn is a member of the “Warsaw Society 

for Mutual Assistance and Lawful Burial.” From the outside, one of the 

countless Jewish charitable and burial societies, with numerous 

members — all Jews from Poland — which even had its own cemetary. 

In reality, however, this society served only one purpose, to 

camouflage the true activity of its members: they were white slavers. 

The truth is known to every insider, but the legal machinery to justify 

intervention by the state is lacking. But the scandal is so great that the 

Polish envoy gets involved and categorically demands that the word 

“Warsaw” should be removed. The society accommodates the envoy 

and decides to rename itself “Zwi Migdol” (i.e., The Great Power). 

Meanwhile, the business of white slaving continues . . . 

Ocampo does not give in. House searches are instituted, 

correspondence, always in the Yiddish language, is confiscated, the 

evidence for a white slave trade is produced. The circle of the guilty 

and the implicated grows ever larger, and 424 arrest warrants are 

issued. 

The entire campaign runs up against almost insuperable difficulties — 

what can even a lone judge accomplish against an organized Jewish 

gang! 

Police officials are bribed, witnesses intimidated, important documents 

and protocols vanish in incomprehensible ways. Many of the accused 

have “moved to an unknown address,” especially clever ones have 

managed to get themselves death certificates; now they can walk the 

streets in peace and go about their business — they’re no longer living, 

of course, and the dead cannot be arrested. 

Finally, only ¼ of the accused — 112 persons — appear in Court. The 

best advocates, Jews of course, defend them — and look, they are 

plainly “innocent honorable men.” All proof and circumstantial 

evidence is plucked apart and talked to pieces, it turns out that the 

Argentinian laws concerning pimps are full of loopholes, so that there 

can be no question of crimes, not even of petty offenses. 

The end? 8 (eight) defendants receive light punishment for “offending 

against the statutes of the Zwi Migdol Society,” the rest are acquitted! 

[137] And now the most interesting thing of all: it turns out that the 

largest portion of the “Zwi Migdol” Jews(1) were simultaneously 

members of the Procor, the Moscow organization for the resettlement 

of Jews in the Soviet Union! The Procor was nothing other than a 

Communist front organization, which was in close contact with the 

Soviet Trade Delegation in Buenos Aires and later in Montevideo (the 

seat of the infamous Minkin!). The Jewish “charitable” society, 

therefore, was in actuality running a white slave trade operation as well 

as Communist propaganda at the same time. The honorable gentlemen 

of Zwi Migdol drew their income, as was judicially established, as 

pimps or white slavers(2) and were also in the service of the Soviet 

“Trade Delegation” as Bolshevist agents and spies. Even here, 

Bolshevism and criminality walked hand-in-hand again once again. 

To (previous) Chapter VI: Gambling Cheats 

To (next) Chapter VIII: Sexual Offenders 

To Table of Contents 

Copyright 2002 by R. Belser. Reproduction in whole or in part without 

express written permission of the translator is not permitted. All rights 

reserved. 

T h e   J e w   a s   C r i m i n a l 

Chapter VIII: Sexual Offenders 

————————————————— 

————— 

(page 138) 

In the last chapter we were able to be convinced that the Jews play a 

decisive role in the white slave trade, in pimping and procuring. That is 

no accident, rather it corresponds to the nature of Judaism. 

Three traits are characteristic of the Jews: unscrupulous greed for 

power, greed for money and a high degree of sexual greediness, 

coupled with a “morality” which is fundamentally alien and hostile to 

us. The unavoidable consequence is that every area which is in any 

way connected to sexuality, is controlled by or riddled with Jews. 

To grasp these facts in their full compass, we must take a closer look at 

Jewish “sexual morality.” For that purpose, we take the work which for 

sixty or seventy generations of Jews has prescribed the type and style 

of their life and forms the meetest expression of the Law for Judaism — 

the Talmud(1). 

When one speaks of the Talmud, the Jews and those friendly to Jews 

suggest that the “modern” Jew no longer observes the Talmud, indeed, 

does not know its contents at all. Certainly, what European Jew will 

belt himself(2) with a handkerchief or fear to touch meat with a 

“milky” knife, or search his entire residence before the Passover feast 

for the presence of “Chomez“(3)? In this sense, in the sense of the 

literal observance of all prescriptions, Western Jews do not adhere to 

the Talmud. What remains, however, is the spirit of the Talmud. 

If the Talmud were not consubstantial with the spirit of the Jewish 

people, it would not have held this people under its spell for millenia, 

to determine its entire conduct and its hopes. Therefore, we are totally 

justified [139] in drawing inescapable conclusions concerning the spirit 

and the acts of Jewry, even of emancipated Jewry, from the spirit if not 

from the literal text of the Talmud. 

It is a bizarre, abstract and — one can say — abominable world, which is 

revealed in the study of the Talmud. There is nothing of what we 

understand by the word “religion.” No divine mercy, no sacraments, no 

absurd hope — which is not denied even to the sinner — no faith, no 

warmth of heart, neither joy nor sorrow, no ecstasy, no love, no 

contrition, no profundity. Nothing of any of those things. Only barren, 

cold and hair-splitting dialectics, flat-out Materialism, scatologies, a 

fantasy that can revel only in numbers or in sexual debaucheries(1). 

Judaism, as it is reflected in the Talmud, is no community of Faith, 

rather a society of reciprocity and limited liability: the Jew fulfills all 

commandments of Yahweh, for which he is personally promised, and 

all the people of Israel are promised, wealth and power — a proper 

double-entry bookkeeping, in which every God-pleasing act is 

appraised and entered to the Heller and Pfennig [i.e., to the exact dollar 

and cent]. The Talmud recognized 126 commandments of the first 

importance, and 243 prohibitions; whoever fulfills them exactly (be it 

only formally, as above in the example of the handkerchief), has the 

right to claim a corresponding reward from God’s side of the ledger. 

It is not our task to characterize the Talmud from every angle; we wish 

to take a somewhat closer look only at what the Talmud has to say 

concerning the sexual life of Jewry. In essence, it is the following: 

1.   The Jew is sexually undisciplined and uses every opportunity to 

satisfy his sexual greed. 

The Schulchan aruch prescribes: there shall be no steward in the house, 

so that he might not seduce the women. A scholar is not allowed to live 

in a house with a widow. A woman is not permitted to keep male 

slaves, even if they are children. An unmarried male shall not be a 

teacher, because mothers come to pick up their children. The same 

holds for unmarried female teachers, since men can also come to pick 

up children. It is not advisable for a man to remain alone [140] with 

one other man or with a beast (for he might be able to assault them). A 

man and a woman are not permitted to remain alone together for any 

longer than is needed to finish an egg meal, for otherwise well-founded 

suspicion of adultery would exist. 

The effects upon woman of the enjoyment of wine are described in the 

following words: “A cup does well by a woman, two are nasty, and 

after three she shifts to indecency in speech, with four she buys a 

donkey at the market (to satisfy herself with), and it means nothing to 

her” (Kethuboth, F. 65 a). 

If this image of the Jew, created by Jews — lechery which is ready for 

any satisfaction and for any indecency — is correct, one can understand 

why the Talmud regulates everything which concerns the sexual act so 

thoroughly and in such detail. The lustfulness of the Jew is a public 

danger. 

2.   Moral crimes and offenses are only punished by fines. 

“The seducer has to pay in three ways and the rapist in four ways(1) . 

The seducer has to pay for shaming her, for the decrease in her value 

and a fine for atonement. The rapist must pay besides these, money for 

her pain” (Kethuboth 39a). 

For an unpremeditated rape, compensation, money for the pain, costs 

of treatment and payment for her absence must be rendered, but not 

money for shaming her, since the act was not planned (Baba kamma 

26). 

Now for an interesting example, which, because of the time and the 

source, can be under no suspicion of being tendentious. 

The Jewish constable Friedenthal in the Friedenwalde had seduced a 

serving girl and a son was the result of the relationship, who died, 

however, two weeks after birth. The girl lodged a complaint against 

Friedenthal and in particular on the basis of the Jewish law which 

regards deflowering as a “crime expurgable by money.” The assessors 

of the Jewish court in Berlin rendered the following opinion on 02 

March 1801 (2): 

“The Jewish laws, based upon purely Mosaic prescriptions, as well as 

upon the opinions of the Talmud, composed according to oral tradition 

and the later commentaries, whose line ends with Maimonides and the 

Schulchan aruch, entitle [141] the father of a seduced girl, if she was 

willing and was herself complicit in the act, to demand a compensation 

for the corruption of an object completely belonging to him, which 

consists of this, that the seducer either marries the girl or pays him (the 

father) a fine of 50 Shekels. From the Talmud: Ketunbath and 

Yadhachhazan (of Maimonides) Hilchat Narok, the following 

qualifications apply: 1. that the seduced woman really has a father who 

demands the compensation; 2. that she never has been promised to a 

man and 3. that she has not yet reached the age of adulthood, i.e., six 

months after the signs of womanhood have arrived in her, which 

usually happens between the twelfth and fifteenth years of age and 

make her a woman. But in cases in which these qualifications do not all 

occur together, she is master over her own self and must bear the guilt, 

if he did not demonstrably promise her an amount as a gift, and if no 

stuprum violentum (desecration through the use of force, therefore 

rape) had occurred, without being able to demand more from the 

seducer than support for the child, which is his property and not hers. 

Further, 50 Shekels, as the fixed sum of the bridegroom’s gift, amounts 

to 53 and 1/3 Lot of fine silver, but that would be about 53 Taler, since 

the Taler is worth 16 and 2/3 grams of fine silver, but not the 200 Taler 

which was demanded.” 

The business-like nature of this opinion certainly cannot be outdone! 

3.   Debaucheries are permissible if they do not show Jewry in a 

bad light. 

“If someone sees that his evil impulses are getting the better of him, let 

him go to a place where no one knows him, let him dress in black and 

follow the impulse of his heart, only let him not desecrate the divine 

Name publicly” (Chagiga 16a). 

4.   Sexual intercourse with children is permitted. 

The Schulchan aruch determines: Coitus with a girl under three years 

and one day old is not punishable. A woman who has sexual relations 

with a boy under nine years of age is not punishable. Whoever has 

misused a Jewish virgin over three years and one day old, but under 

twelve-and-a-half years old, has only to pay a fine. 

All the disgusting “prescriptions” of the Talmud have a completely 

current significance for Jewry. The Talmudic anti-morality finds its 

practical precipitation in Jewish sexual offenses of all kinds; it finds its 

“theoretical” fallout in the “politics of law” of Jewry. 

It is an established fact that Jewry, by means of the Marxist and 

Communist Parties, but also by means of help [142] from Liberalism, 

seeks to realize these principles of the Talmud in the practical 

legislation of its host nations and actually has realized them there, 

where it has been able to take over power — in the Soviet Union.

What the Jewish press, revue, film, theater(1) agitate and propagandize 

for, that is what the Jewish “jurists,” instructors in penal code, 

attorneys, judges and professors of civil and public law preach, that is 

what the Jewish leaders of the Marxist and Communist Parties propose 

in the parliaments, that is what the Jewish People’s Commissars decree 

in the Bolshevist regime. 

In the foreground stands so-called “birth control,” i.e., the unleashing 

of abortion and the systematic undermining of the potency of the 

people. An incalculable amount of literature, written by Jewish authors 

of a pseudo-scientific or purely propagandistic type, concerns itself 

with this problem. A single example may suffice. 

In 1930 the detailed research of the Jew Ernst Kahn, which appeared 

in the Jewish Sozietätsverlag [publishing society] of Frankfurt am 

Main caused a sensation: “The International Birth-Strike.” The content 

of this book is exhausted in its title. The advertisement, found in the 

same book, of the book, “How one reads the business section of a daily 

newspaper,” authored by the same Ernst Kahn and his racial comrade 

Fritz Naphtali, and appearing from the same publisher, now worked 

like a beam of light into the connections of the Jewish activity of 

corruption. Naphtali was the economics expert of the Social 

Democratic trade unions of Germany. Ernst Kahn, at the same time, 

was a co-worker of the highly capitalistic Frankfurter Zeitung and of 

the Wirtschaftskurve [Economic Curves] from the same publisher. 

Another example. One of the most dynamic Communist organizations 

is, as is well-known, the Internationale Rote Hilfe [International Red 

Assistance], MOPR in its Russian initials. In Berlin there is naturally a 

Mopr publishing house. In 1931, the latter issued a comprehensive 

“scientific” work under the title Geschlechtsleben und Strafrecht 

[Sexual Life and Criminal Law] of the notorious Communist Party 

member, cultural Bolshevist and red “theoretician of the Law,” the Jew 

Felix Halle. The foreword to this lexicon of Judeo-Bolshevist 

corruption of morals [143] and distortion of law was of course supplied 

by the inevitable Magnus Hirschfeld. This piece put forth the claim that 

a “sexual revolution” was necessary, and particularly in connection 

with the armed Communist rebellion. All “liberations” of the sexual 

impulses, the immunity from punishment for sexual offenses and 

perversities of every kind, would be brought about by the Bolshevist 

Revolution, just as actually had been realized in the Soviet Union.

On the question of abortion, for example, it says(1): 

“The legislation of the Soviet Republics was the first to draw 

conclusions from this situation. The Soviet legislation determines, in 

regard to abortion, that the pregnant woman is no longer subject to 

criminal responsibility for her person on account of abortion, or on 

account of corresponding acts of commission or omission.” 

Naturally, the Communist faction of the Reichstag supported the repeal 

of the abortion paragraph 218. Exactly in the same way that the Social 

Democrat Reichstag Deputy Dr. (of Medicine) Julius Moses did in the 

Abend [Evening] of 12 March 1929(2): 

“The infamous § 218, the so-called abortion paragraph, one of the most 

disastrous remnants of anti-social, reactionary legislation, will shortly 

be placed in debate in the law committee. 

The Social-Democratic Reichstag faction has already submitted 

proposals in earlier years, which demand the repeal of § 218 . . . 

How many human beings has § 218 already murdered? And the 

operation — let this again be stressed — when performed by qualified 

people — is not harmful. Unreasonable and criminal class interests have 

joined forces to cover up this truth.” 

And furthermore, still more clearly(3): 

“The Communist Party had demanded in committee, in accordance 

with the principles here developed, to repeal the entire criminal status 

of incest (see Motion Nr. 314, Numeral 10, Reichstag printing of 

Committee 21).” 

The ideal, of course, is the Soviet Union(4): 

“Repeal of the criminality of incest in the Soviet Union. 

[144] The sexual penal law of the Soviet Union no longer prosecutes 

incest. The proletariat has a vital interest in the health of the new 

generation. But since the research in the field of eugenics has so far 

shown that, assuming that the parents are themselves healthy, a healthy 

posterity can be descended even from those who are related by blood — 

but on the other hand, genetically tainted children can be the issue of 

the congress of sick parents who are not related, the Soviet legislator 

does not see any possibility of regulating this problem in the 

proletarian sense, by means of penal law.” 

Presumably, the following is to be explained on the basis of Jewish 

special proclivities(1): 

“Elimination of the punishment of sodomy in the Soviet Union. 

The Soviet sexual criminal law on this issue is based upon the view of 

the legislator, that indecency with animals is not an act to which the 

state has to respond with the means of penal law. . .” 

Consequently: 

“Position of the parties on the punishment of sodomy. 

The Communist faction of the Reichstag moved for the removal of this 

regulation at the first reading.” 

Naturally, the open practice of homosexuality is also a “demand of the 

class-conscious proletariat.”(2) 

“Based upon the recognition of these connections, the class-conscious 

proletariat is fighting against the situation in which, for homosexual 

activity during puberty, young male and female proletarians are 

remanded as “morally reprehensible” by the youth courts of the 

bourgeois state or by the administrative authorities, to reform school 

and placed in mental institutions, which, according to their method of 

administration and practice, are to be regarded as penitentiaries for 

youth.” 

And here, also(3): 

“The Soviet law has eliminated the penal regulations in Czarist law 

which referred to homosexual acts.” 

This brief listing can already suffice. On the other side, the conscious 

corruption of marriage and family corresponds to the positive 

promotion of sexual crime. The “Ideal” is the dissolution of marriage 

and the family, as became fact in the Soviet Union(4). 

[145] “It is the common will which establishes marriage, the cessation 

of this common will, even by the declaration of one spouse, leads to its 

abolition. In the time of transition, for reasons of order, the state merely 

notes the fact of a marital union or dissolution, in that it allows 

corresponding entries in a state marriage registry to be made. 

But the free union which is not registered, is not regarded by the 

Socialist legislator — in contrast to the bourgeois legislator — as legally 

being of less value.” 

Marriage as natural order, as moral concept and as an institution of the 

law, is obliterated. In Soviet law, the place of marriage is taken by the 

“actual sexual relationship.” According to Halle, the “sexual 

revolution” of Communism paves the way to unlimited sexual pleasure. 

In the Soviet state, the Golden Age is dawning of all desires which are 

unnatural and dissolute(1): 

“Since in the proletarian community the bounds of sexual freedom are 

not determined by the interests of a small minority through regard for 

possession, but are derived from the interests of the class as a whole, so 

the result is that all limitations which require an unnatural sexual life 

(as, for example, celibacy; life-long intractable monogamy — or even a 

marriage lasting a long time when an aversion to the spouse has 

developed; demanding chastity of youth who are sexually mature, or of 

those who are unmarried), are rejected as coercive standards.” 

There can hardly be a better proof of the inseparable connection 

between Jewry, crime and Bolshevism, than this piece of work by 

Comrade Halle. 

The political pornography of Judeo-Bolshevism takes its worthy place 

alongside the sexual pornography of its “liberal” racial comrades. 

Behind both leers the ugly face of the Jew. 

Modern Jewry, unleashed and come to power, destroys all foundations 

of ethnic life. It does this with state-organized propaganda, by law and 

by terror, in the country where rulership by Jews has become reality — 

the Soviet Union. The same fate would have fallen upon Germany, too, 

had not Adolf Hitler rescued it. As much as it was in its power to do so, 

Jewry had prepared a “sexual reform” according to the model of the 

Soviet Union. 

Manifold are the paths exploited by Jewry: writing, art, the press, film, 

the stage and, not least of all, science. For science, too, had to serve the 

same goal. Sigmund Freud surprised the world with “profoundly 

probing” [146] discoveries. He taught that every boy desires his own 

mother and wants to kill his father (“Oedipus Complex”), that fathers 

have the custom of threatening their sons with cutting off their 

members (“Castration Complex”), that a dream in which a hatbox 

appears obviously refers to the female genitals, that every thought, 

every feeling, every stirring of the soul at all, is solely and exclusively 

sexual. A legion of “psychoanalysts” have put these theories into 

practice. Patients afflicted with mental pain are told that they are 

suffering from “repression,” and “letting themselves go” is 

recommended as a remedy — under the the pretext of medical 

assistance, depravity is released, and during the hour of discussion, 

patient and doctor strive to give to every wretched triviality as filthy an 

interpretation as possible. 

One step lower yet are the “sex scientists.” What was once sold in 

secret as pornography, now lies in the open on the store counter. 

“Sexual book dealerships” came into existence, “enlightening” lectures 

were held, special “institutes” founded — all this under the aegis of 

“science.” And who were the “sex scientists”? Jews — Hirschfeld

Bloch, Kronfeld, Abraham, Seelig, Schidlof, Levy-Lenz

Eulenburg, Cohen, Rabinovitch, Hodann. — 

One of the most contemptible was the one last named above. His 

subject was masturbation, for whose inhibition he gave three reasons: 

religion, reactionism, and the power of the bourgeoisie, from which he 

seriously inferred that there could be no better remedy for the 

“liberation” of masturbators than the dictatorship of the proletariat! 

Masturbators of all nations, unite! 

Those were the authors. And their works? Here are some of the titles: 

Die Perversen [The Perverts], Die Prostitution [Prostitution], Berlins 

drittes Geschlecht [Berlin's Third Sex], Künstliche Verjungung 

[Artificial Rejuvenation], Sappho und Socrates [Sappho and Socrates], 

Empfängnisverhütung [Contraception], Geschlechtsübergänge 

[Transexualities], Liebesmittel [Love Aids]. One publisher issued an 

entire series of “moral histories” — of the secret and forbidden, of the 

intimate and most intimate, of fondling and punishment, of vice and 

indecency, of scent, of taste, etc., etc. Another publisher put out a 

series of books: Das Weib als Sklavin [The Woman as Slave], Das 

lüsterne Weib [The Lustful Woman], Das feile Weib [The Woman for 

Sale], Das grausame Weibe [The Cruel Woman], Das üppige Weib 

[The Luscious Woman] — naturally always “profusely illustrated.” 

Worthy of this “science” was also the “literature” manufactured by 

Jewish authors. They were the best-known literary men of the system 

of the time, who energetically took part in it: Lion Feuchtwanger

Alfred Döblin, Alfred Kerr, Ernst Toller, Emil Ludwig, Bert 

Brecht, F. Holländer and many others, each did his part [147] to 

shake the moral base and foundations of the character of the people. 

For example, a dozen years ago, a prominent Jewish writer, Arthur 

Landsberger, glorified the courtesan in these words: 

“The courtesan is to be spoken of as the most perfect type of woman in 

creation. Of course, whoever feels the mother with the mammal at her 

breast to be an idyll, and is immune to the odor of wet diapers, to him, 

that mother who bears the most children may appear most valuable.” 

Woman as universally accessible object, as “courtesan,” more 

accurately expressed, as whore! The same ideal, the same filthy 

attitude — any woman for any man — we find in many so-called 

“literary productions” of the late Jewish greats, like Alfred Kerr, Kurt 

Tucholsky, Walter Hasenclever, etc.(1) 

Jewry is perhaps at its wildest in the revue, which is under 100% 

Jewish monopoly. James Klein could advertize his revue in Berlin 

thusly: “Undress! An evening without morality. With the assistance of 

60 prize-winning models. The hunt for beautiful women. Adventures 

with a 15-year-old. Bathing in natural water. The giant canopy bed. 

The woman with a whip. The image of the sun and naked magic.” 

The titles other revues are typical: “Häuser der Liebe” ["Houses of 

Love"], “Tausend nackte Frauen” ["A Thousand Naked Women"], 

Streng verboten” ["Strictly Forbidden"], “Sündig und süß” ["Sinful 

and Sweet"]. Unmistakable, like the titles, was the text and stage 

setting. Adultery, homosexual love, prostitution — that was 

glamorized. 

Only with the deepest disgust can one recall this time, when unleashed 

Jewry made itself felt everywhere, perverted all that was natural, pulled 

anything sublime down into excrement and transformed it into smutty 

triviality. 

All of this — Jewish literature, film, revue — is hardly anything else 

but a reshaping of the old Jewish specialty, which is designated by 

jurists as “dissemination of indecent writings.” The Jews have always — 

the Talmud already furnishes numerous examples — felt an insuperable 

inclination toward intensive preoccupation with sexual matters, with 

rooting about in the sexual. 

As we have already seen, the Talmud sees no crime in the sexual abuse 

of children, but rather at most, [148] an offense which can have no 

consequences other than a fine. Since the Talmud does not confer 

recognition of her own personality upon a woman and doesn’t know the 

notion of “sexual honor,” it is not to be wondered at if children are 

viewed as objects of lust. This spirit of sexual profanation of children 

finds expression in the extremely numerous cases in which Jews 

violate children. The public seldom learns of this, since the criminal 

Jew is always prepared “to pay a fine,” i.e., to pay the victims and 

parents money to keep their mouths shut. Since the victims are chosen 

with premeditation, it usually turns out not to be difficult to purchase 

silence by a sufficiently high payment, all the more so, because the 

parents fear the public finding out about the violation of their children. 

In what is to follow, the famous Sternberg trial is described, in which 

there was a conviction only because a fearless and dutiful penal official 

stood firm against all the machinations of the Jews. 

The accused was a banker, son of a baptized Jew and of a German 

woman. Although the Jewish descent of Sternberg was not subject to 

any doubt, he was presented by the Jews as a “racially pure German.” 

Even the Jewish reporter (S. Friedländer) from whose book, 

Interessante Prozesse [Interesting Trials], the following material is 

taken, spoke of Sternberg as if he were speaking of a non-Jew — 

unpleasant facts are always flatly denied by the Jewish side. 

From his father Sternberg had inherited business sense, from his 

mother blonde hair and blue eyes. He wears a fashionably trimmed full 

beard; he is a handsome man and a wealthy one. His wife is a German, 

he seems to be the best husband one could imagine, and his family life 

is untroubled. In other ways as well, Sternberg is a fortunate man, his 

businesses do brilliantly, he’s on the best terms with the “leaders of 

society.” He began as a modest bank employee, now he has become a 

banker, he has a share in various mining and iron works, and he’s also 

built the Kassel-Wilhelmshöhe railroad. How great is Sternberg’s 

wealth? In 1893, the Jewish blood in his veins impels him into a 

conflict with the tax authorities, and his wealth is estimated by judicial 

experts at at least 18 million Marks. At the turn of the century, 18 

million Marks was a large, a very large, sum! — Not in vain did his 

friends and admirers compare him with Harriman or Vanderbilt. The 

life of August Sternberg, 48 years old, born in Frankfurt am Main, now 

a banker in Berlin, seems [149] lucky, successful, and harmonious. 

And now, on 26 January 1900, this Sternberg is arrested! He is charged 

with crimes of immorality against an under-age girl. Sternberg has an 

irrepressible attraction to small children. Once, when he was still 

single, he took for himself a “housekeeper.” She was just 17 years old, 

a beauty by the standards of the time: snow-white face, large, coal- 

black eyes, a well-developed figure. All went well for a time, but soon 

Sternberg had had enough of her — she was too old for him — already a 

woman, not an as yet undeveloped girl. One day Sternberg came out 

with a plan — the housekeeper was supposed to open a boarding school 

for little girls, he’d then visit her often. “I would like to have an eight- 

year-old, women 16 years old are disgusting to me.” In these words he 

confessed his heart’s desire. When the housekeeper refused, she was 

thrown out on the street. 

Berlin is large, there are enough obliging people there who are glad to 

earn money. One such person is Helene Fischer, the proprietress of a 

“massage salon.” What kind of “salon” this is, is later discovered before 

the Court — Fischer will have to admit that she also massaged 

“obscenely.” Small girls are a specialty of the “salon,” in the house at 

Alexandrinenstraße 1 b, there are schoolgirls going in and out. One 

tells another that there’s money that can be earned, and gradually a 

proper stock exchange of vice and child molestation comes into being. 

Even in the arcade, the meeting place of the Berlin prostitutes at that 

time, Fischer’s name is known: frequently a deputy of the masseusse 

shows up and in great haste picks up a girl of the streets who is as child- 

like-appearing as possible. Fischer also knows another way to help 

herself — in many newspapers ads appear: “Models with juvenile looks 

sought by painter.” 

Sternberg is one of Fischer’s clients. One time, he’s a painter, and has 

models with juvenile shapes, whom he requires for his “art studies,” 

brought to him. Another time he plays the role of “uncle doctor” and 

“examines” children. He has them take a bath in front of him, 

sometimes he “punishes” them and flogs them for supposed offenses, 

for the otherwise so lovable banker, a paragon of tenderness and 

pampering when at home by himself, is not completely free of sadistic 

impulses, and welts on the body of a little girl, from the blows of a 

whip, spur on his lust. Painter, doctor or educator — the goal is always 

the same — sexual abuse of the girls. Later, the Court will certify of 

him that the number of his victims during a six month [150] period had 

amounted to at least thirty. For how many girls had Sternberg pointed 

the way to depravity for the whole rest of their lives? 

And now everything has come out, and Sternberg sits in the dock. He 

isn’t taking the case overly tragically — once already, 15 years ago, he 

was involved in a similar affair, but his Jewish defense counsel was 

able to convince the court that Sternberg was acting in good faith when 

he reckoned the girl to be older than 16 years of age . . . 

Why should things turn out differently this time? However, his judges 

are less lenient and Sternberg is sentenced to two years in prison! 

Sternberg was not one of those who simply lays down his weapons in 

defeat. First of all, an appeal is filed, the Reichs-court nullifies the 

conviction, he is to be tried once again. With this, Sternberg gains 

several months’ time, and he will make use of this time to effectively 

prepare his defense. The means for this — genuinely Jewish — are 

“connections” and money. 

Sternberg is a prominent member of Berlin “society,” and he numbers 

all sorts of influential personalities among his friends. For example, 

there’s the Director of the Berlin Police. He socializes on terms of 

friendship with Sternberg and is a frequent and welcome guest at his 

villa. More than this, Sternberg holds a 15,000 Mark mortgage on his 

estate on the island of Rügen, and he owes the banker 2000 Marks in 

cash besides. Can the police director show ingratitude, when Sternberg 

asks a small service of him — for instance, to dampen the zeal of his 

officers who took part in the preliminary investigation, or transfer them 

if need be? 

Sternberg puts even more hope in his money. He possesses millions — 

whom would he not be able to buy? 

Somewhere in Berlin is the detective bureau “Jus”; its Director, Herr 

Detective-Director Schulze, is prepared to assist Sternberg gladly — by 

seeing to it that inconvenient witnesses are silent, or change their 

testimony. He also collects unfavorable information about prosecution 

witnesses in order to portray their testimony as not credible. 

Foolish gossip is collected, and money, promises and sinister threats 

are used. In the event of an acquittal, the Herr Detective-Director is 

supposed to receive not less than fifty thousand Marks (in actuality, 

Sternberg will pay only 12,000). 

[151] And now the Herr Detective-Director sets his agents loose upon 

the witnesses. The most dangerous is the constable Stierstädter; as a 

police officer, he is now just as zealous, energetic and conscientious as 

he’d been as a soldier. It is Stierstädter who uncovered the goings-on in 

the Alexandrinenstraße house, and it was also thanks to him that 

several of the molested girls were found. From a level above the 

Director, the transfer of Stierstädter to Criminal Commissioner Thiel is 

put through. But Thiel has been bribed by the agents of the Banker: for 

8000 Marks, he has undertaken to “bring Stierstädter around, to be 

reasonable” (he will later be sentenced to three years in prison for this). 

Thiel tries to do so four times; one time, he invites Stierstädter to a 

birthday celebration; another time, they meet in an expensive 

restaurant. Once — when they are eating partridges and drinking 

champagne — Thiel believes that he has worn Stierstädter down. 

Without beating about the bush, he offers him 70,000 Marks straight 

out and holds out to him the prospect of a villa on Lake Geneva. “One 

must have some human feeling, Sternberg has been sitting there such a 

long time already,” he says, appealing to his emotions. 

He doesn’t succeed; Stierstädter has gotten his teeth into the case, and 

he is not to be swayed into changing his testimony. Another way is 

then tried. The Command of the Police Director takes Stierstädter in 

hand. It is suggested to him that he give up any further steps in the 

affair, and he is then threatened that, in case he should resign, his 

[discharge] certificate will be unfavorable. 

Nevertheless, Stierstädter is, and remains, obstinate. He murmurs 

something about military service, his oath, and doesn’t allow himself to 

be forced to change his testimony in any way. And it will be the lowly 

police officer Stierstädter who will bring down the powerful banker 

Sternberg, for all other witnesses allow themselves to be intimidated or 

bribed. 

Detective-Director Schulze has mobilized an entire work force — they 

have names like: Frau Stabs, Fritz Wolff, Popp, Suchart, Ebstein, 

Frälein Saul, the Friedmann brothers, Kemptner, almost all are Jews. 

From feelings of solidarity and for the sake of money they stand by 

Sternberg to the utmost of their powers. Witnesses receive payments of 

10, 20, even 100 Marks, if they testify favorably or go on trips to 

places unknown. Others are intimidated, especially the girls whom 

Sternberg once molested. A gentleman in top hat and with curled dark 

moustaches whispers to one of the witnesses as he walks by her: 

“Watch out, it’s your life that’s at stake!” Another is invited to have a 

glass [152] of beer by an unknown ordinary looking fellow who 

rehearses her testimony with her. If she should testify differently — 

here the fellow suddenly drops his comfortable manner and looks like a 

dangerous predator — she can expect a “charge of perjury.” What that’s 

supposed to mean the girl doesn’t know, but it sounds perilously like 

prison — what’s left for her to do, but give in without resistance? Herr 

Wolff promises the important witness Blümke 15,000 Marks to 

establish a business, and she is presented with a gold watch and a ring 

as an advance. Jewish journalists receive gifts and write favorably 

about Sternberg. The dangerous Fischer is deported to America as 

quickly as possible, and she is promised 100 Marks quarterly. It cannot 

be ascertained from the Court reports whether Fischer was a Jewess, 

but to judge by her business acumen, she certainly was: she put down 

two written statements one of them in favorable to Sternberg, the other - 

- unfavorable. She deposited each with a different attorney and 

prepared to earn as much money as possible for herself from the case. 

Finally, the trial is at hand. Sternberg is calm — the witnesses are 

prepared, and he has not fewer than six attorneys, the flower of Jewish 

advocacy: Counselor Wronker, Counselor Stello, Dr. Werthauer 

(already at that time!), Dr. H. Heinemann, Dr. Fuchs I [sic], Dr. 

Mendel. They are to prove Sternberg’s innocence. 

The thesis of the defense is this: Sternberg has enemies, these enemies 

have bribed an unscrupulous officer, namely Stierstädter, who for his 

part bribed or intimidated witnesses. With a mysterious smile, the 

insinuation is made that this is a case of sham charges based upon anti- 

Semitism, and therefore an affair which no enlightened and upstanding 

person would allow to be supported in any way. That is a tried and 

tested Jewish trick: the basis for discussion is shifted to another, more 

suitable plane and the facts of the case turned upside down. 

The witness Frieda Woyda, one of the most important and also a 

victim, appears. Orphaned early in life, she went to her aunt’s and then - 

- by way of a classified ad — to Fischer, to help in the business. 

The small Frieda is still very much a child. That she is soon to be 

twelve years old, one cannot tell at all; she is pretty, her eyes look full 

of innocence — the right kind of prey for Sternberg, who molested her 

several times. 

When she appears in Court the first time, she answers all questions 

candidly, if shyly, she looks the judge in the eye, her voice is clear. In 

the months which have elapsed between the two trials, Frieda has been 

“worked on.” [153] Her eyes are sunken, and one can hardly hear what 

she is saying. The child is obviously acting under the influence of a 

terrible fear. She recants everything, Sternberg, she says, didn’t do 

anything to her, the first time she was lying about everything. 

All day long the Court exerts itself over her; neither admonitions of the 

judge, nor the thundering voice of the state’s attorney yield results. 

Frieda is silent or cries — God knows what Sternberg’s friends and 

hirelings have used to inspire such fear in her. When she is asked why 

she testified differently the first time, she shoves everything off on 

Stierstädter — she said that he had intimidated her, he had threatened, 

he had rehearsed her testimony. 

Other girls as well testify in the same tone: Stierstädter had “so 

frighteningly rolled his eyes,” he had bribed them, he had threatened 

them with the Vice Police . . . 

Everywhere the evil Stierstädter, the pig-headed anti-Semite, who 

organized the whole battue against a respectable Jewish banker. And 

one day the defense experiences a great triumph. It is discovered that 

Stierstädter is a morally depraved subject: once, he broke his marriage 

vows! The friends of the child-molester point at the adulterer with 

horror, they shout: “Pfui!” This is supposed to be a servant of the state, 

one is supposed to believe the word of this man! The policeman stands 

there confused and with his neck reddening, he doesn’t know what has 

hit him. He believed he was doing his duty, but now he himself has 

become the accused. Meanwhile, the well-nourished and well-groomed 

banker lolls about at the defense table and arrogantly looks at 

Stierstädter, who dared to go up against six lawyers, against the Jewish 

press, against Sternberg’s millions. In the Jewish papers, a storm 

breaks, Stierstädter is spoken of only with disgust and contempt, 

disciplinary proceedings are opened against the “disloyal” officer on 

account of adultery. That should serve as a lesson for others! 

Sternberg’s defense methods are still not exhausted after that. Politics 

as well should be made serviceable to him, and in particular — how 

should it be otherwise with a Jew — the working class and the Social 

Democrats. One of the defense counsel asked the state’s attorney: “Is it 

true that you had said that Social Democratic oaths are perjuries?” 

The question is not allowed by the Court, but the tone of voice and 

gestures of the defense counsel leave no room for doubt: this state’s 

attorney is a cultureless and narrow-minded reactionary — from whom 

one cannot believe one word. 

[154] The defense also knows how to make much of the “social 

service” of the child-molester. Did he not always see to the welfare of 

his workers? Has he not worked on generous plans for unemployment 

insurance? Has he not been a reliable friend of the working man? But 

extremely unmistakable pressure is applied to the workers who labor in 

Sternberg’s firms: either you sign a petition in his favor, or you’re out . . 

The trial lasts 38 days, for 38 days German justice must concern itself 

with a totally clear case, for which a few days at most would have been 

necessary. Dozens of rehearsed witnesses march up to testify, the most 

famous experts have expressed opinions (the Court costs amount to 

15,000 Marks), the press is split into two camps, the unfortunate Police 

Director commits suicide, a series of witnesses are arrested right from 

the witness bench, several police officials go to disciplinary 

proceedings, existences are destroyed — all due to a Jewish sex 

criminal. 

However, all of this does not help, for Sternberg cannot buy everyone 

with his millions. Not the policeman loyal to his duty, and not the 

Court, either: Sternberg is convicted. 

Jewry has become richer by one “martyr,” for what has Sternberg done, 

other than fulfill “the Law of the fathers”?! 

On 29 April 1935, at about 10 in the evening, a teacher at the 

Bruckschen Higher Commercial School, Bachelor of Commercial 

Education Albert Hirschland, is arrested in Magdeburg. The founder of 

the school as well, Alfred Bruck, was a Jew, and related to Hirschland 

by marriage. On 19 June, 1935, Hirschland was convicted by the Jury- 

Court in Magdeburg to ten years in prison, ten years’ loss of civil 

liberties, and supervision for life. 

We give here the argument of the foreman of the Jury-Court in this 

case of a Jewish sex criminal(1): 

“When I got the documents for the first time to study them, the 

impression on me then was so shocking and so depressing, as with no 

other work during my long time in office. The main trial has not 

mitigated this impression. It has sickened us even more and depressed 

us even more. The picture that we have gotten of the accused is that of 

an unrestrained and low libertine of rare type. 

[155] The accused is a full-blooded Jew. To be sure, he had himself 

baptized on the 17th of March of this year, but he didn’t do this out of 

conviction. He himself maintains that he had gotten himself baptized in 

order to better be able to marry Gisela Stein, who is descended from 

Jewish parents but who wants to be an Evangelical. However that may 

be, this completed act of baptism is evidence of the inner duplicity of 

the accused. He betrays the faith of his fathers for reasons of 

expediency and today he states that he is an Evangelical Christian, but 

he is actually, as ever, a Jew. 

Albert Hirschland extensively conducted sexual affairs with non-Jews, 

who for the most part were his students. He has described this 

intercourse and these debaucheries in detail in diaries. These diaries are 

the most base [writings] imaginable. When they were read out this 

morning, it was certainly as if at first no one present would have 

thought the writing down of such things humanly possible. That is how 

piggish, how vulgar and how depressing they were. 

The accused has intentionally and by design exploited his position as 

teacher and leader of a commercial school. He has seduced his students 

and made them accommodate his perverse inclinations. He has seduced 

them into unnatural intercourse. He has ruined them in a shameless 

manner and frequently had two or three girls at the same time in his 

room and had intercourse with them. He managed to keep up these 

relations with the girls when he had to get specialized medical 

treatment, since he had contracted venereal disease. It is also typical of 

the defendant Hirschland, that when he was afflicted with a disgusting 

contagious pest (crab lice), he still engaged in intercourse with a non- 

Jewish girl in his bedroom. 

The Court confined itself to some excerpts from the doings of the 

defendant. It has purposely not extended the trial to all facts of the 

case. The present instances are sufficient to arrive at a conviction. 

The defendant has in no sense confessed to his crimes. At his first 

interrogation, he admitted much. In the main trial, however, he has 

cravenly lied. He has denied everything, and indeed, so long as up to 

the time that the opposite was proved against him. The way in which 

he lied about these things was shameless and stupid. 

In his seductions, the accused proceeded according to a particular 

system. He aroused the girls, showed them indecent pictures and 

writings and took nude [156] photographs. Beforehand, he brought 

them into wine shops and into liquor shops to make them drunk. The 

defendant obviously produced such nude photographs in great 

profusion. A large share of these, and still other incriminating evidence 

besides, was cleared out by his fiancee Gisela Stein and by his sister 

Elfriede Bruck. 

For the assessment of the crimes, the whole picture yielded by the main 

trial was taken into consideration. His attitude toward his acts is base 

and criminal and exactly corresponds to the kind of person he is. The 

defendant knew the laws. The knowledge of the German penal code in 

general, is presumed of Jews. The calculations of the accused were 

constantly directed toward merely getting around the law. He had no 

moral considerations. Likewise, there is no moral law for the 

defendant. 

The true confession of faith of the defendant, however, was set down in 

a letter which he wrote his bride from prison. In this we read: ‘I now 

have a sad celebrity which is deserving of sympathy. But I feel pure 

before my God, before my conscience, and before men.’ 

The defendant had no inner bonds with his victims, as can be seen in 

every instance. In his activity of molesting, he molested German girls 

and he managed to also continue this behavior even after his downfall. 

He used the German girls merely for the satisfaction of his wild sexual 

lust. In 1922, he wrote to one of his victims: ‘I cannot marry you, as a 

Jew I can only marry a Jewess.’ And now he has become engaged to a 

full-blooded Jewess. Therefore he has remained a Jew. 

Thus we have the portrait of a man who is a typical wastrel and 

molester of girls and who cannot and does not want to control this 

impulse. The Court has thus arrived at this finding in the assessment of 

his behavior as a whole and of his crimes: Hirschland is a dangerous 

habitual criminal. As a full-blooded Jew, he has shamefully abused the 

rights of a guest which the German people have granted him. He has 

unscrupulously and without restraint and in enormous profusion, 

violated the honor of German girls. But the honor of the sex of German 

girls is one of the most important possessions of law that we have. The 

single excuse which the defendant had for his crimes, however, is the 

creed of faith which I just read. 

From all of this, the Court has arrived at this express punishment. That, 

due to his dishonorable conduct, [157] civil rights be denied to the 

defendant, with no further argument required. Public safety requires 

that he be taken into supervision. The defendant, even if he has served 

ten years in the penitentiary, will not change. On the contrary, it is to 

be assumed that he will then seek to satisfy his lust in still worse ways. 

Finally, it must be said, in consequence of the cowardly and duplicitous 

conduct of the defendant, that taking account of his [time spent in] 

custody during the investigation is out of the question.” 

The Court was adjourned. The Magdeburg Jew-trial was at an end. The 

defendant, Albert Hirschland, who had to be called upon to stand up 

while the judgement was read, had not changed his attitude. In his face 

was not a trace of remorse. Not a trace of regret. 

His defense counsel, the Jew Dr. Hirschberg, looked grim and stared 

ahead. The judgement had confirmed for him that even the legal 

system in Germany was in the throes of awakening. It had confirmed 

for him: the Jew no longer played first fiddle in the German justice 

system. 

To (next) Chapter IX: Murderers 

To (previous) Chapter VII: Pimps and White Slavers 

To Table of Contents 

Copyright 2002 by R. Belser. Reproduction in whole or in part without 

express written permission of the translator is not permitted. All rights 

reserved. 

T h e   J e w   a s   C r i m i n a l 

Chapter IX: Murderers 

————————————————— 

————— 

(page 158) 

One of the most important weapons of Jewry in the struggle to obscure 

and camouflage its true nature, is the Jewish joke. Jewry officially 

denies the existence of psychic racial distinctions and wants to see the 

study of race limited to purely exterior, physical traits [these days, of 

course, Jewry has reached such dizzy heights in its ascendancy that it 

now denies the existence of race per se!]. Unofficially, whispering- 

behind-its-hand, so to speak, it is conceded that Jews have their 

peculiarities, and it is precisely the Jewish joke which serves as their 

revelation. 

Many of these jokes are awkward, others tasteless, much has been 

borrowed from other peoples and correspondingly re-worked. But they 

all have one thing in common: to make the Jew out to be an essentially 

harmless, if sometimes ridiculous, person. Individual features of the 

Jewish character are derided — clumsy familiarity, impudence, an 

impertinent nature, eccentric dialectics, greed, cowardliness, bodily 

uncleanliness, haggling, Talmudic narrow- mindedness — but the 

Jewish joke never penetrates to the kernel of the Jewish essence. For it 

is just in this that the significance lies, that the emphasis upon minor 

things diverts [the attention] from the essential. This tactic is not 

accidental, rather it is employed by Jewry over and over again: the 

basis for discussion is fobbed off onto more favorable ground. A 

characteristic example is furnished by Soviet “self-criticism”: in 

newspapers, etc., small grievances are sharply and continually 

criticized in order to avoid discussion of the true cause — Jewish 

Bolshevism. 

The image of the Jew propagated in the Jewish joke — a crooked-

legged, haggling cadger, peddler or businessman — has become one of 

the greatest successes of Jewry: it is hard not to laugh at many Jewish 

jokes; but whatever one laughs about, one can neither hate nor fear, 

and contempt cripples the will to fight. The goal is therefore attained — 

the Jew appears as a ridiculous creature and behind his disdained petty 

crookedness disappears that in Jewry which is truly dangerous: the 

greed for economic, political and cultural power in the host nation, for 

the subordination of the host population [159] under the will and the 

interests of Jewry. The Jew is not a ridiculous, but a dangerous 

creature. 

The image of the hook-nosed, gesticulating, waddling, cheating and 

defrauding Jew has done its job also with many of those who are 

opponents of Jewry. They do not doubt that the Jew is capable of any 

swindle, any fraud, any crookedness, but they deny him the capacity 

for physical violence. To the question: “Are there Jewish thugs or even 

murderers?” one almost always hears the answer: “No!” 

The reality is something entirely different — the Jew is capable of any 

act, if his own interests or those of his race are served thereby. 

In Vienna, there is a magazine published by the police: Öffentliche 

Sicherheit [Public Safety], which among other things puts out 

“circulars and wanted posters” about internationally sought criminals. 

We page through the last few volumes. If we limit ourselves to the 

murderers who are without any doubt Jews, we find: 

Markus Goldmanovitch, born 1906 in South Russia, auto dealer. 

Murdered Marie Bernadotte Prunier in Sens (France). Fugitive. 

(Öffentliche Sicherheit, 1934, Nr. 10.) 

Alexander Kaminski, born in Connecticut (USA), parents are Polish 

Jews. Twenty-five years old, dangerous criminal and murderer who 

ruthlessly resorts to weapons. Fugitive. (Öffentliche Sicherheit, 1935, 

Nr. 3.) 

Harry Brown, 53 years old, Polish Jew. Murderer and arsonist. 

Fugitive. (Öffentliche Sicherheit, 1935, Nr. 18.) 

Alexander Kölner, Hungarian Jew from Budapest. Killed one of the 

prisoners while in jail. Fugitive.(Öffentliche Sicherheit, 1936, Nr. 3.) 

It is not the Jewish way, to kill someone out of jealousy, or out of rage; 

the Jews have a different way of killing someone who displeases them. 

The Jewish murderer kills out of calculation and with cold reflection. 

As an example, let the story be related here of the murder committed 

by Fritz Saffran (1) in connection with arson and insurance fraud, 

which created a great sensation a few years ago in East Prussia. 

In the East Prussian city of Rastenburg, there is a furniture business 

which belongs to a certain Platz. The owner of the business feels that 

he’s becoming old, he wants to share the burden of running the business 

with a younger man, and with this in mind, he marries his daughter to a 

Fritz Saffran, the son of a Jewish cattle dealer, of whom [160] it is 

claimed that he is a skilful businessman. Saffran is tall and heavy-set, 

with a high forehead; behind horn-rimmed glasses are cold gray eyes, 

his lips are thin and he is around thirty years old. 

At first it seems as though the old furniture dealer had made the right 

choice — Saffran is a clever, intelligent, energetic merchant, and the 

business does well. Saffran knows people throughout the city, he’s a 

reputable citizen though completely modern in his appearance and in 

his conduct of business. 

A bit too “modern,” for Saffran is a liar, a swindler, a deceiver — soon 

things begin to go worse and worse for him. Within a very short time 

he has run the business into the ground, debts on top of debts have 

piled up, credit debt accumulated, liabilities taken on whose 

redemption is impossible for the business to meet. Already, in 1928, 

the firm is on the brink of ruin, and only with effort, with the help of 

loans gotten here and there, does it succeed in keeping its head above 

water. The chief clerk of the firm, a man named Kipnik, knows all 

that’s going on, but the old man Platz has no inkling of what his son-in- 

law has done with his company. Equally blind is Saffron’s wife; he has 

been unfaithful to her for a long time and is maintaining a love affair 

with the office clerk Augustin, a lanky, dynamic person who is 

employed by the firm. The three — Saffran, Kipnik, Augustin — are 

good actors, and no one in the city, in the business or in the family 

notices the least thing wrong. 

Saffran carries things further and further. He keeps presenting the 

same, identical delivery contract to his creditors as security. He raises 

money on securities several times, he forges purchase contracts and 

their signatures, and he also falsifies the balance sheet. The firm’s 

liabilities, according to the balance sheet, reach 285,000 Marks — the 

business is finally ruined. Experts are later able to determine that not 

less than three hundred seventy-five contracts and eighteen notes have 

been forged by Saffran. 

The situation can no longer continue, but Saffran is not at a loss for a 

way out. He insures his life with five different companies for 200,000 

Marks. The plan of the criminal trio is now set: fire will be set to the 

furniture business, and amongst the wreckage a body shall be found 

which will be recognized as that of Saffran. Then the insurance 

companies will have to pay, and then the three will again have money 

in profusion. 

Only one thing is missing — a male body. But Saffran finds no great 

hurdle in this — at night [161] one meets so many solitary men 

wandering the streets, that it should not be hard to kill someone. 

In the summer of 1930, the situation becomes ever more threatening; 

the flood of notes rises higher and higher. Now the three go on a 

manhunt together in an automobile or also separately. However, the 

matter proves to be rather difficult. Sometimes they drive the whole 

night through without meeting anyone. Another time, they succeed in 

enticing a man into the car, but the victim defends himself and escapes. 

On 12 September, Saffran and Kipnik again go hunting for a man, 

while Augustin, who otherwise likes to participate, this time remains at 

home. Along their way, they meet a bicyclist, the twenty-six-year-old 

milker, Dahl. They stop him, shoot the unsuspecting man with their 

pistols, and roll the body into a carpet. The bicycle and the bag of the 

murdered man are hidden in the woods. They put the body, still in the 

same night, in the storeroom of the furniture business. Saffran’s gold 

watch and keys are stuck in the pockets of the victim, Saffran’s rings 

are placed on his fingers, Saffran’s gold collar studs are fastened to his 

shirt. Now all is ready; on the night of Sunday, the 15th of September, 

the fire is supposed to be set, all the business books and the body of the 

murdered man are supposed to burn up. 

At about one o’clock in the morning Saffran and Kipnik pour benzene 

all over the place and set it afire. Saffran immediately hides at 

Augustin’s, but Kipnik stays in the vicinity. 

It doesn’t take long before the building is in bright flames. The fire 

department rushes there, the police appear, a dense crowd of people 

surrounds the fire. In their midst stands Kipnik, wringing his hands. 

With a voice interrupted by sobbing, he tells them all that he had seen 

Saffran in the building in the glow from the fire, and Saffran had 

plunged into the fire in order to save the business’s books — but he had 

not come back out. 

The building burns to the walls. Under the wreckage a body is found. 

Watch, collar studs, keys, everything proves that it is Saffran, who 

risked his life for the sake of the firm and met his death because of it — 

a victim of his sense of duty. 

Saffran stays hidden with Augustin for two days, then he travels 

homeward to Berlin. But he is observed at this and recognized. The 

news that Saffran is alive spreads like wildfire. The monstrous fraud 

and nefarious crime are discovered. 

[162] Saffran hides at a relative’s of Augustin and for an entire month 

long he doesn’t leave the house. He learns Spanish and English, for he 

wants to go overseas. He grows a full beard and believes that no one 

will recognize him. But fate wills it otherwise. He boards the train at 

Spandau, in order to flee abroad, when a conductor who once was in 

Rastenburg recognizes him despite his beard. He alerts the police, and 

in Wittenberg, as Saffran is about to drink a cup of coffee, the heavy 

hand of a police officer falls on his shoulder. . . 

The jury-court at Bartenstein condemns Saffran and Kipnik to death on 

26 March 1931, while Augustin is sentenced to five years in prison. 

In giant cities like New York and Chicago, Jewry finds a rich field of 

activity for its criminal talents. Today it may be taken to be an 

established fact that the notorious “American gangsters” are 

predominantly Jews [Although in the U.S. organized crime has been 

and is associated in the public mind with Italian immigrants -- mostly 

Sicilians and Neapolitans -- and their descendants, as is characteristic 

with so many other Jewish criminal operations, the financial "brains," 

and thus the true power and control, of many crime organization 

structures in the U.S. turn out to be Jewish. Since the date of 

publication of this book -- 1937 -- the names of many other Jewish 

gangsters have become part of the history of organized crime in 

America: "Bugsy" Siegel, "Legs" Diamond; Meyer Lansky, etc. etc. 

There have also been shadowy figures such as the Bronfmans, Edgar 

Sr. and Jr., whose fortunes have supposedly been based on the 

"legitimate" liquor business, but who multiplied their wealth by means 

of Prohibition and established a power base in both the corporate and 

criminal worlds.], who lead an organized fight against the order of law 

in the United States. That they make use of various cover-names is, for 

us, already a well-known and customary Jewish trick. 

For example, Asbury(1) tells many a typical and interesting fact in his 

history of the New York Underworld. 

One of the most famous American Underworld figures, a gang leader 

and murderer, was the son of a Jewish restaurateur, Eduard 

Ostermann, who later called himself Monk Eastman. He had a head 

which looked like a cannon ball, strongly veined, heavy jowls, a bull- 

like neck with countless scars. His nasal bone had been broken, his hair 

was always shaggy and unkempt; on the top of his head perched a little 

hat, his clothes were messy, cheap and dirty. 

When he was twenty years old, his father bought him a pet shop but the 

tendency toward laziness and for crime was too strong — Eastman 

became a bouncer in a disreputable bar. Armed with a club and a 

cudgel, he kept “order” in the pub. He was an outstanding boxer, and 

when one of the guests became contentious, Eastman “pacified” him 

with a couple of skilful punches, with his club, or — when nothing else 

would work, a beer bottle. He boasted that during the first six months 

on the job, he had knocked in the skulls of over fifty men — and the 

nearby outpatient clinic, where his victims were taken, received the 

nick-name “Eastman Pavilion.” 

[163] After a short time he gave up his job as a bouncer, for higher 

goals were beckoning him. As a pure Jew, he was enormously 

dynamic, never lacked for money, and he had his fingers in a thousand 

enterprises. He had a share in bordellos and gambling parlors, worked 

as a wholesale procurer, had drawn up an entire organization for the 

protection of “his” streetwalkers, led theft and burglary gangs, took on 

assignments to beat up or even murder unpopular personalities, and 

also occupied himself in between times as a fence — in short, he was a 

universal genius of the Underworld. His special interest was “politics.” 

He enjoyed the best relations with Tammany Hall, the “democratic” 

organization which for decades played a decisive role in New York and 

its administration, for both parties got their money’s worth with this 

arrangement: Eastman put his fists and the revolvers of his gang at the 

disposal of Tammany Hall, in return for which, however, he could 

count on being rescued in case he were arrested. 

It was the time when the first automobiles were appearing. Eastman’s 

criminal astuteness could appreciate the significance of this new 

invention and the new technique of the gang assault: several bandits 

show up in stolen cars, there is a hail of bullets, the robbery or murder 

is carried out with lightning speed and then the criminals vanish. Later 

this procedure was perfected when machine guns came into use. 

His criminal activity lasted for years, until his high patron let the too 

badly compromised criminal go, and this happened in the following 

way. Eastman and one of his accomplices had taken on a murder 

assignment. But the man, having been attacked, defended himself, a 

policeman rushed to his aid, shooting broke out and Eastman, struck 

down with a rubber truncheon, was arrested. He tried to bring his 

“connections” into play, he did indeed receive help, and in 1904 he got 

(only!) a prison sentence of several years. 

After five years Eastman was released — so exemplary is his conduct 

supposed to have been. He wanted to organize his gang again, but he 

did not succeed in meeting the challenge of the younger men who had 

snatched the leadership away during his “absence.” Eastman now sank 

to the level of pickpocket, burglar and drug dealer. Several times he 

had to serve small sentences and landed in jail. In September 1917 he 

was arrested for brawling, and in custody Eastman discovered his 

patriotic American heart — he resolved to fight the “Huns,” and 

participate in the World War. 

[164] His conduct as a soldier was good, and in the year 1919 his civil 

rights, of which he had been deprived by the Court, were restored. He 

swore never again to commit a crime and the police even procured for 

him a small position which made it possible for him to lead a peaceful 

life. A touching happy ending for the Jewish criminal. 

The harmony of this conclusion to his life, however, was impaired by 

the fact that Eastman was murdered on 26 December 1920. For despite 

his oath, furthermore, he was selling drugs again and he fell into an 

argument with one of his clients, in which he was murdered. 

The successor of Eastman in the leadership of his gang was the Jew 

William Alberts, called Jack Zelig. 

He was a slight young boy with enormous brown, somewhat startlingly 

piercing eyes. At fourteen years of age, he was a pickpocket, got 

caught several times but was never convicted: his appearance was so 

child-like that he succeeded in convincing the judge of his innocence. 

Later he employed the following trick with great results: during the 

Court proceedings, some woman would turn up, just as delicate, pretty 

and full of innocence as he himself, and she would implore the Court to 

spare “the father of my children” and not to send him to prison. . . 

This was the man who took over Eastman’s gang. His most intimate 

assistants at this were three Jews, Harry Horrowitz (“Gyp the 

Dashing”), a famous bouncer, sharp-shooter and bomb-thrower; he 

boasted that he was able to put any man across his knee and break his 

spine that way; Jakob Seidenschnur (“Whitely Louis”) was also a 

thug who used beatings and the revolver, while Louis Rosenberg 

(“Lefty Louis”) was mainly a thief. 

The special interest to which this gang devoted itself was the gambling 

‘hells,’ and their specific method was to foster and protect the richer 

ones in return for a certain indemnity, but they held up and robbed the 

poorer ones. That was a profitable and dangerous business. The owners 

of the little “joints” did not have enough money to secure for 

themselves the protection of a gang or to bribe police officials; there, 

they actually stood defenseless. 

For years Zelig earned huge money in this manner, until death caught 

up with him, too. He had a violent feud with Rosenthal, the Jewish 

owner of a gambling hell. The enmity went so far that Zelig decided 

upon the death of Rosenthal. One day, Rosenthal was in the Hotel 

“Metropol” on Broadway and was eating his evening meal. A well- 

dressed man stepped up to him and said that someone wanted [165] to 

speak to him on the street. Rosenthal’s clients were of the sort that 

avoids bright lights. Without suspicion, he walked outside. Zelig and 

his bandits were waiting for him out on the street. They killed him with 

several shots and fled in an automobile. Yet Zelig did not survive this 

triumph for very long: a short time afterwards a competitor, the Jew 

Phil Davidson, shot him down as he was about to leave a street car. 

In the chronicle of criminality of New York, one can find countless 

Jewish names. Let us name just the gang leaders: Johnny Spanish

Johnny Lewinsky, Tanner Snith (Goldschmidt), Jakob Dropper 

(Nathan Kaplan), Louis Kuschner (Cohen), Jack Organ (Klein), 

Salomon Shapira, Sam Epstein, Izy Presser, Harry Stein (the 

murderer of the woman of the demi-monde, Vivian Gordon). It serves 

no purpose to examine their misdeeds any more closely. It is always 

the same: paid assaults, alcohol and drug smuggling, procuring, 

corruption of officials, fencing, robbery and murder. 

Here, in the Underworld of New York, free to develop itself, the 

“comic” nature of the Jew reveals itself in its true, horrendous shape.

Not only greed for money, but greed for power is the mainspring of the 

Jewish criminal. For him, therefore, the money is but a means to an 

end, a means for the obtaining of power over men. The Jew is neither 

“comical” nor merely “materialistic.” He is, first and foremost, 

“political,” but in the sense of a boundless drive for power that shrinks 

from nothing in order to attain the desired goal. 

So it is no wonder that Jews again and again appear as murderers in 

political mask. The infamous assassinations of modern times have been 

perpetrated by Jews — a fact that up to the present day has been 

overlooked only too willingly. 

For example, it is almost completely unknown that the murderer of the 

American President MacKinley was the Jew Leo Czolgosz, in 

collaboration with the Jewess Emma Goldmann. Let her be recalled to 

memory once again(1). 

On 6 September 1901, President MacKinley arranged a reception on 

the occasion of the Pan-American Exhibition in Buffalo. According to 

American custom, the citizens have the right to shake the hand of the 

President at such public receptions, at which they walk up to him, 

[166] one behind the other. In the line of those waiting, a “young, well- 

dressed man in a frock coat and top hat” (as the papers then were able 

to report) also approached the President. He held a handkerchief in his 

left hand, while with his right hand he gripped MacKinley’s hand. 

Suddenly, with a revolver hidden under the handkerchief he fired off 

two shots at the President at point-blank range, which had frightful 

effects. The perpetrator was the Polish Jew Leon Czolgosz, who had 

travelled to Buffalo alone in order to convert into action the plan which 

had been previously precisely decided upon with his Jewish 

accomplice, Emma Goldmann. 

On 14 September, MacKinley succumbed to his critical wounds, and 

on 24 September the jury found the assassin guilty; two days later the 

decision of the Court was announced that condemned Czolgosz to 

death in the electric chair. 

The Jewish murderer of MacKinley was well-known to the American 

police. In the album of criminals of the United States, there was 

already a comprehensive description of his personal data; the 

newspaper Post of 21 September 1901 discovered very interesting 

details from this:

“Leon Czolgosz, alias Frank Niemann. Father of the criminal is of 

Polish (!) nationality. Residence in Cleveland. The assassin grew up in 

an area there which is especially strongly infected by Anarchism, found 

his life as a simple wire-worker too arduous and therefore found a way 

to live differently. He took over a bar in which an Anarchist club was 

established. He then knocked about in many cities, but most of all in 

Chicago. Here, his involvement with other Anarchists, especially with 

Emma Goldmann, was noted. This woman, despite her extremely 

unsympathetic character, seems to have made a great impression upon 

Czolgosz. He explicitly stated that he was spurred on to his crime by 

the speeches and letters of this woman. Since it is known that the 

murder of the King of Italy (Humbert) was hatched in Paterson [sic -- 

perhaps this should be Patterson (NJ)], the murder of the President thus 

appears to be only a further link in the chain of such crimes.” 

These facts indicate that President MacKinley fell victim to the 

Anarchist-Jewish clique, led by the Jewess Goldmann and her 

accomplice Czolgosz, who liquidated their “sentenced-to-death” target 

with as much coldness as calculation. 

But who still remembers that the founder of the German Reich, Otto 

von Bismarck, but for a narrow margin, would have likewise fallen 

victim to a Jewish murderer? 

[167] The assassin who attempted Bismarck’s life (1) was the Jewish 

student Ferdinand Cohen, a step-son of the democratic writer Karl 

Blind, who was then living as an emigrant in London, and who had a 

leading role participating in the Baden revolt of 1849. The murderous 

attack took place shortly before the outbreak of the Prussian-Austrian 

war, in which Bismarck was seen as the most hated man in Prussia, 

above all as a consequence of the conflict with the Landtag [state 

legislature]. When, on the afternoon of 07 May 1866, after a talk with 

King Wilhelm I on the central promenade of the “Linden,” he returned 

to his apartment on the Wilhelmstraße, Cohen, who was at the corner 

of Shadowstraße, shot twice at the unsuspecting man from behind and 

at point blank range; only one bullet grazed him on the side — and, as 

Bismarck quickly turned around, he shot a third time. That shot 

wounded him lightly in the right shoulder. After Bismarck succeeded 

in seizing Cohen by the right wrist, the latter switched the revolver to 

his left hand with lightning speed and fired twice more; the first of the 

two shots missed Bismarck, but the second bruised his ribs. As if by a 

miracle, Bismarck remained almost unscathed. He was now able to 

hand over the assassin to several officers and soldiers who happened to 

be marching past, and they delivered him to jail. During the same 

night, Cohen took his own life. In one letter, written to his step-father 

before the crime, he had declared he wanted to kill Bismarck because 

he saw in him the “worst foe of German freedom.” Whether he was 

acting from his own impulses, or who his controller behind the scenes 

might have been, could no longer be discovered due to his suicide. 

What would have become of Germany, had the bullets of this Jew 

reached their target?! Probably the same thing which became of 

Austria-Hungary after the murder of Count Stürkgh, and of Russia after 

the murder of the Minister-President Stolypin by the Jews Adler and 

Bogrov. 

In the middle of the war, on 21 October 1916, the Minister-President of 

the Austro-Hungarian monarchy, Count Stürkgh, was shot by the 

Jewish Marxist Friedrich Adler, the son of the founder of the Austrian 

Social Democracy, Viktor Adler. Scarcely two years later, the Austro- 

Hungarian state collapsed. 

The murder of Minister-President Count Stürkgh by the Jew Adler was 

of decisive significance for the tragic history of Austria-Hungary. The 

Jewish-Marxist Revolution followed the Jewish [168] acts of 

assassination and the establishment of the Jewish rulership of the so- 

called “Austro-Marxism” in Vienna. 

The Jew Adler was, beyond all sense, commuted to 18 years of 

imprisonment, a sign of the full extirpation of the concept of law and of 

political consciousness in Austria. His racial comrades liberated him, 

of course, in 1918, and he was unanimously chosen, in triumph, to be 

Chairman of the Austrian Social-Democratic party! This unhanged 

Jewish murderer thereupon immediately developed an extraordinary 

industriousness at the pursuit of the Jewish plans for world power. He 

organized the so-called “Two-and-a-half Internationale,” which stood 

between the 2nd and the 3rd Internationale. He performed handyman 

services for his Bolshevist racial comrades Aron Cohn (Bela Kun) and 

Szamuely during their bloody rule in Budapest and played a leading 

role in the infamous Conference of the Three Internationales in Berlin 

in 1922. The union of the 2nd with the Two-and-a-half Internationale 

in the so-called “Socialist Workers’ Internationale,” at whose first 

congress in Hamburg this Jewish felon was elected General Secretary, 

is ascribed to his personal influence. Friedrich Adler occupied this 

position unhampered for years — a Jew on whose hands clung not only 

the blood of the murdered Minister-President Count Stürkgh, but also 

the blood of numberless victims of the Judeo-Bolshevist Terror in the 

world. 

It is superfluous to mention that Friedrich Adler was already playing a 

prominent role in the Social Democracy of Austria before his crime of 

murder, namely as Secretary of the Party. In this capacity he was 

openly committing treason, whose crowning moment was the murder 

of Stürkgh. 

It is almost incomprehensible that the murder of Count Stürkgh by a 

Jew has been given so little attention right up to the present, all the 

more incomprehensible when one considers that a short time thereafter, 

the Hungarian Minister-President during the World War, Stefan Tisza

was also murdered by a Jew. 

Various attempts at assassination were made by Jews against the Count 

Stefan Tisza (1) (born 22 April 1861), who was Hungarian Minister- 

President from October 1903 to June 1905 and then again from June 

1913 to May 1917, and who very forcefully opposed democratic 

suffrage; for Jewry, which for centuries had understood how to win for 

itself [169] all leading positions of intellectual life in Hungary, saw its 

chief foe in Tisza. The first assassination attempt occurred on 07 June 

1912 in the Budapest parliamentary hall, by a Hungarian Reichstag 

deputy, the Jew Julius Kovacz, when Tisza in his capacity as 

Reichstag President had exerted himself with energetic resolve to break 

the continuing obstruction of the opposition party. The shots missed, 

and the would-be assassin was deliberately acquitted by a Budapest 

jury-court. In June of 1918, Tisza’s murder was decided upon by the 

most extreme left wing of the Hungarian Social Democratic Party — 

which included, among others, the Jews Paul Kéri, Otto Korwin- 

Klein, Dr. Eugene Lásslo (actually: Levy) and Dr. Landler. The 

first attempt to execute the decision was the — likewise unsuccessful — 

attempt of the Jew Johann Lekai-Leitner, one of the disciples, filled 

with anarchist ideas, of the subversive Karolyi Party. As Tisza was 

leaving the Budapest House of Deputies on 16 October 1918, Lekai 

was waiting on the street to shoot down the Count with a revolver, 

which was, however, able to be knocked out of his hand in time. 

Although Tisza still remained unharmed this time as well, two weeks 

later his fate, which he had already expected for so long, overtook him 

at last: already, at the news of Stürkgh’s murder, he had declared: “I 

believed that I would be the first.” The instigator of the murder was the 

already mentioned 39-year-old journalist Paul Kéri, who was a friend 

of the bitterest political enemy of Tisza, the Minister-President of the 

government after the overthrow, Michael Karolyi. He first arranged the 

plan with the later President of the Military Council, Emerich 

Csernyák, and acquired several sailors for carrying out the crime. On 

the morning of 31 October 1918, the day of the overthrow of the 

government in Hungary, the Jew Marcell Gaertner, a 37-year-old 

chemist, proceeded to Tisza’s Budapest Villa, Roheim, and personally 

sought out the Count in order to use the opportunity to scout out the 

scene of the crime. In the afternoon, all the conspirators assembled in 

the Budapest Hotel “Astoria,” where Kéri informed them about the 

vicinity of the crime. Then they went by two cars to the scene of the 

crime. While the two Jews kept themselves well away at a safe 

distanceKéri remained on the street, Gaertner in the lobby — four 

soldiers, the Navy Sergeant Stefan Dobó, the midshipman Tibor 

Sztanyikovsky and the sailors Theodor Horvát-Szanovics and Josef 

Pogány, entered the room, engaged the Count, who fearlessly 

confronted them, in a short conversation and then shot him down at the 

side of his wife with their weapons. The overthrow, the government of 

Karolyi, and then the [170] Bolshevist Soviet regime in 1919 made any 

clearing up of the murder and a prosecution of the perpetrators 

impossible at first. It was just in the Fall of 1919 that some of them 

were arrested. At the trial before the military divisional court in 

Budapest (02 August – 15 September 1920), the soldiers involved, 

Dobó and Sztanyikovsky, were condemned to death by the rope 

(Czernyák, Horvát-Szanovics and Pogány had escaped abroad), at a 

following trial before the Budapest Criminal Court, proceedings were 

started against the civilian perpetrators (12 April – 05 October 1921). 

Kéri as the instigator of the crime was likewise sentenced to death by 

hanging, Gaertner as accomplice was sentenced to 14 years 

imprisonment. Kéri was then later exchanged along with other 

Hungarian Communists for the Hungarian officers, prisoners of war, 

who had been held as hostages by the Soviet Union. 

Unfortunately, a typical case; the Jewish murderer is treated as a 

“political” criminal and escapes his punishment. In this case it is all the 

more incomprehensible, when the connection between the murder of 

the Minister-President Tisza by the Jew Kéri has a direct connection 

with the establishment of the Judeo-Bolshevist regime of blood of Bela 

Kun (Aron Cohns) which followed it in Budapest. The Jewish crime of 

murder as prelude to the Judeo- Bolshevist overthrow of the 

government — that is a legal sequence of events. 

So it was, also, in Russia.

On 20 March 1911, the body of a boy was discovered by children 

playing on a plot of undeveloped land on the edge of the city of 

Kiev(1). It was found in the sitting position, the hands were bound 

behind the back with string. The body was dressed only in a shirt, 

underpants and a single sock. The body showed wounds without any 

kind of blood traces being found in the hole [The body was found in a 

excavated pit on grounds which had been used as a source of clay and 

which therefore had many clay pits; for a more detailed account of this 

and of other cases of alleged Jewish ritual-murder, see Hellmut 

Schramm: Der jüdische Ritualmord: Eine historische Untersuchung

1943; English translation by R. Belser available on CD.]. It soon turned 

out that the body was that of the student of the first class of the Kiev 

church school, Andrei Yuschinski. The forensic examination 

discovered the following wounds on the body of the child: 7 puncture 

wounds on the upper scalp and on the back of the head; 1 on the left 

temple, 13 on the right temple; on the right side of the neck, 7, on the 

larynx, 2; beneath the lower jaw, 1; on the right side beneath the 

armpit, 4; on the back, at the right side between ribs and pelvis, 4; on 

the left side of the chest, beneath the nipple, 7; on the sternum, 1: a 

total [171] of 47 stab wounds. The loss of blood from the inflicted 

wounds was so great that the body was nearly empty of blood. 

The attempts of the Jews to mislead and cripple the investigation began 

immediately. The investigation was first in the hands of a certain 

Krassowski, who a year later was supposed to be arrested and brought 

before the Court on charges of offenses against his official duties. His 

predecessor, Mischtschuk, Director of the Kiev Criminal Police, 

likewise fell into the clutches of Jewry and later was convicted by the 

Senate on charges of forgeries and abuse of office. 

Menachil-Mendel Beylis was arrested only on 22 July. Precious time 

had been lost during which the state organs had been systematically led 

astray by the Jews. Thus, for example, the murdered boy’s own parents 

were arrested on 24 March on the basis of information from the Jew 

Barschewski. After 14 days, they had to be released again since their 

complete innocence could be proved. Directly after this, the boy’s 

uncle, Theodor Neyinski was accused by another Jew. Here, too, the 

denunciation turned out to be totally without merit. During the trial 

proceedings, even the defense of Beylis, which was in the hands of the 

most celebrated attorneys of that time, had to frankly admit that the 

relatives of the murdered boy were completely innocent of any part in 

the crime.

Nevertheless, the Jews did not yet admit defeat. They regarded the 

accusation against Beylis, as always in such cases, as an accusation 

against Jewry as a whole, and pulled out all the stops to get Beylis off. 

An endless series of briberies, threats, denunciations, challenges, 

propaganda and interventions was put into play by them in order to set 

the investigating authorities, the jurors, the judges, the experts, but 

above all public opinion in Russia and in the entire world, in favor of 

Beylis and against his “anti-Semitic enemies.” 

The Jews invented ever newer versions. The unfortunate youngster was 

supposed to have been murdered by three characters of the Underworld 

in the residence of a woman, Vera Cheberak. This, too, was later 

shown to be a lie, although the Jews offered Vera Cheberak 4000 

Rubels for a “voluntary confession.” 

It came out, namely through unimpeachable testimony, that on 12 

March 1911, toward 8:15 A.M., i.e., perhaps an hour before the 

beginning of his martyrdom, the boy had been standing with some 

playmates at the entrance to the Sayzev factory, and then from there 

began to play with other playmates on the lot lying in front of it. The 

children were startled by Beylis and [172] two other Jews. They ran off 

in different directions; the boy Yuschinski, however, was seized by 

Beylis and dragged off in the direction of the factory. It seems 

extremely remarkable and suspicious that the two most important 

eyewitnesses for Yuschinski having been dragged away by Beylis, 

Schenya and Valya, died shortly after the arrest of Beylis. Beylis was 

arrested on 22 July: on 08 August Schenya died, and ten days later, 

Valya – 

Menachil-Mendel Beylis, 39 years old, was an employee of the brick 

factory in whose oven works the crime almost certainly was 

committed. The brickyard had formerly belonged to a rich Jew, Ion 

Mordkovitch Sayzev, who had made his wealth, including the 

brickyard, over to the Jewish surgical clinic. Until the death of Sayzev 

in 1907, Beylis enjoyed his especial trust, since he, just like the old 

Jew, belonged to the sect of the Hasidim. On behalf of old Sayzev, 

each year Mendel Beylis baked about 3000 pounds of matzot on 

Sayzev’s estate in the presence of a rabbi. Beylis belonged to the 

leading Jewish clique of rabbis and schächter [= Jewish ritual- 

slaughterers] in Kiev. His friend, Feifel Schneerson, who, as later 

developed, had been stalking Yuschinski, also belonged to it. [The 

Schneerson dynasty of Hasidic rabbis produced no less than three 

individuals who came under strong suspicion and/or charges of ritual- 

murder over the course of two centuries. The late Rabbi Menachem 

Schneerson, revered as a messianic figure by the world-wide enclaves 

of his followers, died only recently -- around the turn of the 21st 

century -- and was a serious power broker to whom heads of state 

deferred and gave a constant stream of brotherhood and humanitarian 

awards, concessions, etc., etc., despite the rabbi's unequivocal position 

in support of Jewish supremacy.] After the murder, Schneerson 

disappeared without trace. Incidentally, he was a descendant of the 

famous Rabbi Salomon Schneerson, one of the founders of the Hasidic 

sect. His father was a schächter and a relative of rabbis. 

The forensic experts, the most outstanding experts in this field in pre- 

war Russia, made the following report concerning the murder(1): 

The boy is pushed into the pit in which clay is found. He receives some 

punctures through his cap; however, as yet he does not lose 

consciousness. He is seized and his hands held firmly. One of the 

murderers holds his head and plugs his nose and mouth, while the other 

murderer inflicts wounds in such places as are rich in blood supply. In 

particular, he receives a puncture in the left temple which strikes the 

artery and produces a fountain of blood. Directly after this his coat is 

pulled off and his shirt collar removed and he receives 7 puncture 

wounds in the neck, which strike veins as well as arteries. This again 

results in a forceful outward gush of blood. The body of the victim is at 

this point somewhat inclined to the left. There is now a pause of 5 to 8 

minutes during which the boy is bleeding [173] to death. He loses 5½ 

glasses of blood, i.e., about 1½ kg. The victim then receives some 

further lethal punctures into the liver and kidneys and finally a stab into 

the heart. 

Only the Petersburg surgeon Pavlov, who had obviously been bribed 

by the Jewish defense, gave a dissenting report. It suffices to indicate 

that Pavlov used the following expression in his expert opinion: “Herr 

Yuschinski, this young man — had a somewhat comical wound 

inflicted in the region of his waist. . .” Of the theological experts, only 

the Catholic Prelate Pranaitis dared to speak of the fact that in the 

Jewish books on law ritual-murder is dealt with. 

At the 34th session, on 28 October 1913, two questions were put to the 

jurors. The first question asked whether it was proven that on 12 March 

1911 in Kiev, in a room of the brick factory which belonged to the 

Jewish surgical clinic and which was under the management of the 

merchant Markus Sayzev, the thirteen-year-old boy Andrei Yuschinski 

first received a series of wounds, by which he lost five glasses of 

blood, and later new wounds, for a total of 47, which produced a nearly 

complete exsanguination and finally caused his death. The second 

question asked, if the above was proven, whether then the accused 

Menachil-Mendel Baylis, from motives of religious fanaticism, with 

forethought and deliberation, and with the participation of other 

persons who could not be discovered, had committed this crime. 

The jurors said yes to the first question and no to the second. Thus 

ended the trial with the finding of the crime, but without determining 

the criminal. 

The question concerning the perpetrator has remained unanswered to 

the present day. As with all ritual-murder trials of more recent times, 

the Jews have been not been able in this case, either, to produce proof 

of their innocence. That, in actuality, is a proof of their guilt, since at 

least in the case of Beylis they had unlimited means at their disposal, 

and beyond that the sympathy of the entire misled public and also the 

full support of the police and the judicial investigative authorities, who 

regrettably were only too little “anti-Semitic” in attitude. 

Some years later, Jewry nevertheless subsequently furnished proof of 

its guilt and its evil conscience. All persons who had participated in the 

trial as judges, as officials of the state attorney’s office, as members of 

the administration of justice or who otherwise acted in the trial against 

Beylis, were shot immediately after the seizure of power by the 

Bolshevists without any judicial procedure. While Menachil Beylis 

enjoyed his pension as “martyr of Jewry” in peace and quiet [174] in 

Palestine, the prosecuting attorneys Wipper and Schalpliski, the Kiev 

President of the Court, Boldyrev, the judges Yevashoff and Vigura and 

the Justice Minister Zheglovitov, fell to the bullets of the Jewish 

Cheka. The defense counsel of Beylis, the Jews Grusenberg and 

Sarudny, on the other hand, were appointed to the Senate by the 

government of the half-Jew Kerensky. Andrei Yuschinski, the martyr 

of the Russian people in its struggle against Jewry, had been long 

forgotten. And who today thinks of this thirteen-year-old Russian 

youngster who bled out his life under unspeakable torture at the hands 

of the Jewish ritual-slaughterers?! 

The Minister-President of the Russian Empire, Stolypin, fell as the 

first victim of the Jewish “revenge for Beylis.”

Stolypin came to Kiev when the struggle over Beylis had reached its 

peak. In the eyes of the Jewish murderers, he was the most important 

obstacle which stood in the way of their criminal desires. He was 

“guilty” of the fact that the Russian government had dared to charge a 

Jew with murder. Stolypin had to die so that Beylis and the Jews could 

“live.” 

Up to the present day, the murder of Stolypin is been presented in a 

totally distorted manner. No one till now believes it necessary to call 

attention to the crucial fact that his murderer Dmitri Bogroff was in 

reality the Jew Mordko. Let us try to determine the true facts of the 

case(1). 

On the evening of 01 September 1911, the victor of the Revolution of 

1905, the creator of the revolutionary Russian peasant reforms, the 

Minister-President Peter Stolypin was murdered by two shots from a 

revolver while at the Czar’s side, during a gala performance in the Kiev 

city theater. The assassin was arrested at the scene; it was the Jew 

Dmitri Bogroff. 

The enormous Russian Empire was shaken to its foundations by this 

act. Stolypin was the great hope of the nation. He had found the way to 

lead the Empire between reaction and revolution, along the the road to 

reform, recovery and the national new order. He was a political 

personality [175] of the caliber of Bismarck, this powerful man with 

the broad shoulders, who seemed to be but lightly bowed from the 

burden of the huge historic responsibility. Three attempts to murder 

him had already been committed, the last on 12 August 1906, at which 

several dozen innocent bystanders had been killed. Revolutionaries 

incited by the Jews had thrown a bomb at his country house. The 

balcony on which the Minister-President was drinking tea with his 

family plunged far below. He himself remained unwounded, but two of 

his children were crippled from thence forward. But the constant threat 

to his life could not divert him from his path. He knew that he was a 

man consecrated to death and nonetheless did his duty. 

How did this murder come about, why did it happen in Kiev in 

particular? The best explanation is furnished by some sobering figures. 

The number of inhabitants of Kiev in the year 1874 amounted to 

127,000, among which there were 14,000 Jews. In 1910, a year before 

the murder, the population figures for Kiev had grown to 470,000, of 

which 51,000 — 11% — were Jews. Then came the murder, the 

Revolution, and the breakthrough of the Jews into power. Until 1926

the total population figure for Kiev remained essentially stable (1926

493,873), but the number of Jews had climbed to approximately three 

times what it had been, to 140,256 — i.e., 28.4%. Today [ca. 1937], 

according to official Soviet figures, the percentage of the populace 

which belongs to Jewry has climbed to 35%, but actually probably 

amounts to at least 50%(1). 

These few numbers say it all. Jewry has besieged and finally conquered 

Kiev. It has won the breakthrough battle in Southern Russia and 

occupied the old capital of the Holy Russian Empire. Where are the 

approximately 100,000 non-Jews, whose places in Kiev have been 

taken by Jews? They have been supplanted, driven out, exiled, shot and 

starved to death. Then, in 1911, the national struggle against Jewry, the 

defense of the people against the incursions of the Jews, had reached its 

zenith. The Jews had already occupied the most important positions of 

power in public life and the economy in Kiev. The masses of the 

people put up ever more fierce resistance. The Jews responded with 

revolutionary agitation, with “expropriations,” with terror, [176] with 

crime and murder. Beylis was the first Chekist, who fed on the torment 

of his helpless victim, the young Yuschinski. Later, the Checkist 

leaders Laziß, Schwarzmann and Luponitz followed; they no longer 

needed a “symbolic” victim of a ritual-murder; into the place of the 

“substitute” stepped the entire Russian and Ukranian people. 

In the act of ritual-murder, the Jew kills his victim (as in hostage- 

murder) in “representation” of all non-Jews, over whom he does not 

yet have power; in the Cheka- murder [i.e., murder by the Soviet secret 

police], he makes real his “ritual.” The murder of a hostage is a 

secularized ritual-murder; Cheka-murder is mass ritual-murder 

actualized, and the ritual-murder is an anticipated and vicariously 

enjoyed Checka-murder. 

Thus it was in Kiev. The gate to the fortress had to be blown open — 

that was taken care of by Mordko-Bogroff with the shots from his 

revolver. 

Already, after his sentencing, on 10 September Bogroff delivered to the 

Colonel of the Ochrana Ivanoff a “final confession” written by his own 

hand, in which he explained in detail that he had been active in service 

to the Ochrana for long years, and had played the role of a provocateur 

for a regular monthly payment of 100 Rubels; but this informant role of 

his had been discovered by the revolutionary Anarcho-Communists 

and he was given a deadline of 05 September, after which the sentence 

of death was to be carried out on him by his comrades. In his 

desperation, he had wavered between suicide and a crime by which to 

rehabilitate himself, and at last decided to perform a sensational 

assassination; thanks to the favorable circumstance that he had received 

a card of admittance into the theater, he had carried out the murder of 

Stolypin. In other words, he had been for years a collaborator of the 

Ochrana and had committed the murder in this capacity. 

This post-judicial “confession” of Bogroff had the effect that a storm of 

outrage over the criminal methods of the Ochrana swept through all of 

Russia and through the entire world, outrage over the “bloody 

Ochrana,” which itself bred the criminals whom it pretended to fight. — 

Opinion was and is “unanimous” in believing that Minister-President 

Stolypin was killed by the Ochrana itself, for whatever dark and 

impenetrable reasons. The whole depravity and corruption of the 

Czarist system was thereby demonstrated for all time. 

Considering all this, what does the truth about Bogroff appear to be? 

Dmitri Bogroff was born on 29 January 1887, the son of a Jewish 

landlord and attorney, who had at his disposal assets of about 1 Million 

Marks and who played a considerable role in [177] Kiev society. The 

father belonged to the left wing of the Constitutional-Democratic Party. 

His son Dmitri received a very good education; In 1905 and 1906, he 

studied at the University of Munich. In 1908, Dmitri was in Meran, 

Leipzig and Paris, in February 1910 he took the final bar examination, 

travelled to the Riviera and then, in February 1911, began his practice 

in the office of the attorney Goldenweiser in Kiev. 

It is clearly evident from this short biography that the Jew Bogroff 

hadn’t the remotest thing to do either with the “working class” or with 

Socialism, that he led the life of a well-to-do Jewish intellectual. In the 

last period of his life, his father also transferred to him the management 

of the property in Kiev, so that Dmitri in no sense experienced any sort 

of material need. Nonetheless, as was proven and admitted, he entered 

the service of the Ochrana, which he justified in his later “confession” 

by the fact that he still wanted to have a “certain sum of money 

beyond” what he already had. From the Ochrana, he received 100 – 150 

Rubels monthly. He worked for them for about 2½ years, and under the 

names Alemsky and Mordko. 

That is the first apparently unexplained contradiction in the behavior of 

the Jew Bogroff. He certainly was not in need of the money from the 

Ochrana. Why, then, did he enter its service? 

Dmitri Bogroff described himself as a follower of the Anarcho- 

Communists, who took the position that the entire state and economic 

order must be wholly destroyed. He subscribed to the so-called 

“Platform of the London Congress of Anarchists” of 1881, which had 

announced the slogan of the “Propaganda of the Act.” 

“The Anarchists take the position that every means is permitted for 

attaining their goals, and the rejection of the law is their highest 

principle.”(1) The Anarchist organ Die Freihiet [Freedom] in New 

York, 25 January 1885 (Nr. 4), declared the following guidelines for 

conduct, which were also applicable for Bogroff(2): “One must attack 

when and wherever possible! The more quietly the lackeys of the order 

can be liquidated, the less danger is connected to the [liquidation of 

the] more prominent members. The revolver is good, when extreme 

danger threatens; dynamite should be used only for the most serious 

political campaigns. Otherwise, the dagger and poison are very 

practical means of propaganda.” 

That was the Weltanschauung [world view] of the young Bogroff. 

[178] He belonged to a group of Anarcho-Communists in Kiev, but 

soon decided to act completely alone and independently. Very 

remarkable is his statement of 02 September 1911, to the effect that 

those alleged Anarcho-Communists “in the main pursue purely 

predatory goals.” In the same statement, Bogroff explains: “I decided to 

furnish made-up reports to the Petersburg Division of the Ochrana or to 

the police department, in order, out of revolutionary objectives, to have 

close contact with these authorities and to become familiar with their 

activities.” The investigation made after the murder showed that 

Bogroff had in reality not performed any service of value whatsoever 

for the Ochrana, but rather only pretended to belong to it. He was an 

agent of the Ochrana in 1907 in Kiev, in Petersburg in 1910, and then 

again in Kiev in 1911. 

The result of the aforesaid investigation, which was conducted by 

Senator Trussevitch, was: 

“One can maintain with complete correctness, that Dmitri Bogroff, who 

was well-known to the Kiev division of the Ochrana as a revolutionary 

Anarchist, led Kulyapko (Director of the Kiev Ochrana) around by the 

nose and exploited the Ochrana for his own revolutionary aims.” 

Senator Trussevitch came to the conclusion that the persons who had 

been entrusted with the guarding of the Czar in Kiev, namely Kurloff, 

Colonel Spiridovitch, Councilor Verigin and Colonel-Lieutenant 

Kulyapko, were guilty of a criminal negligence in office and must be 

made to answer for it. 

Without a doubt, Trussevitch was correct. Bogroff, as one of his own 

comrades, Sandomirski expressed it, was a “Provocateur without 

provocation,” or, better said: the Jew Bogroff not only incited the 

Anarcho-Communists, he incited and also betrayed the Ochrana. He 

was a provocateur raised to the second power. Accordingly, Dmitri 

Bogroff was a second and still worse Asev, because he instigated, 

prepared and personally carried out the murder of Minister-President 

Stolypin. By so doing, he consciously renounced having his own 

“revolutionary role” come to light. Rather, he described himself as an 

agent of the Ochrana, in order to add a yet enormous propagandizing 

effect to the effect of the murder — the total defamation of the Ochrana. 

Indeed, the result of this was that not only the Ochrana, but he himself 

had bad repute in the (non-Jewish!) world. But to his Tribe, he had the 

status of a “super-hero.” For example, this is how his brother, W. 

Bogroff writes of him: 

[179] “Dmitri Bogroff brought still more than his life as a sacrifice to 

his revolutionary ideas, as he understood them: he sacrificed his 

revolutionary name and his revolutionary honor.” 

So much for the brother. In reality, of course, it has turned out 

differently. Dmitri Bogroff did not act as a “Revolutionary” and did not 

sacrifice his life and his “honor” in any sense to a “revolutionary idea”; 

rather, he acted as a Jew and executive of the Jewish struggle for 

power. There is abundant evidence for this in the utterances of the 

murderer himself. 

For example, from Munich Dmitri Bogroff writes a letter to his parents, 

in which he comes to speak of the defense of the people against Jewry 

in Russia, the so-called pogroms, and then adds that he “cannot remain 

calmly abroad while in Russia people are beaten” (in place of “people” 

the word “Jews” should be used). In a completely confidential talk with 

the revolutionary Jew Lasareff in Petersburg in 1910, Bogroff 

communicates his goal of killing Stolypin. He tries to make clear to his 

racial comrade that, logically, he must perform this action entirely by 

himself, so that no persecution of the Jews will be caused by it, but that 

he is counting upon the “understanding” of his racial comrades. He 

says, to wit(1): “I am a Jew, and permit me to remind you that today 

we are still living under the rule of the Black Hundreds (anti-Semites). 

The Jews will never forget the Kruschevanovs, Dubrovins, 

Purischkevitches and like malefactors. And Herzenstein? And where is 

Yollos? Where are the hundreds, the thousands, of Jews who have been 

torn to pieces — men, women, and children with bellies slit open, with 

noses and ears cut off(?!) . . .To point out the truly guilty to the masses 

is the duty of the Socialist parties and the intelligentsia anyway. You 

know that the leader of violent reaction is Stolypin. I come to you and 

say to you, that I have resolved to eliminate him.” 

These words of Bogroff are not to be outdone in their frankness. There 

is only one statement yet which is worthy of a place beside it: the 

statement of the Jew David Frankfurter, the murderer of Wilhelm 

Gustloff in Davos. David Frankfurter, like Dmitri Bogroff, confesses 

openly that they have acted as Jews. Neither for Frankfurter nor for 

Bogroff is it a matter of being “Socialists,” “Anarchists” or 

“Revolutionaries” — it is a matter of being instruments of the Jewish 

war against humanity, of being Jewish murderers. 

[180] In another, strictly secret talk shortly before the murder with the 

Anarchist Lyapkovski, likewise released from jail, Bogroff explains(1): 

I am a Jew. With a murder of Nicolaus [the then Romanov Czar, 

Nicolas II], I would cause an enormous persecution of the Jews. Better 

yet to murder Stolypin. Thanks to his policies, the Revolution is 

suffocated and reaction has set in.” 

Therefore, here, as well: the dam against the Revolution of Jewry must 

be broken through. Stolypin, who stands in the way of the struggle for 

control by the Jews, must fall. 

On 11 September 1911, Bogroff was hanged. 

The escape plan, which he had layed out with the help of his racial 

comrades, had failed. 

So much for the case of Bogroff, who dealt a lethal blow to the anti- 

Jewish Russian Empire. An instructive example of the complete 

ruthlessness, cruelty and deliberation of Judeo- Bolshevist criminality, 

an instructive example, also, of the myopia and superficiality of the 

state defense for warding off revolutionary-criminal efforts; a defense 

which marched on past the essential core of these efforts, the Jewish 

core, and believed that it could place Jews in the service of this 

defense, even as provocateurs. The Jew as a provocateur — as shown 

by the cases of Asev and Bogroff — is always a “Provocateur without 

provocation,” a super-provocateur, whose provocation is directed not 

against the overthrow [of the state], but against order, law, and the 

freedom of the people. 

The Jew as informer is as customary a phenomenon as the Jew as 

swindler, as fence or as spy. 

Still one more historical example of this. 

On 05 March 1917, among the first orders of business of the “Report of 

the Provisional Government,” there was published in Russia a 

prescription for the establishment of an “Extra-ordinary Investigatory 

Committee for the Discovery of Unlawful Official Dealings of the 

former Minister and higher officials.” The commission met in the just- 

captured Winter Palace. It questioned a total of 59 persons, among 

them nearly all of the former ministers, state secretaries, governors, 

generals, the directors of police departments, well-known politicians 

and other personalities of the old regime(2). 

[181] Two topics in particular occupied the investigatory commission, 

which, incidentally, “met” so long that they themselves were hunted 

down and themselves interrogated by the victorious Bolshevists: the 

case of Rasputin and the question of provocation as means of struggle 

against the revolutionary parties by the old Ochrana (political police). 

The origin, composition and activity of this commission puts it beyond 

any suspicion of enmity toward Jews. On the contrary, it was a 

“prosecuting authority” staged by the Jews against the anti-Semitic old 

regime. All the more potently incriminating and irrefutable was the 

evidence of criminal double-agentry and political murders of the Jews, 

which was unwillingly brought to light by the commission — the 

devastating facts about such “outstanding” representatives of Jewry as 

the provocateur Asev, the informer and swindler Manassevitch 

Manuilov, the jeweler and gambling club owner Simanovitch, the 

Court banker and traitor Rubenstein, etc. 

The commission deliberated long and broadly over the famous 

“instruction for the organization and performance of internal 

surveillance,” the basis for the highly developed system of provocation 

at the Ochrana. This instruction begins with the sentence: “The single 

reliable means for securely informing the organs of investigation about 

revolutionary work, is the establishment of an interior agency. The 

entire efforts of political observation must be directed toward the 

object of discovering the center of revolutionary organizations and to 

liquidate it in the moment of the highest development of its activity.” 

Certainly the system of “trusted people” and agents is as old as the 

history of the state itself, since there is hardly any other means for 

[acquiring] information about opposing organizations and for fighting 

enemies of the state. The very well thought-out instruction of the old 

Ochraca had foreseen all eventualities, incorporated all security 

measures, to create a well-functioning system of surveillance. And yet, 

this instruction, with its system of highly-disciplined provocation, 

without a doubt played an essential part in the collapse of the czarist 

state. The reason is to be found in the fact that the instruction and the 

Ochrana had no sensitivity for or view of the one decisive fact: the 

basic criminality, the fundamental revolutionism of Jewry. There were 

no proscriptions against the use of Jews as agents and informers. Thus 

Jewry succeeded in penetrating the Ochrana, in corrupting it and 

misusing it for the Jewish efforts at overthrowing the state. The 

Ochrana thought that it [182] was using the Jews, but in actuality was 

itself being used by the Jews. [This is the entire story, played out over 

milennia, of the interaction between the state and the Jews!] 

The “classical” figure of the revolutionary Ochrana-Jew will always 

remain Yevno Asev, a figure about which just as many legends have 

been spun as about the figure of Rasputin. All these legends are 

deliberately silent about the Jewish core and represent him 

intentionally as a “betrayer of the Revolution.” In reality, Asev was 

definitely, to be sure, a traitor to the honorable revolutionaries, and 

equally as much a traitor to his task-masters at the Ochrana. He was 

“loyal” only to his Jewish mission and fully consistent in executing it. 

The mission of the Jew Asev consisted, just as did that of the other 

Jewish provocateurs, revolutionaries, journalists and bankers, of 

nothing other than the simultaneous misdirection and corruption of the 

revolutionary powers on the one hand, and the corruption and 

misleading of the state apparatus on the other. These Jews prevented 

the finding of any positive outcome of the conflict between people and 

state in Russia, and thus prepared the way for and brought about the 

Jewish-Bolshevist seizure of power. 

Asev was born the son of a Jewish tailor in Russia and studied in 

Karlsruhe, where he took the examination to qualify as an engineer. As 

a student, he already pretended to enter the service of the Ochrana and 

simultaneously the foreign branch of the Social-Revolutionary Party, 

an agrarian-revolutionary organization, which until its liquidation in 

1918, represented the the strongest revolutionary movement of the Old 

Russia. The Social- Revolutionary party or, as abbreviated, SR, was 

committed to terrorism. The direction of all terrorist operations was in 

the hands of the combat center, to which, besides the Jew Chernov, the 

famous terrorist Boris Savinkov belonged. In 1903, Asev joined. Asev 

was getting a princely salary from the secret Division A of the the 

Ochrana, and presumably also money for the financing of the SR 

operations as well. Now he unfolded his criminal activity by betraying 

the revolutionaries and terrorists to the Ochrana, while at the same time 

organizing and carrying out murders of prominent personalities. From 

the large list of the murders in which Asev had taken part as instigator 

and organizer, let us consider above all the murder of the Minister of 

the Interior, Pleve, on 15 July 1904, as well as that of the Governor 

General of Moscow, Grand Duke Sergius, on 04 February 1905. Grand 

Duke Sergius was ripped into pieces by the bombs of the Asev 

organization. Asev crowned this crime by delivering up to the police 

the deluded perpetrators, who had no inkling of the fact [183] that they 

were brought to disaster by a Jew. They were hanged. 

Whenever the Ochrana began to become suspicious of Asev due to a 

series of successful operations of the SR, this Jewish criminal always 

delivered up a number of hapless revolutionaries to the hangman. Thus, 

for example, in 1908 he betrayed the entire combat organization of the 

SR, which resulted in the hanging of seven men. However, if any kind 

of suspicion toward him in his own ranks of the combat organization 

began to be bruited about, he saw to it that there was a successful 

assassination and again started out with a “clean” slate with his 

comrades. It was only in the year 1908 that this Jewish beast was 

unmasked by a rival; and a rival of his employer, General Gerassimov, 

the Police Director Lopuchin, made haste to confirm this revelation. 

Thereupon — nothing happened. Asev was “brought to justice” neither 

by the Ochrana, nor by the Social-Revolutionaries. Instead, he got a 

considerable pension and settled in Berlin, where he began dealing in 

women’s corsets and at the same time speculated in the stock market, 

under the name Neumeyer. Then, in April 1918, he passed away 

unscathed and peacefully. 

That is the truth about Asev; it is less romantic, if no less terrible, than 

the legends say. It is an awful truth, the truth about a Jew who 

ruthlessly, cunningly and cruelly took care of the concerns of Jewry.

And what was the “judgement” about this of his former employer, 

General Alexander Gerassimov, who was Chief of the Ochrana in 

Petersburg in 1905-1909, ? Gerassimov writes in 1934 of his 

recollections: 

“Asev assembled a terrorist group of ten men out of the most active 

revolutionaries. His closest adjutant was the former student Peter 

Karpovitch, who in the year 1901 had murdered (!) the Minister of 

Popular Enlightenment, Bogolepov. He was sentenced to twenty years 

of hard labor, but later escaped from Siberia and had now offered his 

services to Asnev. Through Asev, I was systematically kept informed 

about all plans and acts of the terrorist group. The members lived in 

Finland and travelled to Petersburg from time to time, in order to carry 

out some sort of missions there connected with the attempted 

assassination of the Czar(!). 

The services of Asev (!) in the struggle with the revolutionaries are 

enormous, and we ought not to count it against him that he did not 

deliver all the terrorists, but rather we must be [184] grateful (!) that at 

least (!) he frustrated a large number (!) of terrorist attacks. That is still 

my firm conviction today (1).” 

Truly, these people have learned nothing! 

After its victory in the Bolshevist Revolution, Jewry organized and 

systematized as “state” functions its “specialty,” provocation. From the 

Preußischen Zeitung [Prussian Times] of 22 October 1935, we take the 

expert report of an historic example: 

“On 06 July 1918, the crime occurred. Toward 3:00 P.M., two men 

drove up in front of the building of the German embassy in a motor 

vehicle. They identified themselves by an authorization signed by 

Dzerschinsky (the Director of the Cheka) himself and by his secretary 

Zenofontoff, whose contents said that ‘the representative of the 

Revolutionary Tribunal Nikolaus Andreyev and the member of the 

Cheka Jakob Blumkin were empowered to enter into negotiations 

with the German chargé d’affaires due to a matter which directly and 

personally concerned him.’ This piece of writing later proved to have 

been forged. 

The embassy councilor Dr. Ritzler at first wanted to deal with the pair 

of strange visitors, who hardly evoked feelings of trust, by himself. But 

these two refused to supply any information about the alleged purpose 

of their visit and insisted upon a personal meeting with the (German 

chargé d’affaires) Count Mirbach. Finally, they were admitted and 

Count Mirbach received them in the presence of Dr. Ritzler and of 

Lieutenant Müller; the German chargé d’affaires and his colleagues sat 

at one side of the table, their two visitors across from them at the other 

side. 

The Jew Blumkin began to relate a not entirely coherent tale about the 

arrest of an Austrian officer by the name of Robert Mirbach, whom he 

described as a relative of the Count, in whose fate the Count would 

probably be interested. Count Mirbach declared that there must be a 

misunderstanding, for the man arrested was not related to him. 

Thereupon Dr. Ritzler asked the Count whether he did not want to 

regard the conversation as concluded. Before Count Mirbach was able 

to reply, Andreyev interrupted with the question ‘whether the Herr 

Ambassador of Germany did not want to find out how the 

Revolutionary Tribunal was thinking of proceeding against Robert 

Mirbach?’ 

[185] That was the signal! Blumkin reached into his briefcase, as 

though he wanted to pull out documents; but instead of this, he drew 

out a revolver and shot three times in quick succession: at first at Count 

Mirbach, then at Lieutenant Müller and finally at Dr. Ritzler; all of 

the shots missed their targets. Count Mirbach got up and wanted to flee 

into the next room; the wide table which was between the assassins and 

their victims prevented the immediate disarming of the attackers. 

Hardly had Count Mirbach stood up, when Andeyev shot at him, and 

when the Count nonetheless continued on his way, Blumkin shot at 

him, and one of the two assassins threw a bomb at the Count. The 

explosion caused considerable destruction in the room and smashed the 

window panes. Count Mirbach fell to the floor dead; the two 

assassins escaped through the window and into an automobile waiting 

outside . . .” 

Whence were they fleeing? They directly made for the so-called 

“Sailors’ Division” of the Cheka. Blumkin belonged to this Sailors’ 

Division. To all appearances, it had raised the flag of revolt against 

Lenin and Dzerschinsky in common with the Social-Revolutionary 

Party, which was at that time still ruling Russia together with the 

Bolshevists. At the head of the “rebels” allegedly stood no less a figure 

than the acting Chief of the Cheka, Alexandrovsky, as well as the Chief 

of the Sailors’ Division, Popoff.

The news of the murder of Mirbach was received by Dzerschinsky, 

strangely enough, from Lenin personally and not from his own Cheka 

apparatus. He went to the scene of the crime and from there to the 

“conspirators” in the Sailors’ Division, where at first he was “arrested.” 

But he came to no harm. Meanwhile, his assistant Peters had the entire 

faction of the Social-Revolutionary Party arrested in the middle of the 

Soviet Congress which was “coincidentally” in session. Within a few 

hours, the “revolt” of the Sailors’ Division was also ended and the 

Bolshevists had a bloody show down with the Social-Revolutionaries, 

who were completely eradicated. 

Those were the external events. Certainly there was a great provocation 

of the Cheka itself which was set up in this affair. It appears to be 

completely unbelievable that, in particular, the German embassy had 

knowledge of the assassination attempt and several times brought this 

to the attention of the foreign Commissariat and Dzerschinsky, but that 

Dzerschinsky himself wanted to know nothing about it. It is without a 

doubt the case that the Jew Blumkin penetrated [186] the embassy not 

with “forged,” but with genuine identification papers of the Cheka and 

that the murder he committed was only supposed to provide the means 

for the extirpation of the Social Revolutionary Party, which at the time 

was the rival of the Bolshevists for power. Also, the dramatic arrest of 

Dzerschinsky in the Sailors’ Division was nothing other than well- 

placed theater. If the Ochrana had already modelled the methods of 

provocation to perfection, so the Jewish Bolshevists, who for the most 

part were themselves former Ochrana informants and had an exact 

knowledge of these methods, raised provocation to the decisive 

weapon of their so-called art of statecraft. 

That nothing in this respect has changed up to the present day has been 

demonstrated by the recent trials in Moscow of the so-called 

“Trotskyites.” The line between conspirators and Chekists, between 

revolutionaries and criminals, has been completely erased by the 

Jewish Cheka. Provocation and counter-provocation have become so 

intertwined that no one can find his way any longer in this chaos of lies 

and assassinations. Provocation is the type of crime in which Jewry has 

no peer. This dirtiest of all crimes is [a tool which they] manipulate 

with total mastery. 

Only a few days after this cunning murder of the Jewish terror- 

organization in Moscow, the cruellest and most disgusting crime of 

modern history was committed at the edge of the Urals — the 

slaughtering of the Imperial family by the Jews Chaim Nacktbacke

Weißbart, Jakob Moses Sverdloff and Jakob Yurovsky. Mirbach 

was eliminated — the last protection of the unfortunate Czar had gone 

with him. The inhuman Jewish animals now indulged themselves 

unrestrainedly in the intoxication of their blood-lust of extermination. 

The seed of Mordechai [i.e., the "hero" of the Book of Esther, who 

presided over the slaughter not only of Haman and his ten sons, but of 

thousands of the Jews' enemies.] — Bronstein, Asev and Bogroff — 

were in full bloom. The “deepening” of the Jewish revolution plunged 

Russia into the abyss. Thousands and hundreds of thousands of people 

bled to death and starved to death on the streets of the cities and on the 

plains in the chaos of the struggle of all-against-all, which was 

unleashed by Jewry, and which bears the name of “Bolshevist 

Revolution.” When, on 01 September 1911, Bogroff spared the Czar 

from fear of the fury of the people against the Jewish murderers, in the 

year 1918 Bogroff’s racial comrades no longer needed to take the 

Jewish tribal interests into consideration. Thanks to the intrigues of the 

Petersburg clique of Jews — Simanovitch, Rubinstein, Manassevitch- 

Manuiloff and Ginsburg — the “bloodless” portion of the Jewish 

Revolution had ended with success. The half-Jew Kerensky (on his 

mother’s side descended from the Viennese Adler clan!) had “taken 

power” and worked zealously as trail-blazer [187] of Bolshevism. After 

October 1917, Jewry was able to proceed with execution of the 

sentence of death upon the Czar and the dynasty; it saw that it had 

attained the goal of its most passionate desire — the murdering of the 

Imperator [Latin, "emperor"]. 

The final act of the tragedy was played out in July 1918 in 

Ekaterinburg. The shadow of Rasputin had followed the Czar’s family 

there(1). It was Boris Solovyeff who had come into the legacy of 

Rasputin by having married Rasputin’s daughter Mara. She was by no 

means an innocent little lamb when she entered into marriage with 

Solovyeff. On the threshold of her maturity stood the Jewish journalist 

Davidsohn. [This is probably an idiom signifying that Mara's virginity 

had been taken by Davidsohn.] Mara Rasputin, together with her 

husband, followed the exiled Czar to Siberia. There, Solovyeff worked 

at the household of the unfortunate Imperial family as an informer for 

Jewry and at the same time cheated them of their money and jewelry. 

All attempts for their liberation which were undertaken by the anti- 

Bolshevist side were betrayed to the Jews by this couple, until the 

transfer of the Czar to Ekaterinburg, where the role of Solvyeff became 

superfluous, so that he travelled across Siberia to Europe accompanied 

by the Imperial diamonds(2).

The role of Vyrubova, who was on friendly terms with Solovyeff in 

1917 and 1918, again became fateful. 

On 14 August 1917, the Imperial family was brought to Tobolsk. This 

was the home town of Rasputin! On 05 October 1917, Solovyeff 

married Mara Rasputin. On 26 April 1918 the Czar was taken from 

Tobolsk to Ekaterinburg. On 12 April 1918, Solovyeff already had 

knowledge of this transfer of the victim to the scene of the murder(3). 

Here in Ekaterinburg, in the Ipatyeff house, the Imperial family was 

finally completely encircled, with no protection and helpless, delivered 

up to the Jewish murder organization. The Jew Jakob Yurovsky took 

command of guard duty in the Ipatyeff house. He was the Cheka 

director and the actual ruler of Ekaterinburg, the city, which in its time 

had been founded by the great German princess on the Russian 

Imperial throne, Katharina [i.e., Catherine the Great]. The [188] second 

director responsible for the murder and also the boss of Yurovsky was 

the Jew Chaim Golostschekin (in German: “Nacktbacke” [i.e., "bare 

cheeks"!]), a Jew from the Vitebsk District. During his exile in Siberia 

in 1912, he had gotten to know the third of the confederates in the 

murder of the Czar, the Jew Jakob Moses Sverdloff, who during the 

period of the crime occupied the highest and most representative 

position in the Bolshevist state: Sverdloff was the Chairman of the 

Central Executive Committee of the Soviet [i.e. Supreme Soviet] and, 

after Lenin and Stalin, was the third member of the triumvirate which 

ruled the entire land without any constraints(1). At the same time, 

Sverdloff occupied the office of Political Secretary of the Communist 

Party. This double position permitted him the crucial influence upon 

the whole state and party apparatus of power of Bolshevism. Sverdloff 

belonged to the ten decisive leaders of the Bolshevist Revolution. He is 

the actual head of the Jewish gang of murderers which murdered the 

Imperial family. Golotschekin was his confidante and his tool on the 

scene; Yurovsky directed the execution. After the death of Sverdloff — 

he was killed in a Moscow factory by Russian workers — the city of the 

Empress Katharina, Ekaterinburg, was adorned with the Jewish name 

“Sverdlovsk” after the the murder of her great-grandson Nicolaus II. To 

this day, Ekaterinburg still bears the name of the Jewish murderer 

Sverdloff. 

Golotschekin was Military Commissar of the District of the Urals. 

Jewish clan ties and “friendship” bound him to Yurovsky. Originally a 

dentist, then a photographer and watchmaker in Ekaterinburg, 

immediately after the Bolshevist overthrow of the state he became a 

member of the city soviet and Commissar of Justice. Golotschekin, 

Yurovsky and a third Jew, Beloborodoff (in German Weißbart [i.e., 

"white beard"]) were put in charge of the Ekaterinburg Cheka. 

The murder took place in the night of 16 – 17 July 1918. 

The Czar himself, Imperator of the Russian Empire and Supreme Head 

of the Russian Christian Orthodox Church, was shot by the Jew 

Yurovsky himself. The heir to the throne, Alexis, was still not dead 

after several salvos; thereupon he too was killed by the Jew Yurovsky 

with three revolver shots. The closest confidante of Golotschekin and 

participant in the act of murder, Paul Medvedeff, the investigatory 

judge of Admiral Koltschak, reports as follows concerning the 

completion of the murders(2): 

[189] “On 16 July, toward 7 o’clock in the evening, Yurovsky ordered 

me to take the revolvers from all the guards. In all, there was a total of 

12 Nagan pistols, which I brought to Yurovsky and layed on the table. 

In the morning, the latter had removed the little servant and had him 

lodged in the Popoff house with the guard detachment. Yurovsky gave 

me no explanation for any of this. Only when he took the pistols from 

me did he say: ‘Today we will shoot the whole family dead.’ At 10 

o’clock he ordered me to instruct the guards that if they should hear 

shots, they should not sound the alarm. Therefore I let the guards know 

this and returned to the house. At midnight Yurovsky awakened the 

Imperial family. They rose, dressed and came out of their rooms in 

about an hour. They were calm; the thought of danger was remote to 

them. Nicolaus himself carried Alexis, they all went into the room 

situated at the extreme end of the house. Some had a pillow, the 

chambermaid was carrying two. Yurovsky said that chairs ought to be 

brought and three were brought. At this moment two members of the 

Checka arrived, one of whom, as I later heard, was Yermankoff from 

Verch-Isset. The other was unknown to me. Yurovsky, his assistant and 

the two men went to the ground floor below where the Imperial family 

already was. The seven other Latvians were also there. The revolvers 

were distributed by Yurovsky to the seven Latvians, to the two 

Chekists and to his assistant. He kept one himself. Yurovsky had a 

Mauser rifle besides. The Czarina, the Czar and Alexis took their 

places on the chairs. The others remained standing against the wall. All 

were calm. Some minutes thereafter, Yurovsky came into the next 

room, where I was, and said: ‘Go out on the street and see whether 

anyone is there and watch to see whether the shots are heard or not!’ I 

went out and immediately heard shots. When I entered the room again 

to report to Yurovsky, all the prisoners were lying on the floor in 

different positions, in large puddles of blood. All were dead, only 

Alexis was still groaning. Yurovsky then shot him two or three times. 

The sight of the blood-bath made such an impression upon me that I 

became nauseated and had to go outside. Then Yurovsky ordered me to 

run to the guards and to say to them that they mustn’t get upset due to 

the shots. As I went out I heard two more shots. I met Starkoff and 

Dobrynin on the street, who ran up to me. They asked me: ‘Nicolaus 

surely has been shot. You’ve taken care of the matter.’ I answered them 

that I had seen with my own eyes how Nicolaus and his family were 

shot; they should keep their people calm. I therefore [190] saw how the 

ex-Emperor was shot to death, his wife Alexandra, his son Alexis, his 

four daughters, Doctor Botkin, the cook, the servant and a 

chambermaid. Each of them had several wounds, their faces and 

articles of clothing were overflowing with blood. None of them had 

had a foreboding of the danger threatening them. I myself did not take 

part in the murder. When I returned to Yurovsky in the room, the latter 

ordered me to send him some men to get the bodies into the vehicle. I 

had ten men come, whose names I’ve forgotten. From two sleds that 

were in the coach-house they prepared a stretcher, tied a sheet together 

with a string and brought the bodies to the vehicle that way. They took 

away what the victims had on their hands, their rings, their bracelets, 

and two gold watches. Everything was handed over to Yurovsky. The 

vehicle into which the bodies were put was a truck which had been 

brought into the yard toward evening. The bodies were laid on grey 

military cloth and also covered with it. The cloth was taken from the 

junk room. I do not know where the dead were taken, I didn’t inquire 

about it. Later, in Apeyevsk, I met one of the two Checkists, 

Yermankoff, and asked him where they’d been dragged off to. ‘They 

tossed them into the shaft of an old mine beyond Verch-Isset,’ he 

replied to me. After the bodies had been taken away, Yurovsky ordered 

the detachment to clean the floor and yard of the blood, which also 

happened. Then he returned to his room. I went to the Popov house 

which I had left just that morning. The Ipatyeff house was guarded 

until 20 July, although there were no longer prisoners in it. But they did 

not want to arouse the people and left them believing that the Imperial 

family was still living. When I went into the first floor of the Ipatyeff 

house on 17 July, I found everything to be in great disorder. Yurovsky 

was not there. When I looked to see what was lying on the table, I 

found sixty Rubels in ten-Rubel notes in a little catechism. Without 

saying anything to anyone, I took them. On 21 July I returned; the 

house was no longer guarded. I remained in Ekaterinburg until 24 July. 

On the 24th, I went by train to Nishny-Tagil.” 

The bodies of the murdered were robbed of all valuables and pieces of 

jewelry, dismembered and then, in the shaft of the “Four Brothers” 

mine, had gasoline poured over them and were burned up. 

On 17 July, at 9 o’clock in the evening, the murderers sent a telegram 

from Ekaterinburg to the “People’s Commissariat,” the [191] Jewish 

Murder-Central in Moscow. This telegram reads(1): “Let Sverdloff 

know that the entire family has suffered the same fate as its head. 

Officially, they were killed during the evacuation.” 

The murder of the Imperial family in Ekaterinburg by the Jews 

Yurovsky, Weißbart, Nacktbacke and Sverdloff is certainly one of the 

most horrible Jewish crimes in the entire history of mankind. Utter, 

unsurpassed vileness of mind drove these Jews to the crime. Let us 

read the words of their racial comrade, Simanovitch(2): 

“At the murder of the Imperial family the Bolshevist Commissar 

Yurovsky played a decisive role. He, too, was guided by the motive of 

greed. 

Yurovsky was a jeweler by profession. After the transfer of the 

Imperial family to Ekaterinburg, he managed to become Bolshevist 

Commissar there and was entrusted with the supervision of the 

Imperial family. Yurovsky gave the prisoners permission to sell a 

portion of their jewelry to his friend Krumnos (Krumm-Nase! [The 

author is observing the comical probable etymology of the individual's 

surname, which means "Bent-Nose."]. By doing this he managed to 

find out that the Imperial family still had at its disposal jewels of 

inestimable value. The rumors according to which the Soviet 

government was supposed to be planning to bring to Czar to Moscow 

in order to place him in front of a Revolutionary Court, worried him; 

on the other hand, he was hearing about the efforts of the Monarchists 

to free the Imperial family. Neither outcome suited him, and he 

decided, together with the Commissars Beloborodov and Golotschekin, 

to execute the Imperial family by shooting, in order to get his hands on 

their jewelry(!). 

Yurovsky appropriated to himself the jewels of the Imperial family and 

shared the booty with Beloborodov and Golotschekin. The settings 

were destroyed and disposed of.

I learned all these details from the jeweler Simon Golub, who, with the 

Krumnos mentioned above, was well-known. Golub was in 

Ekaterinburg at the time of the murder of the Imperial family. He was 

staying in the vicinity of the house in which the crime happened even 

on the night of the murder, and he himself heard the shots and screams. 

Yurovsky told him that not all the daughters of the Czar were dead 

after the salvos, and that the soldiers had slain them with their 

bayonettes. The unfortunate girls had even tried to defend themselves.” 

[192] Three Jewish “jewelers” — Yurovsky, Golub, and Krumnos — 

gathered like birds of carrion at the murder scene, in order to get their 

hands on the jewelry of the slaughtered Imperial family. These are not 

any kind of “revolutionaries,” nor are they even “assassins” — they are 

Jewish robbery-murderers and ghouls, who have reached the most 

extreme level of baseness and abomination. Are they even still human 

beings?! They are devils incarnate. 

The “political” murder, the murder from greed for power, is typical of 

Jewry. In this, the Jew directs his perverse cruelty always against a 

defenseless victim who is not able to ward off the attack. In all places 

and at all times where Jews usurp power in the form of Bolshevism or 

struggle to get power, they make use of the cowardly and base means 

of hostage-murder. Uninvolved, innocent people are seized and 

slaughtered. 

The hostage-murder accompanied the Bolshevist civil war in Russia 

from its beginnings up to the present day. In every district which the 

Bolshevists took, it was the first act of the Checka to seize hostages 

and to butcher them at the first opportunity. The number of murdered 

hostages in Bolshevist Russia runs to several hundred thousands. After 

the shooting of the Petersburg founder of the Cheka, Moses Uritzki, 

alone, several ten thousands of hostages were shot in every city and 

village. This was the famous “blood tax” which the Jewish Cheka 

imposed upon the land as “atonement.” The same thing happened after 

the attempted assassination of Lenin, and again after the shooting of 

Kirov, etc. 

The hostage system belongs to the established methods of the Judeo- 

Bolshevist war of annihilation. Hundreds of hostages were slaughtered 

during the Bolshevist control of the Baltic countries: in Mitau, in Riga, 

in Dirpat, in Wesenburg, etc. The Jews Kun and Szamuely bestially 

murdered many hostages during their short rulership in Hungary.

On 30 April 1919, the following hostages were shot in Munich under 

the rule of the Bolshevist Jews Lewien, Leviné-Nissen and Axelrod(1): 

Berger, Professor, 68 years old. Murdered by several shots at close 

range in the head and back. 

Daumenlang, railroad secretary, 54 years old. Murdered by five shots 

in the back. 

[193] Hindorf, Walter, soldier of the Hussar Regiment Nr. 8, 1st 

Squadron, 19 years old. Was barbarously abused before his murder and 

killed by four shots in the head, back, and abdomen. 

Linnenbrügger, Fritz, soldier of the Hussar Regiment Nr. 8, 1st 

Squadron, 41 years old. Murdered by a shot in the back. 

Neuhaus, Walter, artist (painter), 28 years old. Shot through the head 

with six shots to the body. 

von Seydlitz, F. W., artist (painter), 28 years old. Shot to death from 

the front. Head shot with critical skull and brain damage, shots to the 

heart and chest and a grazing wound to the left hand. [The latter wound 

would probably be termed a "defensive wound" by a forensic 

pathologist.] 

Deike, commercial art student, 25 years old. Murdered by shots from 

behind, with five shots in head, neck, back, and thigh. 

von Teuchert, Baron, officer. Murdered by two shots in the back 

(penetrating the heart and destroying the jaw). 

von Thurn und Taxis, Prince, 30 years old. Killed by shots from 

behind in the head and back; shot in the abdomen as well. 

von Westarp, Hella, Countess, 33 years old. Murdered by shots 

through the neck, chest, shoulder blade and a shot through the left arm. 

The mass murders of the hostages in Spain are recalled by everyone. In 

the small district of Llora del Rio alone, one hundred eighty-seven 

hostages were murdered; in Constantina, two hundred fifty; in Bilbao 

the Bolshevists repeatedly went on rampage against the imprisoned 

hostages, and at one of their “assaults” two hundred eight jailed 

hostages were slaughtered. 

Responsible for these crimes were the Jews Moses Rosenberg, then 

Soviet “ambassador” in Madrid, Heinz Neumann, a Communist Jew 

from Berlin; also the Marxist Jew Deutsch from Austria and Kolzov- 

Ginsburg, a Jew from Moscow. 

The hostage-murder, the zenith of a refined and cowardly cruelty, is 

and remains a Jewish specialty.

The exploration of Bolshevism and its terror-system(1) has today 

irrefutably proven that Bolshevism as [194] a whole represents a 

Jewish criminal organization, which works with every means — of 

torture, of hostage -murder, of mass shootings, of individual 

extermination and physical liquidation of all opponents of the Judeo- 

Bolshevist dictatorship. Names such as that of the mass-butcher of 

Shanghai and Madrid, Heinz Neumann, of the mass-murderer in 

Hungary, in the Crimea as well as in Spain, Bela Kun = Aaron Kohn 

with his helpmate Semlyatchka = Salkind, of the founder of the Cheka, 

Moses Uritzki, of the Chief of the G.P.U. for many years, Yagoda = 

Yehuda, of the current acting Chief of the G.P.U., Bärman and 

countless other Checkist Jews, furnish incontrovertible proof of the fact 

that this horrifying murder organization, which is master over one-sixth 

of the surface of the Earth and has spread over the entire world, 

represents a murder-organization of Jewry. The Cheka — G.P.U. — 

proves the identity of Bolshevism and crime. Its personal existence, 

especially in the leading positions, proves, in turn, that Bolshevism and 

crime are united in “personal union” and namely in the person of the 

Jew. 

Since it is impossible to give an account even approaching the total 

crimes of the Jewish Cheka, we must be content with some few 

examples. 

The Social-Democratic Party of Germany issued a book about the 

Cheka in 1922, in the book shop “Vorwärts,” in which original excerpts 

from the notes of Marxists who themselves became the victims of the 

Cheka, were published. From this source, which is certainly beyond 

suspicion of having “anti-Bolshevist tendencies” or of being “anti- 

Semitic,” we take the following account: 

“The Ship of Death(1) 

The main offices of the Moscow Cheka are now housed at Great 

Lubyanka Nr. 14, in the home of the former Moscow insurance 

company. Here, day and night, works the soulless death machine, here 

the circle of transformations, one after another, of a human being from 

an accused into a condemned man, closes with a mutilated corpse . . . 

[195] In the main building are located the cabinets of the investigating 

judges, according to whose reports the board makes its stereotypical 

horrible judgements. Behind this house, in a cellar structure of the one- 

storey garden house, those consecrated to death await their last hour. 

And directly here in the yard, lying close by the Little Lubyanka, is 

found also the cellar established for the jail of the Cheka executioner. 

There, in the center of the city itself, behind the walls of the once- 

benign insurance company, one of the blindest tools of the terror has 

found its lodging, which quietly goes about exterminating hundreds 

and thousands of human lives. The room most feared of the cabinets of 

the investigatory judges is Room Nr. 55 — the study of the first 

investigating judge, by the name Wuhl (a Jew), of the division for 

common criminals. In his hands are concentrated all criminal cases 

and in particular cases of banditry, for which there is usually no mercy 

and for which the death penalty seems to be the firm norm, almost 

without exception. Wuhl is the constant and single correspondent of the 

Troika‘; he directs the work of the subordinate investigatory judges, 

and upon him depends the outcome of the cases investigated. Still 

young (perhaps thirty years old), with light, wavy, hair and a firm 

gaze from glittering eyes, agile, energetic, calm and polite in 

conversation, Wuhl fills anyone who enters his study with a shudder. 

For rarely does a case end here without a death sentence, and rarely 

does an interrogation proceed without a wild beating of the accused. If 

a subaltern investigating judge does not succeed in wresting a 

confession from the accused, he threatens to bring him before Wuhl, 

and often the pronouncing of this name by itself is enough to coerce a 

“voluntary” confession. Wuhl directs the most important matters 

himself, and his methods of interrogation are a not unimportant feature 

in the whole picture of Chekist justice. Here one of the countless 

samples of these interrogations according to the story related 

personally by Jan Otremski. 

Otremski was charged with the shooting of the window of the Sovdeps 

(the Soviet authority) by Basmannaya. At a body-search of him, a 

Mauser with some empty casings were found, which, as it turned out, 

he had won in a card game with one of the adjutants of Dzerschinsky, 

the supreme Chief of the Cheka. Otremski denied any participation in 

the crime imputed to him and maintained that he had been slandered by 

some speculators with whom he had fallen out over the division of the 

winnings. The somewhat puzzling provenance of the Mauser 

meanwhile awakened a special interest in Wuhl in the [196] case, and 

he decided to get at the truth at all cost. 

‘Wuhl received me very kindly’ — related Otremski, as he wiped his 

bloody, beaten face with a handkerchief. — ‘He asked me to take a seat, 

opened his gold cigarette case and asked me if I drank “morning 

coffee.” Without waiting for my reply, he rang, said a few words to the 

servant who entered, and after a few minutes there stood before us a 

tray with two glasses of coffee, sugar, white bread and butter. “I’m 

asking,” said Wuhl, “that with our coffee we discuss the case at the 

same time, as well.” At this moment the telephone rang, and I was a 

witness to the following conversation that Wuhl conducted: “Jan 

Otremski is sitting right here by me. . .I’m sure we will not need to 

shoot him. . .He wants to confess everything voluntarily and wants to 

be a capable colleague. . .” In this moment I did not grasp that the 

entire conversation was arranged especially for me, and suddenly I 

didn’t feel well. “They want to know if you are still living. . .,” said 

Wuhl to me with a smile, and pushed the plate with the bread closer to 

me. 

But I could neither eat nor drink, for I sensed some sort of trap and was 

very upset. “Confess everything, Otremski,” continued Wuhl, “and we 

will forget your past. . .You will have a job with us.” 

Thereupon he started a speech of persuasion and during fifteen to 

twenty minutes he relentlessly used alternating threats and tempting 

promises toward me. But I stubbornly denied my participation in the 

shooting and also refused to accept a position in the Cheka. My 

stubbornness finally made him lose his composure; he jumped up from 

his seat, he grabbed a rifle which was standing in a corner and began to 

hit me with the butt. After some blows on the head and the chest, I 

staggered and fell, covered with blood, to the floor. But after a minute I 

came to again, stood up, and accompanied by Wuhl’s fists and wild 

insults, I dragged myself out of his study. . .” Jan Otremski was a 

Polish subject. He related this case of a bestial beating to the Polish 

Red Cross and enclosed as proof the blood-spotted handkerchief. But 

his Polish nationality did not save Otremski, and shortly after this 

interrogation — on 14 May 1921 — according to a report, he was shot to 

death by Wuhl . . . 

I am stopping with these characteristic details of the interrogation of 

Otremski, in order not to overload the rest of the account with dozens 

of similar facts. This system of [197] interrogation was practiced by 

Wuhl day in, day out, with unvarying calm and good nature, with only 

details changing now and then. Thus, in suspicious cases he personally 

investigated the accused in order to convince himself that the latter was 

without weapons and sufficiently defenseless. Sometimes he prefers to 

strike not the head, but the the muscles and the elbows of the 

outstretched arms . . . in general, however, the stereotype prevailed 

with him: cigarettes, coffee, white bread, offer of a job in the Cheka 

and . . . a blow with the butt of a rifle. And so on, day in and day out, 

with almost total passivity of the tortured. In the expression used by the 

beaten bandits, ‘Wuhl is playing the guitar.’ For his talented and 

zealous guitar-playing, the member Wuhl of the Russian Communist 

Party wore an Order of the Red Flag on his chest.” 

That the Cheka is in no sense any sort of “proletarian” fighting 

organization, but rather only and exclusively a Jewish murder- 

organization against the people, is shown very compellingly by, 

among countless other proofs and examples, the famous mass shooting 

of the workers in Astrakhan in March 1919. On 10 March 1919, the 

workers of the factories “Vulcan,” “Etna,” “Caucasus” and “Mercury” 

interrupted their work and assembled for a meeting. 

“The meeting(1) at which ten thousand workers had assembled and 

discussed their hard material condition was surrounded by soldiers with 

machine guns, sailors, and grenade-throwers. After the workers refused 

to break up the meeting, a rifle salvo was shot off. Then the machine 

guns rattled, directed against the compact mass of the meeting 

participants, and hand grenades exploded with deafening noise. The 

gathering trembled, lay down on the ground, and were dumb with 

fright. Above the rattling of the machine guns one heard neither the 

groaning of the wounded nor the screams of the dying. 

Suddenly, this entire mass of men rose up, stormed forward and broke 

through the cordon of death of the government troops, with a power 

made tenfold by their terror. And it ran unthinkingly in every direction - 

- seeking salvation from the bullets of the machine guns which had 

begun firing again. Those fleeing were shot. Those who were still alive 

were driven into an enclosed space and shot down at close range. The 

space in which a peaceful gathering was meeting was now covered by a 

pile of corpses. Between the workers writhing in [198] their death 

throes, one also saw some ‘tamers of the Revolution’ trampled to death 

by the crowd at the breakthrough. The news of the shooting quickly 

spread into the city. People were fleeing there from everywhere. Only 

the cries ‘they are shooting! They’re shooting!’ could be heard. 

A canon shot in the distance. A strange, droning detonation in the air. 

After this whizzing, suddenly, a bang. Again, whizzing. The church 

cupola crackled and plunged down. A bang, and then another bang. A 

projectile explodes. A second one explodes. And another. The crowd of 

people loses their heads and scatters apart, like a herd of restive beasts. 

But the outpost troops shoot and keep shooting. From somewhere 

comes a new order to fire, and those fleeing are struck by grenades. 

The city is deserted. Silent. One part of the inhabitants fled, another 

part hid themselves. Not fewer than two thousand victims were swept 

from the ranks of the workers. Thus ended the first act of the frightful 

tragedy of Astrakhan. 

The second — still more horrifying — act began on 12 March. A portion 

of the workers were arrested by the ‘victors’ and imprisoned in the 

commander’s headquarters, in barques and in steamers. Among the 

latter, the steamer ‘Gogol‘ particularly distinguished itself by its cruelty. 

But dispatches were flying to Moscow which were reporting a ‘revolt.’ 

The Chairman of the Revolutionary War Council of the Republic, L. 

Trotsky (Bronstein, a Jew), responded with a laconic dispatch: ‘Settle 

accounts and show no mercy.’ With that, the fate of the unfortunate 

workers in custody was sealed. A bloody insanity raged on land and 

water. In the cellars and yards of the commander’s headquarters, the 

people were shot to death. From the barques and steamers, people were 

thrown into the Volga. Many were thrown in with stones tied around 

their necks. One worker, who sat in the keel space on the machine, 

remained unnoticed and saved himself, told that in one night, 180 men 

were thrown overboard from the steamer ‘Gogol.’ But in the city there 

were so many shot dead, that some nights [199] hardly sufficed to 

transport them all to the cemetary, where they were unloaded in piles 

as ‘typhus cases’. . . 

. . . After some days, the rulers began to to publish the names of the 

shot ‘Burschuis‘ by the hundreds. At the beginning of April, the number 

of victims named was already 4000. But meanwhile, the repressions 

did not stop. The authorities had plainly resolved to take revenge upon 

the worker’s unions of Astrakhan for the entire wave of strikes which 

rolled through Tula, Boyansk, Petrograd and other cities in March of 

1919. It was only toward the end of April that the shootings tapered off 

and stopped.” 

Some characteristic details are supplied by the certainly not anti- 

Semitic Roman Gul in his book Dzerschinsky, which appeared in Paris 

in 1936, in the Russian language. Gul describes, among other things, 

the Commandant of the Georgian Checka, Schulmann, who was 

possessed by a bestial cruelty, and who was infamous in Tiflis under 

the name “The Commandant of Death.” 

Schulmann usually took drugs in order to get in the necessary “mood.” 

One example of his rage and murdering(1): 

“One dark night, the Commandant of the Cheka, Schulmann, appeared 

in the stone corridors of the subterranean prison, rattling his saber with 

a detachment of Red Army troops. They began to lead out the 

condemned men from their cells. The pity-inspiring, half-dressed 

unfortunate men automatically obeyed the orders of the executioners. It 

seemed as if Schulmann wanted to excite himself, in that he treated the 

condemned men with especial brutality. They were all brought to the 

inner courtyard of the Cheka, where some trucks were awaiting them. 

With a few practiced and rapid movements of their hands, the 

executioners took from the victims the rest of their clothing, chained 

their hands and threw them in the trucks. The trucks began to move . . . 

At the place of execution partitioned by the Chekists, ditches had been 

prepared in advance. The condemned were arranged in rank and file. 

Schulmann and his assistant stepped down the line with a revolver in 

hand and shot the forehead of the condemned; now and then they 

stopped to reload the revolvers. Not everyone yielded their heads to be 

shot peacefully. Many struck out around themselves, tried to retreat, 

cried, asked for mercy. Sometimes Schulmann’s bullet only wounded 

them and the Chekists immediately finished them off with shots and 

bayonettes. [200] Meanwhile, the dead were tossed into the pits. This 

scene of human butchery lasted no less than three hours.” 

One other Jew who is still active today as one of the highest GPU 

Chiefs, is Jakob Agranov, an epileptic Jew with the face of a woman. 

His specialty is the destruction of the Russian Aryan intelligentsia. The 

Jew Agranov has exterminated the flower of Russian science and of 

public life(1). 

The blood-bath of the already-mentioned Aaron Kohn — Bela Kun — 

in the Crimea is well known. At his side stood his racial comrades 

Feldmann (male) and Salkind (female). To the same series of Jewish 

mass-murderers belong: Comrade Rosa in Kiev, Yurovsky

Nacktbacke and Weißbart in Ekaterinburg; Steinberg and Deutsch in 

Saratov, Eugenie Bosch in Pensa, Rebekka Meisel-Plastenina in 

Archangelsk, the sadistic Jewess Braude in Moscow, who with her 

own hands first undressed and then shot the “White Guard swine.” 

Here also belong, above all, the directors of the Cheka in the Ukraine: 

Feldmann and Portugeis in Kharkov and Lifschitz and 

Schwartzmann in Kiev. At the head of the all-Ukraine Cheka stood 

the Jews Laziss and Schwarz(2).

The report of the eyewitness Nilostonski, which already appeared in 

1921 in the Neudeutschen Verlags- and Treuhandgesellschaft editions 

in Berlin, gives a true-to-life picture of the rampages of this Jewish 

murder-organization in the Ukraine. 

The 11th Chapter of this unfortunately now out-of-print document is 

rendered here unmodified(3). 

“The slaughter of the victims was as a rule carried out as a conclusion 

of high entertainment after the wild drinking bouts which went on in 

the executioners’ houses, when everyone was in a state of intoxication. 

The criminals, in their cheerful party, then went down the steps into the 

yard, into the slaughter house, where each according to his bent or 

together, as agreed, enjoyed themselves by killing. The victims were 

often tormented for hours in the cruelest manner on these occasions. 

Here, the greatest variety of wounds were inflicted upon them, over 

there, the victims’ skulls were slowly crushed, in another direction they 

were stabbed with every sort of instrument of torture, and in yet 

another spot, tongues and limbs were torn out, etc., etc. They were 

actually killed only when [201] the murderers, due to alcohol 

intoxication, could no longer keep to their feet and had to end their 

party. As in the courtyard of Ssadovaya 5, we also found in all the rest 

of the houses of slaughter and Zcheresvytchaykas, mountains of 

thousands upon thousands of empty bottles of the most expensive kinds 

of wine. 

In Kiev, I saw an unfortunate mother whose only son, an officer, had 

been murdered in the slaughter house at Ssadovaya 5. Some days after 

the murder, two sailors came in a motor vehicle in front of the 

residence where the family of the murdered young man lived, drove up 

and picked up the only daughter, a nineteen-year-old young girl, the 

sister of the murdered son, to bring her to one of the mentioned 

drinking bouts in the house of the executioners. Here, the executioners, 

who a few days earlier had just slaughtered her brother, ordered her to 

dance in front of them. When she was unable to do so and began to 

stagger, the executioners ordered her to drink a glass of champagne. In 

the moment when she seemed to draw the glass to her lips, she 

suddenly poured the contents out, struck the upper part of the goblet off 

on the edge of the table and tried to use the rest of the glass to cut 

through the veins of her neck. In the same moment, the Jewish wife fell 

upon her and badly abused the unfortunate girl for this sabotage, cut 

her face up with the same piece of glass, stepped on her with her feet, 

pulled her hair, until she was finally brought senseless into the 

slaughter house and had to lie there as long as until the murder gang 

had gotten drunk enough to pass over into slaughtering and then to 

‘transport’ the unhappy girl ‘to her counter-revolutionary brother.’ The 

sad incident was confirmed to us by, besides the mother of the dead 

girl, two young ladies of society, who on that evening had to dance in 

the Zcheresvytchayka, who were present during the whole event and 

escaped on that evening with some blows from a Nagaika [Cossak 

whip] which they received for covering their faces with their hands and 

sinking to the floor helplessly during the tragic moments. At any rate, 

the ‘invitation’ to young girls of society to these kinds of drinking bouts 

was usual in all the Zchresvytchaykas of Kiev, so that the refined 

Satanic revenge of the Soviet sadists extended even to these creatures 

who were guilty of nothing. That a Commissar would suddenly 

announce to the parents that he would live with their daughter and then 

take her away, was in all cities something completely common. 

Usually, he began his announcement with a threat, since he would 

know that the daughter had served the Volunteers [of the White Army] 

as a Sister of Mercy [i.e., in a hospital], so that she and the whole 

family deserved death. 

[202] The Bolshevists were inflamed against our Sisters of Mercy with 

a particularly savage rage. In case of capture, each of the Sisters of 

Mercy serving with us carried poison with her. But woe to the girl, 

who, gravely wounded, didn’t have the chance to make use of this and 

first returned to consciousness in custody. For her it was written — 

death by rape. Consequently, it was also the custom in the Volunteer 

Army in the case where escape wasn’t possible (for example, in an 

encirclement) to shoot first of all the Sisters, especially the wounded, 

and then the wounded officers and the rest of the Volunteers. It 

happened more than once that an officer or soldier shot his own sister 

who was serving with her brother in the same regiment. 

Here I will deviate somewhat from my actual theme and say some 

words about the conduct of the Soviet government toward our 

prisoners and wounded. The torturing of the captured and wounded 

Volunteers by the Bolshevists is of course generally known. 

Consequently, not even one person in the Volunteer Army surrenders. 

Thus, the remnant of the Volunteers, who had been driven into the 

harbors of Odessa and Novorossyisk, and for whom at the fall of these 

places rescue was cut off in February and March of 1920, all shot 

themselves and their families. Two of our hospitalers in Odessa who 

weren’t able to evacuate in time, were burned to death along with all of 

the sick and wounded found there. At the fall of Rostov, 

Novotscherkask and Taganrog in January 1920, 18,000 sick and 

wounded, who had stayed behind in the military hospital, were all 

killed by the Bolshevists in the most horrifying way. We had the 

opportunity to be convinced of this ourselves when we retook Rostov 

and Novotscherkask for several days in February. 

The members of the terror-houses, when it suited them and after they 

had gotten their hands on a sufficient supply of cocaine, sent for some 

arrestees from Zchresvytschayka for individual torturing, upon whom 

they now carried out tortures in a single room of the jailhouse. These 

creatures, who without exception were all cocaine addicts, committed 

their crimes, as is already well known, for the most part out of sadistic 

impulses. One of these sadists, a certain Zchernyavski (the pseudonym 

by which he was known among the Chekists), who had to kill a number 

of people each day since otherwise he felt bad, finally went so far as to 

no longer trouble himself about the category of his victims, and 

allowed himself to use prisoners for his tortures who actually belonged 

to the Bolshevists and had been [203] temporarily stuck in jail for 

minor offenses, merely in order to have material for the satisfaction of 

his sadistic drives. He was finally killed one night by some other 

sadists in one of the slaughter houses. The famous executioner of Kiev 

was the Jewess ‘Rosa’ Schwarz. All of Kiev knew her under the name 

of ‘Rosa.’ Her victims must have been numbered in the hundreds. This 

‘Rosa,’ who was caught, told the Courts-Martial which condemned her, 

that she constantly injected caffeine and then, in a state of intoxication, 

would proceed to torture her victims. A member of the aforesaid 

Alliance of Zchresvytschayka Victims reported on how he was bound 

to a table in front of a Jewish girl who was known by the nickname 

‘Sonya,’ how during the course of almost an hour she stuck a revolver 

at his temple, his forehead, into his mouth and over his heart, while she 

observed his face, then finally reluctantly put the revolver in her pocket 

with the remark that she found that she was not in the mood. To the 

bound man she said that she would shoot him some other time, and 

ordered him taken away. At any rate, it must be said, that, as in Kiev, 

so also in Odessa, Kharkov, Poltava, etc., Jewish women and girls 

especially enjoyed engaging in torture and slaughter, and the number 

doing so was definitely significant. Every city had its ‘Rosa,’ ‘Sonya’ 

etc., who became celebrities in the cities concerned. When the Chinese 

professional torturers stepped back from an aged person whom they 

were supposed to torture, or when even their tortures seemed to be too 

mild, it was Jewish girls who snatched at the opportunity and fell upon 

the victims with delighted zest and, in their devilish lust, inflicted the 

most unthinkable torments upon gray and white heads, unheeding 

whether it was an old man or old woman, and finally killed them as the 

concluding act.” 

These horrifying facts, which describe the reality of the Jewish war 

against humanity, show the true face of the Jew in the clearest way: 

toadying, perfidious and duplicitous, he approaches his victim, only to 

annihilate him in the next moment with an unexampled and bestial 

cruelty. [Or, as one old saying expresses it: "The Jew -- either at your 

groin or at your throat!] The Bolshevist Revolution in Russia was a 

successful crime of Jewry, carried out against the peoples of Eastern 

Europe. The Bolshevist subversive activities in the entire World are 

crimes of Jewry. The entire “politics” of Jewry is fundamentally and 

right from the start, criminal, and is directed to the end of the 

enslavement and the extirpation of all non-Jewish peoples. 

The Jew misuses the notion of the political as a pretext for his crimes, 

just as he misuses the concepts of “science,” [204] “Freedom of 

thought,” “Brotherhood” etc., for his agitation and propaganda. The 

sorry productions of a Magnus Hirschfeld are no more “scientific” than 

the murder by a David Frankfurter is “political.” Both are criminal 

actions, completed crimes of Jewry. 

Since the start of the Jewish struggle for “Emancipation” and control in 

the individual nations, the chain of Jewish crimes and murder has 

remained unbroken. 

On 25 May 1926, the Ukrainian nationalist leader Petlyura, the former 

Chief of State of the independent Ukrainian Republic, was murdered in 

Paris by the Jew Samuel Schwarzbart. The crime was carried out with 

cold-blooded cruelty. The murderer still fired several shots into his 

defenseless victim as he way lying on the ground. When he was 

questioned, Schwarzbart (naturally!) declared that he had acted out of 

“political” motives. 

As a Jew, he was filled with deep hatred for people of Ukrainian 

nationality. He murdered Petlyura as a leader of this nationality, a man 

who embodied the striving for freedom of the Ukrainian people. 

A crime committed in the name of Jewry and in its interests! This is 

evident not only from Schwarzbart’s statements, but also from the 

attitude of Jewish-Free masonic justice and the Jewish press. World 

Jewry organized a “rescue-action” in the grandest style for the 

murderer. The advocate Torres, known as the attorney for many 

Marxist terrorists, took on Schwarzbart’s defense. The murderer was 

acquitted! 

Still more indicative of the true reasons behind the scene of this crime, 

is the circumstance that Samuel Schwarzbart went to Moscow after his 

acquittal — he had already formerly been a Commissar of the Red 

Army — and today receives a state pension there! These facts stamp the 

murder of the Ukrainian nationalist Petlyura unambiguously as a crime 

of the Judeo-Bolshevist Internationale; moreover, it shows how the 

threads of the Jewish and Red Internationale are inextricably 

interwoven with each other. 

This murder of a political personality on foreign soul, in crass violation 

of International Law, of the principle of non-interference and of the 

freedom of guests of a foreign state, committed by a Bolshevist Jew, is 

not a singularity. 

On 04 December 1936, the Court of the Canton of Graubünden in 

Switzerland passed the following judgement(1): 

[205] “In the criminal case of Frankfurter, David, son of Moritz and 

Rebekka, neé Pagel, student of Medicine, born on 9 July 1909 in 

Daruvar, Yugoslavia, Yugoslavian national, resident in Bern, 

unmarried, with no police record, 

by decision of the prosecutor’s office of 5 June 1936, named as 

defendant charged with murder, 

after the main trial and careful deliberation, in application of the §§ 88 

(in connection with Fed. Constitution, Art. 65), 9, 48 and following, 

particularly § 50 Sections 7 and 9, § 51, Sections 3 and 4 as well as § 

18 of Penal Law and §§ 58 and 59 StrVerf., it is established that: 

1. David Frankfurter is guilty of the murder of Wilhelm Gustloff. 

2. For this crime he will be punished by 18 years in prison, less 8 

months for pre-trial custody, then with the loss of civil honors and 

rights during the same period of time and sentenced to life-long exile 

from this country. The weapon of the murderer is confiscated. 

3. The convicted man is obligated as a matter of principle to 

compensate for all damages caused by the above-named crime. 

4. The convicted man is to bear in addition all costs related to the 

investigation, the court costs and the cost of imposing punishment.” 

For the first time, this exemplary punishment was imposed by a Swiss 

Court upon a Jewish murderer, even if its proportions do not 

correspond to the German sense of right. The Graubünder sentence 

signifies a blow in the ugly face of the Jews, a severe defeat for World 

Jewry, which after a senseless murder has become the poorer by one 

“martyr.” The German special correspondent at the trial of the 

murderer David Frankfurter, Wolfgang Diewerge, describes the murder 

incident as follows: 

“Frau Kaufmann and her daughter are walking along the spa 

promenade of Davos. They are well-off Jews from Bern. Someone 

speaks to them; Herr cand. med. [medical student] Frankfurter, a good 

acquaintance, is also in Bern. Yes, he’s there for the sport, the snow- 

covered mountains entice him, the glorious world of the mountain 

range. He speaks quietly and in a friendly manner, like a guest at the 

spa who has a beautiful day behind him and is now taking a little 

evening stroll. They make a date to meet for tea. Frankfurter amiably 

takes his leave and keeps walking, down the promenade to the 

signpost. This signpost reads: Wilhelm Gustloff — N.S.D.A.P. 

Frankfurter knows the way perfectly. And he doesn’t need to ask 

whether Gustloff has returned. He knows all about it. Once more he 

pulls the crushed cigarette pack from his pocket, then he turns calmly 

and with a sure step from the [206] main street, along the spa park, 

until he stands in front of a bright blue house ‘Am Kurpak Nr. 3‘ ['Nr. 3 

Spa Park']. In his pocket he carries the murder-order. It is 04 February 

1936, about 8 o’clock in the evening, a Tuesday, which the Jews call 

Kee Tov‘ = ‘then it’s good’ — it is considered to be a lucky day for Jews. 

Frau Gustloff has been happy for quite a while about having a free 

evening. It shall belong to her and her husband alone. She will let him 

tell her about his trip, of the celebration in honor of the 

Machtergreifung [The accession to power of the N.S.D.A.P.], for once 

she wants to be together not with Landesgruppenleiter [national group 

leader] Gustloff, but with her man. But when the bell rings, she opens 

the door anyway, even though it’s late and dark out. It might be a 

comrade in need. When it’s a matter of someone needing help, Wilhelm 

Gustloff is always there to speak to. 

A well-dressed man stands at the door, his hat pulled down over his 

eyes. His exterior makes a respectable impression, he’s quiet and 

friendly. Sure of himself, as if he knows the house, he goes past the 

wife to the inner door. Frau Gustoloff lets him into the corridor, where 

Wilhelm Gustloff is standing, speaking on the telephone. Base Thun is 

on the line. 

Frankfurter doesn’t want to shoot here in the hallway, where there’ll be 

witnesses to his crime. He calmly takes a seat in Gustloff’s study, looks 

at the pictures of Hitler and examines the Ehrendolch ["honor dagger"; 

A number of well-crafted edged weapons were given to party members 

who had distinguished themselves. They often were embossed with the 

motto: "Meine Ehre ist Treue" = "Loyalty is my Honor"] which is 

hanging on the wall here. Intermittently, he fingers his own weapon. 

Five long minutes go by. The telephone conversation which is being 

conducted with Dr. Habermann in Thun is constantly experiencing 

disturbances on the line. It must cost quite a bit to keep Wilhelm 

Gustloff under surveillance. His conversations are tapped, and not very 

adroitly, either. Wilhelm Gustloff makes a few choice comments into 

the phone about the ‘expertise’ of this disturbance of his peace, then 

asks his wife about the visitor and goes into his study. 

For the first time, the Jew sees his victim right in front of him. Tall, 

with erect posture, friendly and ready to be helpful. He pulls the 

revolver from his pocket and fires. True to his murder-orders, he aims 

for the head and chest. Wilhelm Gustloff collapses without uttering a 

cry and falls over. His wife rushes in, she has no fear of the smoking 

weapon of the murderer which is raised threateningly. She throws 

herself on her husband, wants to stop the bleeding but sees in the same 

instant that there is nothing that can any longer be done. In a few 

minutes, Wilhelm Gustloff bleeds to death in her arms, beneath the 

portrait of the Führer. 

The shots and screams alarm the house. The neighbors rush to the door. 

The revolver held in front by Frankfurter holds them back. David 

Frankfurter knows his way out of the house. He is already out in the 

open. [207] Now — into the spa park. Now his getaway shall begin. 

With hurried steps he rushes into the darkness, but remains stuck in the 

snow. In vain he tries to keep going forward. He fails. 

The cursed snow! It holds him fast. He clutches at it. He’s not getting 

anywhere. Sweat breaks out on him. How was it worded in his orders? – 

‘Try to get away, otherwise commit suicide.’ No, never! He didn’t come 

to Davos for that. He wants to live, to be celebrated, but not die. 

Otherwise, he could have done the shooting in Germany, of course. 

He hears the alarms behind him, the calls for a doctor and the police, 

the outraged voices of the Swiss neighbors. He senses what will be in 

store for him if they catch hold of him here while he’s in flight. And 

then he sees how good it was that he did not go to Germany, the way 

his original orders read, but to a canton which doesn’t have the death 

penalty. He goes into the closest house. He calls the police and when it 

takes too long for him, full of fear, he goes by himself to watch, to get 

into safe custody and protection as soon as possible. 

The first questioning by the police begins. The murderer declares: 

I have shot him because I am a Jew. I am fully aware of my act 

and do not feel any remorse for it. 

He is also confronted by Frau Gustloff. She recognizes in him the 

petitioner whom she conducted to her husband. She asks him: ‘Why 

have you done this?’ 

He answers: ‘Because I am a Jew.‘” 

Frankfurter shot, because he was a Jew. The Jewish “World League for 

Resisting Anti- Semitism” named the murderer its symbolic Honorary 

President a short time after the crime. And why shouldn’t the murderer 

Frankfurter be the Honorary President of the World League, when the 

murderer Friedrich Adler was General Secretary of the Internationale? 

What’s right for one murderer is fair for the other murderer. The organ 

of the World League, Le droit de vivre of 26 September 1936 published 

the following declaration of solidarity with David Frankfurter(1): 

“We Jews feel absolute solidarity with you, dear Frankfurter, and we 

honor you unendingly. If we abandoned you, we would be letting 

ourselves miss one of the most valuable opportunities on this poor 

earth. To deny you, [208] would mean giving up purity, freedom and 

dignity. In our memory you will live on as a dove of peace on the 

manure pile of our egoism and above the swamp of our indifference.” 

The strange “dove of peace on the manure pile” of Jewish egoism has 

been locked in a cage for a long time by the judgement of the Swiss 

court. 

The question remains open as to whose mission Frankfurter was 

carrying out. This was no personal act of revenge, no senseless crime 

of a mentally ill person, but the crime of a Jew acting for World Jewry. 

Whether this is provable in particular, and concretely, is not the 

crucial point. What is crucial, is the confession of the murderer 

himself: “I have shot him because I am a Jew. I am fully aware of my 

act and do not feel any remorse for it.” 

The order for the murder furnishes an important clue, written in the 

Serbian language on a piece of a cigarette pack, and found with the 

murderer and among the original Court documents:

“Monday, 03 February 36, 9:30, the sentence [of death] must be carried 

out. Call ahead and ask if he’s there. If he doesn’t come out and can’t be 

seen, try to get away, else put into effect suicide. 1-2 shots in the chest. 

Revolver in the right-hand coat pocket. Not in the overcoat. As soon as 

I’m in the room, pull it out suddenly and shoot. In the head or the chest, 

3 shots.” 

The murderer claimed in Court “not to be able to recall” any longer 

what the circumstances were of how he came by this note. This piece 

of evidence is a clear indication of the murder having been long 

prepared and executed according to a written plan. One probably does 

not go wrong in assuming that the Murder-Central would not be far to 

seek from the Jewish World League in Paris. 

Leo Czolgosz, Emma Goldmann, Friedrich Adler, Paul Kéri, Gaertner, 

Mordko Bogroff, Yevno Asev, Jakob Yurovsky, Chaim Golotschekin, 

Weißbart, Blumkin, Aaron Kohn, Szamuely, Heinz Neumann, Yehuda, 

Bärman, Schulmann, Lifschitz, Schwarzmann, Braude, Bosch, Meisel, 

Salkind, Portugeis, Schwarz, Laziß, Schwarzbart, Frankfurter — 28 

Jews, 28 murderers — only a selection of the “most famous” from the 

most recent times. Who still dares to doubt that “there are Jewish 

murderers”?! 

[209] They are plain “political” murders, plain murders from greed for 

power. They are plain “Anarcho-Communist” crimes, crimes of 

Bolshevism. The facts of the case are clear — Jewry and Bolshevism 

are identical; Bolshevism and crime are the same thing. Jewry as leader 

of the Underworld, in a criminal attack upon the World, its culture, its 

order and the [non-Jewish] peoples of the World — that is the reality of 

the criminal world conspiracy of the present, the reality of Judeo- 

Bolshevism. 

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * 

* * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * * 

To Afterword 

To (previous) Chapter VIII: Sexual Offenders 

To Table of Contents 

Copyright 2002 by R. Belser. Reproduction in whole or in part without 

express written permission of the translator is not permitted. All rights 

reserved. 

T h e   J e w   a s   C r i m i n a l 

Afterword 

————————————————— 

————— 

O b i t u a r y 

(page 211) 

Shortly before the completion of this book my comrade and 

collaborator J. Keller unexpectedly died from complications of an 

operation. Even on his sick bed, he occupied himself over and beyond 

his powers with the labor whose far-ranging significance and whose 

novel results had drawn him completely under its spell. He died with 

pen in hand and left behind to me the legacy of completing the work he 

had begun. 

Keller was born on an estate in western Russia. After graduating from a 

secondary school in Petersburg, he studied Natural Science and History 

at the university there and was admitted to a university professorship 

after the successful conclusion of his studies. He received a research 

grant which led him abroad. He was active with great scientific success 

in the field of Physics and achieved for himself a continually increasing 

appreciation for his work from the scientific community. As an expert 

and correspondent in his native and in foreign institutes and as a 

collaborator in international compilations, he acquired a respected 

position. 

With his clear anti-Communist attitude, opposed to Jewry, he was first 

able to emerge to a greater degree as a writer for the public since 1933, 

and then with ever greater success. He wrote in the Völkischer 

Beobachter [Julius Streicher's paper, the Nationalist Observer](1), in 

the Schwarzes Korps (2) [Black Corps], and in Angriff [Attack], to 

name only the most important. 

Imbued with the National Socialist idea, he did not end his efforts with 

his literary activity, but despite his hard-pressed material situation and 

his severe physical suffering, worked even this last winter with total 

self-sacrifice for the Winter Aid. 

[212] When I saw Keller for the last time, it was a few days before his 

death; he was able to move around only with effort, bent over from 

pain and supported by a cane. As I later learned, he had had to take a 

large dose of narcotics in order to be able to leave his bed at all. But 

nothing could hold him back from his work and from his duty. 

Keller was a man of rare purity of mind and of character. To that was 

added a wholly unusual talent for writing and an extraordinary gift for 

quick comprehension. His death signifies a hard and irreplaceable loss 

in the front of the struggle against Judeo-Bolshevism. 

May this book, the fruit of bitter life experience, deep political insight 

and painful weeks of labor of a mind not broken by illness, find the 

attention that it deserves. 

Keller wanted to create readable knowledge, he wanted to write a book 

which should be as geared to the people as it would be reliable and 

practical. He surely attained this goal and thus the task which remains 

to me is only to deliver this work, in his name, too, to the public. 

Berlin, March 1937. 

Dr. Hanns Andersen 

To (last) Chapter IX: Murderers 

To Table of Contents 

Copyright 2002 by R. Belser. Reproduction in whole or in part without 

express written permission of the translator is not permitted. All rights 

reserved. 

 


Published on March 30, 2009 at 12:01 pm  Comments (1)  

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  1. I’m pretty pleased to uncover this website. I want to to thank you for your time for this wonderful read!! I definitely enjoyed every bit of it and i also have you saved as a favorite to look at new stuff in your web site.


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