Reds ln America

 

REDS in AMERICA

The present Status of the Revolutionary

Movement in the United States based on

documents seized by the authorities in

the raid upon the Convention of the Communist

Party at Bridgman, Michigan,

Aug. 22, 1922, together with descriptions

of numerous connections and associations

of the Communists among the

Radicals, Progressives

and Pinks.

4

r

1924

Or

New York City

Nerkwtt1 Fress, 3arsrvarsteb

Opus No. EigL

Copyright, 1924

THE BECKWITH PRESS, INC .

i

R. M. Whitney, director of the Washington

Bureau of the American Defense Society, was born

in 1875. He graduated from Harvard in 1897 and

has been a newspaper reporter and editor in St .

Louis. Boston. Chicago. San Francisco, Los Angeles

San Diego and during the war covered the State

Department for the Associated Press. He has been

a correspondent in Mexico, Central and South

America for many papers . He is the author of

numerous pamphlets on patriotic subjects.

CONTENTS

Page

Introduction 5

The Raid at Bridgman 19

In Political Fields 39

Schools and Colleges 55

Radical Publications and Literature 71

“Legal” Organizations 95

Relief Drives; The Agrarian Program 103

American Civil Liberties Union 117

The Industrial Program 127

The Stage and the Movies 141

Army, Navy, and the Government 155

The Labor Defense Council-Women’s Clubs 171

The Negro Program-Future Plans of Communists 189

Present Status of the Bridgman Cases 207

The Shortcomings of Our Laws 211

APPENDIX A .

Thesis on Co-ordination of Communist Activity in the Americas 219

APPENDIX B .

Thesis on “Relations of One and Two” 225

APPENDIX C.

“Adaptation of the Communist Party of America to American

Conditions” 231

APPENDIX D.

“News Letter Service” marked “Rush One to Each Group” . . 237

APPENDIX E .

The Workers’ Party on the United Front . . .

241

APPENDIX F .

Next Tasks of the Communist Party in America

. 247

APPENDIX G.

“Our Bolshevist Moles” .

ILLUSTRATIONS

“Take, eat ; this is my body.” Frontispiece

Facing page

Cablegrams from Moscow in code

. .

. . 36

The Red Napoleon .

Communist publications in the United States 66

Schematic diagram of the Bolshevik propaganda organization 74

Anti-Christian cartoon from Max Eastman’s Masses 79

The Young Comrade 98

Captain Paxton Hibben at the grave of John Reed

. 107

“The Jesus-Thinkers,” by Michael Gold 119

“Communism and Christianism” 135

Communist leaflets . 161

Appeal of Labor Defense Council . 173

Max Eastman and Claude McKay . 190

INTRODUCTION

“Better to be despised for too anxious apprehensions, than ruined by

too confident security .”

“The effect of liberty to individuals is, that they may do what they

please : we ought to see what it will please them to do, before we risque

congratulations, which may soon turn into complaints . Prudence would

dictate this in the case of separate insulated private men; but liberty, when

men act in bodies,

will observe the use which is made of power ; and particularly of so

trying a thing as new power in new persons, of whose principles, tempers,

and dispositions they have little or no experience, and in situations where those

who appear the most stirring in the scene may not possibly be the real movers .”

The Rt. Hon.

and on the Proceedings in Certain Societies in London Relative to that

is power. Considerate people, before they declare themselves,EDMUND BuRKE. Reflections on the Revolution in France,

Event.

(Published in October, 1790 .)

In a letter intended to have been sent to a Gentleman in Paris.

Turning over the pages of Burke’s Reflections, the thought

is constantly

dominant-even if no other sources of information were at hand that the

points of similarity between the French Revolution and that which recently

occurred in Russia far outnumber those of dissimilarity . The revolutionaries

of France were as much adepts at the dissemination of catchwords and

slogans as their Russian prototypes of a later day . Some of the rallying

cries, as for instance “Liberty, Equality, Fraternity,” have persisted in their

psychic malfeasance even to the present, and the literature of the French

Revolution abounds with phrases which crop out in the wordy exudates of

Lenin and Trotsky. The correspondence of Jean Baptiste Carrier

recently published, and it is difficult to realize that the scenes of terrible

cruelty which Carrier describes are not those in which the central figure is

a Dzerzhinsky or a Moghilevsky or that Carrier’s loathsome sacrilege is not

that of a Bukharin .

The machinery of organized revolution which produced such a change

in France has been well described by Mrs . Nesta Webster,2 and the most

startling truth is clearly brought out that the organization through which

the chief conspirators accomplished their purposes of destruction was manipulated

through Minorities, secretly organized, and working in secondary

and tertiary minorities, also secretly organized, ultimately influencing vast

numbers of people who knew not the objective and cared less. The direc-

.

has beenE. H . Carrier-Correspondence of Jean Baptiste Carrier. (John Lane Co .)

a

Mrs. Nesta Webster-World Revolution . (Small, Maynard & Co.)

Is)

REDS IN AMERICA

tion of the movement, therefore, always came from the top . It must be

admitted that the Revolution was in small part only, a reaction against abuses

which were rapidly in process of abatement, and which, such as they were,

furnished talking points to the curbstone agitators . Mr. Theodore Roosevelt

showed his keen historical insight and freedom from the influence of

Carlisle’s Prussianized history when he wrote to Mr . Felix Frankfurter,

one of our modern revolutionaries :

“Robespierre and Danton and Marat and Herbert were just as evil as

the worst tyrants of the old regime, and from 1791 to 1794 they were the

most dangerous enemies to liberty that the world contained.”

This organization of disorder in France carried its fighting front into

foreign countries and counted upon reverberations as a part of its political

capital at home. Friends of the Revolution in England, many of them

fanatical in their devotion to the cause of democracy as pictured by its

philosophers, organized, agitated, assembled, talked, and raised much money

to help the cause along ; so much so that many were of the belief that it was

British government gold upholding the hands of the protesting party. As

clearly defined but with less intensity, the same organized movement appeared

in the United States . Its advent caused George Washington and his

coworkers considerable anxiety for they evidently could not understand its

true significance . It can be said verily that the scars of that agitation are

still apparent in our political life. They are the first deviations from the

standard of a representative republican government as conceived by the

framers of the Constitution, who were attempting to build something which

could protect minorities against the liquid rule of a mob .

It was in contemplation of such things that Edmund Burke was

prompted to write his Reflections . The times furnished an opportunity for

a bit of wise political philosophy, just as applicable to-day with our eyes

turned towards the north-east, as it was in the days of Burke when he was

viewing events from the safe side of the English Channel . The lessons are

all worked out, ready for study. As this book will show, we have with us

a group of people numbering about 30,000 at the most, ninety percent of

whom are aliens and cannot vote, who are closely bound by ties of a harsh

discipline, fear of treason, hope of loot, and an easy future . They are

ruled by a clever, more or less secretly organized minority . As a minority,

this party hopes, or rather its minority leaders hope, to dominate an inarticulate

and unorganized majority . It is this latter mass, in which it is so

difficult to stimulate reactions but which once stimulated are so difficult to

stop, that was finally roused in both France and Russia . The revolutionary

leaders themselves know it for we find William Z . Foster telling his fellow

conspirators in the convention of Communists at Bridgman, Mich . :

“The fate of the Communist party depends upon the control of the

masses, through the capture of the trade unions, without which revolution is

impossible .”

There is a certain candor about this which is refreshing even if spoken

[ 6]

INTRODUCTION

to fellow Communists and in a secret session . Foster also said in the same

speech :

“We no longer measure the importance of revolutionary organizations

by their size.”

Foster has evidently studied the history of revolutions and the psychology

of minority control . Then again Foster said :

“Communists get things done and paid for by others .”

Quite so . Some of us have been watching the revolutionary movement

for years, and with Foster, the opinion is unanimous that if the following

three things happened, the movement in the United States will collapse in

a hurry . 1. Cessation of governmental support to socialistic projects, which

are on the periphery of the revolutionary program . 2. Withdrawal of advertising

support on the part of the several large corporations from quasi-

Bolshevik magazines and other similar publications. 3. It is also suggested

that benevolent old ladies and gentlemen (some of them not so very old

either) clamber off the Bolshevik bandwagon and stand on a real rock-ribbed

American platform, giving their funds to assist in maintaining the best

government on earth as it was originally conceived . It is to be granted that

the giving of money for an object thought worthy stimulates a satisfied feeling

which is quite desirable, but it is equally true that starving children in Russia

are not fed by the absent dollar-not at all . Up to this point at least,

it is impossible to disagree with Mr . Foster.

But we must turn aside for a moment and determine just what kind of

an organization this revolutionary party is . A line of thought is suggested

by the Communists themselves . The Bridgman Convention adopted a “Thesis

on the Relations of No . One (illegal branch) and No. Two (legal branch) .”

It was written by a committee of which J . Lovestone was chairman, at that

time executive secretary of the Communist party of America, and must

therefore be accepted as authoritative .

“The revolutionary party can avoid suppression into a completely secret

existence * * * by taking advantage of the pretenses of `democratic

forms’ which the capitalist state is obliged to maintain . By this means the

Communists can maintain themselves in the open with a restricted program

while establishing themselves with mass support.”

In other words, the revolutionary party assumes the pretense of democratic

forms in order to secure the support of the masses and this pretense

is assumed only during the transitory phase which precedes the climax of

a proletarian dictatorship . Things are said sometimes which do not work

out in practice-especially with the Bolsheviks . Therefore, it behooves us

to examine the machinery of world revolution and see for ourselves whether

it is assuming the “pretenses of democratic form .”

Authentic evidence is fortunately right at hand . Hon. Henry Cabot

Lodge of Massachusetts addressed the Senate of the United States January

7, 1924 and gave a clear insight into the workings of world revolution right

at its center in Moscow. Then followed the hearings before a Sub-Committee

of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the United States Senate

under the chairmanship of Senator Borah “pursuant to S . Res. 50, declaring

[71

REDS IN AMERICA

that the Senate of the United States favors the recognition of the present

Soviet Government in Russia,” a resolution which was introduced by Mr .

Borah himself. Mr. Robert F. Kelley and Mr. A. W. Kliefoth, both of the

Division of Eastern European Affairs, Department of State, testified, and

placed on record voluminous documents to back their conclusions .

The Russian

numbered more than 700,000 out of a general population of 120,000,000 and

at the present time has about 387,000 members, largely confined to the urban

centers. The party is highly disciplined, thoroughly organized, and is also

a fighting as well as a political unit. Its members may be called upon to

go anywhere, either singly or in numbers, in some respects resembling our

own militia. New members are recruited after a probationary period of

at least one year, often extending to five years, during which each candidate

is subjected to the most rigid observation and trial . At the present time,

ro one can join who is not of the proletariat (urban industrial workers) .

Communist party-This basic organization has never

“At the party Congress held in April, 1923, it was decided that for one

year, only industrial laborers were eligible to be enrolled in the party, and

they must be seconded by two party members . All other applicants, it was

decided, are to remain candidates for another year .”,.

Political reasons for limiting the membership to industrial workers

are obvious .

“After admittance into the party, the new members must survive periodic

combings of the party roster, during which their reports as practicing party

members are minutely scrutinized . * * * The object of these cleansings

is to eliminate all those who are not sincere communists .”a

Members are penalized for the slightest infraction of rules, lighter offenses

being followed by suspension or expulsion from the party while

greater transgressions are punished by those heavier penalties imposed under

the statutes designed to discourage counter-revolution . Each member is

pledged to propagandize against religion and is not allowed to enter a place

of worship . Church marriage is a frequent cause for discipline . The

Izvestia, official organ of the All-Russian Central Executive Committee, published

an article March 31, 1921, in which,e

“a notice [was given] to all members of the Russian Communist party

in regard to the strict fulfillment of Article 13 of the constitution of the

Russian Communist party, which compels all members to carry on antireligious

propaganda.”

In return for such fealty to the party, members are carefully cared for

in many ways. Shortly after the revolution when food was scarce, members

of the party were first in line during the distribution of the food packages .

They all have jobs under the government :

“Senator Pepper, I understand you to say that you did not know of any

case where there was a member of the Communist party who is not also an

office holder of the Soviet government?

“Mr. Kelley . Yes, sir .”4

1 Speech of Senator Lodge, Cong . Rec ., Jan 7, 1924, p. 579.

” Loc . cit . Hearings of the Borah Sub-Committee, p. 14 .

4

[8 ]

Ibid., p . 16 .

INTRODUCTION

Naturally, this works both ways .

“There is not known a case of a single member of the higher govern .

mental organs, either in the Federation or in the so-called Russian Soviet

Republic, who is not a member of the Russian Communist party .”,

Then, there is the good old-fashioned Tammany method of getting the

party heelers out of trouble . An official report

Committee of the Russian Communist party, made at the last Congress,

states :

, of the Central Control

* * * All our work is carried on in contact with the courts and

with the state political administration, in view of the fact that often in the

courts there are pending cases of members of the party. The judicial organs

inform us about the comrades in regard to whom there is judicial evidence .

We acquaint ourselves with this evidence, as not infrequently there have

been cases where comrades have been put into the dock solely as the result

of personal intrigues . In such cases, * * * we have raised the question

of the expediency and advisability of a public trial in court lest we undermine

the party authority of our comrades .”

The party also has a “monopoly of legality” and no other political

associations are allowed under heavy penalties .$

“I refer to the fact that we are the only legal party in the country, and

have, in this wise, as it were, a monopoly of legality * * * . Let us

speak clearly-we have a monopoly of legality. We do not grant our opponents

political freedom. We do not give the possibility of legal existence to

those who pretend to compete with us .” Zinoviev, Pravda, April 2, 1922.

The All-Russian Congress of the Russian Communist party meets, perhaps,

once a year, the last having been the twelfth . It was held in Moscow,

April, 1923, and another is scheduled for March, 1924 . The delegates are

all hand-picked .

“Mr. Kelley. * * * [Exhibit] No. 21 is a translation from Pravda,

May 12, 1923, a e;pehe- of Zinoviev, in which he points out that the delegates

to the party conference [Congress] were carefully selected . * * * Selected

by a small group of individuals . * * * Selected by the Central

[Executive] Committee.”

,,

The selections, we may be sure, are safe ones . Not much voting is

done at these Congresses . The business consists largely in listening to the

reports of the “big chiefs,” explanations of why things do not always happen

just so, and exhortations to remain steadfast in the faith . The same

individuals always do the talking, usually members of the Central Committee,

or important members of the Soviet government . In turn the Central

Committee is elected by the Congress :a

“According to the statutes of organization of the party, the supreme

power

Communist party, which elects an executive organ called the Central Committee

of forty members, who, it is stated, should by preference be `laborers

more closely connected with the proletarian mass : ” Pravda, April 28, 1923.

1 Speech

in the party is exercised by the All-Russian Congress of the Russianof Senator Lodge, loc. cit., p . 578.

1

of supervising and controlling the machinery

of Russia. Hearings

The Central Control Committee of the Russian Communist party has the functionof the party and of the Soviet governmentof the Borah Sub-Committee, p . 10 .

Hearings of the Borah Sub-Committee,

p. 15.

A

Speech of Senator Lodge, p . 680.

[9 ]

Hearings of the Borah Sub-Committee, p. 14.

REDS IN AMERICA

The “laborers closely connected with the proletarian masses” are

simply “fronts” for as will be seen when it comes to the matter of selecting

the Political Bureau of the Central Committee, they are promptly forgotten .

The Central Committee meets once in two months, and between sessions of

the Congress holds supreme authority . With numerous proletarians on the

Committee, it was, of course, difficult to transact business, so a Political

Bureau is elected by the Central Committee.,,

“Attached to [elected by] the Central Committee . there is a Political

Bureau of seven – members who have grown skilled in directing political and

economic work of our organs * * * . In the second place, the nucleus

within the Central Committee, which has become expert in management, is

already growing old and must be replaced .” Report of Comrade Stalin,

Pravda,

April 19, 1923 .

Following are given as members of the Political Bureau

Lenin

Zinoviev

Tomsky

Rykov

Kamenev

Trotsky

Stalin

Alternates : Rudzutak, Kalinin, Molotov, Bukharin .

Lenin is now dead . Trotsky is reported more or less ill, and in disagreement

as to policies with other members of the Bureau . Tomsky and

Stalin are not regarded as having predominating influence owing to age and

previous political history, though Stalin appears to be making rapid progress

. Rykov is perhaps of next importance because of his skill along

economic lines. He has been recently elected to fill Lenin’s place . Kamenev,

whose correct name is Rosenfeld and who married Trotsky’s sister, is chief

of the intellectual forces of the Bolsheviks, and is a close supporting second

to Zinoviev (born, Apfelbaum) . Zinoviev is unquestionably, at this time, the

dominating member of the Bureau . He is described as “most ruthless ; it

is he who by the offices he holds in the Communist party and the Communist

International is at the head of all propaganda in foreign countries .” “Party

dictatorship,” says Zinoviev, “is the lever which we cannot let out of our

hands.”

The Russian Communist party, the Russian Soviet government, and the

Third (Communist) International .-

Russian Communist party machinery has been attempted for three reasons :

in the first place, through it a small group of men, if not merely one or two,

responsible to none but themselves, dominate, politically and economically,

a large mass of people . The structure is that of minorities, openly organized

but of necessity secret . Secondly, the structure is characteristic of all

communistic organizations. Finally, by a system of interlocking directorates,

characteristic of radical and liberal organizations even in the United

States, the Communist party machine dominates by its Political Bureau

(Politbureau) the Russian Soviet Government (including the Federation of

Soviet Republics) and the Third (Communist) International . “The function

of the Soviet government is to govern Russia ; that of the International

to carry out the policy of the party abroad” both in the last analysis under

1

A rather lengthy description of theHearings of the Borah Sub-Committee, p . 23 .

[ 10 ]

INTRODUCTION

the direction of the Political Bureau . A description by Lenin of the work

of

“The principal task of the Organization Bureau was the distribution of

party forces and the task of the Political Bureau was the solution of political

questions.

“Naturally this division is to a certain extent artificial, being understood

that it is impossible to conduct any policy without making certain classifications

. Consequently every question of organization assumes a political significance

and among us has grown up the practice that the opinion of one

member of the Central Committee is sufficient in order to have any particular

question by virtue of this or that consideration held to be a political question .

“To attempt otherwise to limit the activity of the Central Committee

would in fact hardly be of value and in practice could hardly be possible .

• * * During the year much of the work of the Political Bureau has consisted

of the current solution of all questions arising having relation to policy

unifying the activity of all soviet and party institutions, all organizations of

the working class, unifying and striving to direct all the work of the Soviet

Republics, all questions of an international, domestic and foreign policy,

• * * each of us working in this or that party or soviet organization watches

every day for any unusual developments in political questions, foreign or

domestic .

“The decision of these questions, as it expressed itself in the decrees of

the soviet power or in the activity of party organizations was appraised by

the Central Committee of the party . It is necessary to say that the questions

were so many that it was necessary to decide them one after the other under

conditions of great haste and only, thanks to the full acquaintance of members

of the collegium, to the understanding of the shades of opinion, and confidence

was it possible to carry out the work . Otherwise it would have been impossible

even for a collegium three times larger . Often it was necessary to decide

conflicting questions by substituting a telephone conversation for a meeting.”

It is entirely conceivable that when the telephone was out of order,

Lenin took upon himself the responsibility of making the decision. This

relation, however, is not of so much interest to

between the party and the Third (Communist) International . The organization

schemes of both are practically the same with slight differences in

terminology. The Third International

out the details in practice by utilizing the machinery of the Russian

party . Congresses are held at Moscow approximately every year,

the last (at the time this is written) having been held in Nov: Dec .,

1922 . Calls for its assemblage are issued by the Executive Committee, which

has the power of seating the delegates and determining the number of delegates

which are to represent each country. In turn, the Executive

is nominally elected by the Congress, but the method of election

raises the question as to whether it wasn’t learned from political experience

acquired in the Lower East-side of New York . Zinoviev, chairman of the

Executive Committee, and unanimously elected president of the Congress

speaking : 2

I Before the Ninth Congress of the Russian Communist Party. Hearings of the

Borah Sub-Committee, p. 16.

the Political Bureau is enlightening in many respects- ,,us as that which existsis the creation of Lenin who workedCommunistCommittee

2

Sub-Committee, p. 41.

Bulletin of the Third Congress, No. 2, p . 19 . Cited by Mr . Kelley before the Borah

REDS IN

“Unless there is objection,

comrades who understand German and sit alongside of the Russian comrades

to translate as well as they can to them . The voting will now take place .

Has anyone any objection to this list? That appears not to be the case . The

list is confirmed .”

AMERICAI will have the voting take place. I beg the

and the Executive Committee, having nominated itself, took office until the

next Congress. Objection would have been futile, as the composition of

the Congress was dominated by the Russian Communist party elements,

voting under unit rule. The Congress agenda is prepared in advance, and

consists largely of speeches and reports . The same persons appear, year

after year . Voting is rarely attempted .

,.

“And after the vote was taken, in which, of course, the Russian motion

was carried, Zinoviev remarks, `Comrades, this is the only vote during the

whole Congress, and it is, after all, only a question of such a little thing .”‘

The Executive Committee of the Cominterna delegates the absolute

authority vested in it to the Presidium, which it in turn elects . At present,

the members of the Presidium of the Comintern, elected subsequent to the

Little attention may be paid to those who are foreigners in Russia, as

the Russian group dominates the organization and the foreigners are not

often in Moscow anyway . Bukharin, Radek, and Kusinen are in immediate

charge under Zinoviev, their names appearing on documents seized at Bridgman,

Mich . Kusinen signs the orders which go out . Zinoviev is a member

of the Political Bureau of the Communist party, and Bukharin is an alternate.

“The Communist International is the chief channel of communication,

organization, and agitation in the United States .”

The Communist party of America-This is the American Section of the

Third or Communist International .4

“It must always be remembered that the real revolutionary party-the

American Section of the Third International-is the Communist party of

America and that the legal party [Workers’ party] is but an instrument

which it uses to carry on its work among the masses .”

1 Speech of Senator Lodge, p. 585. The Congress has also a presidium of its own which

is in effect a “steering committee.”

2

a Radicals generally have a habit of abbreviating the long names of their organizations

. For instance, “Glavlit” refers to the Supreme Literature and Publishing Administration

attached to the Commissariat of Education of the Russian Soviet

Government, the bureau which has charge among other things of the press censorship

; “Rosta” is the Russian Telegraph Agency which exchanges news with Reuters

and the United Press ; “Tuel” is the Trade Union Educational League of William Z .

Foster, a branch of the Communist party of America to which is allocated the work

of propagandizing and organizing within the trades unions . In the same manner,

“Comintern” Is an abbreviation for Communist International . “Presidium of the

Comintern” is an expression which is often used and refers to a small group of men

within the Executive Committee which has ultimate authority, and which dominates

the organization. The dominating group within the Presidium are members of the

Political Bureau of the Russian Communist party,

4 See p. 204,

Mr. Kelley before the Borah Sub-Committee, p . 40.

Fourth Congress are as follows

:3

Zinoviev Katayama Shatskin

Clara Zetkin Neurath Kolorav

Kusinen Bukharin Souvarine

Radek McManus Terraccini

I N T R O D U C T I O N

And again :’

“The ruling of the Communist International must be accepted as obligating

every member of the Communist party of America, minority or majority,

to work diligently in the immediate construction of a legal political party,

[Workers’ party] .”

That this status is accepted

“Even though the Communist party shall have come aboveground and

acts as the section of the Communist International, the underground organization

remains as the directing organ of the open Communist party . This

status is to continue up to and through the revolution and to the establishment

of the dictatorship of the proletariat .”

by the American elements : 2

So

minority within the open legal party . The relations between the two are

considered in great detail both at the headquarters of the Comintern in

that there is provision made for an illegal party to work as a secretMos.

cow

for effectively carrying on the work

“The illegal Communist party * * * must continue to direct the

whole communist work .”

“The whole open work of all communists * * * must be directed

by the Communist party .”a

“The entire membership of the underground party, the real Communist

party, must join the open party [Worker’s party] and become its most active

element * * * must at all times hold positions of leadership in the

legal party.”4

And then again

and by the local leaders . No other relationship is thought possibleof revolution in the United States .:s

“During the time when the Communist party operates, not under its own

name and program in the open, but through a `legal’ political party with

restricted program and different name, the same principle is applied by having

full control of such legal party in the hands of the Communist party .

“This is accomplished by having a majority of all important committees

composed of Communist party members, and by means of regular and compulsory

caucuses of all the Communist party members within any legal unit,

bound by the unit rule, a principle which will prevail in some effective form

when the Communist party is itself in the open.”

“The convention of the Communist party must be held prior to the convention

of the Labor [Workers’] party and determine all policies for the

party and all its open organizations .”

The absolute domination of the open party by the illegal party, the

connections with the Communist International are therefore shown . The

Workers’ party however is only one form of activity which is planned and

not even does the Workers’ party have a monopoly in the political field.

The presence of William Z. Foster at the Bridgman convention plainly indicated

that his organization, the Trade Union Educational League

was

designed to work

to work in the field of

‘ Report

a member

in the field of labor as the. Workers’ party was designedpolitics .°Instructions signed by Bukharin, Radek, and Kusinen, p . 249 .Thesis on Relations of No . One (illegal branch) to No. Two B, written by J. Lovestone, executive secretary of (legal branch), Appendix and adopted by the Bridgman Convention, the Communist party of Americaof the Adjustment Committee to the Convention, written by Robert Minor,of the Executive Committee, p. 28.

Appendix

F.

Appendix B, Thesis by J . Lovestone.

Resolutions adopted

by the Bridgman convention, p. 28 .

REDS IN AMERICA

“The general control of the No. One [illegal branch] within X [Trade

Union Educational League] as within all other organizations must be in the

hands of the party, and not in the hands of special committees .”

Within the ranks of conservative labor unions are to be established

nuclei, here and there gradually winning over the more or less radical and

discontented to a “red” platform and securing the benevolent neutrality of

the conservatives . The plan does not call for the adhesion in an organic

sense of larger numbers of the labor union members but for secretly organized

minority groups. Acting through the labor union organizations, the

Communist nuclei exercise an influence which reaches far beyond their

immediate membership.

I

“The party must use its influence and strength in the trade unions to

form delegated conferences of labor organizations . Such conferences decide

on a general political campaign including all forms of political action .

* * * Our members should initiate such action through the unions.”

“In creating a united front for the working class for their economic struggles,

the existing labor unions must remain the instruments of these struggles

while the members of the Workers’ party must be the instruments to unify

these economic organizations.”

The same methods of control are extended to the Communist press . As

Foster expresses it, “one of the secrets of control is monopoly of the press,”

and provision is made that, insofar as possible, all editors of the Workers’

party organs shall be members of the Communist party .

The convention of the Communist party at Bridgman was organized

and carried on in true Bolshevik style . Little voting was allowed, care being

taken to insure healing in the party dissensions early in the convention .

Only true and trusted delegates were present, handpicked as it were . The

program consisted principally of reports of committees, orders from Moscow

to which the delegates themselves listened on the whole without much

discussion. The convention had ‘its presidium!

“Throughout the Communist movement of the world, the system of

`presidiums’ prevails, by which matters of necessarily secret nature are kept

in the hands of the most reliable and most trusted members of the party .

This is a necessary feature of a revolutionary organization .”

Secrecy of course is necessary to control, and the caution to observe it

came from Moscow-the result of extended experience-emphasized by the

local leaders .a

“While coming out in the open, the Communist party must not make the

mistake of being trapped in the open by exposing its national or district

Communist party headquarters, records, or illegal machinery, its underground

printing arrangements or the personnel of its Central Executive Committee.”

” * * * * The identity of members of No . One [illegal branch]

working in offices or upon committees or in units of No . Two [legal branch]

as well as their relations to No . One, must not be exposed. * * * Get

used to speaking in terms that will not in any way reveal connections with

No. One .”4

1

Appendix E, instructions from Moscow . Vide, Chapter 11.

2

Thesis by Lovestone . Appendix B, p . 221 .

s

Vide, p . 199 .

4

the country, p . 38.

Confidential bulletin written by Lovestone and sent to Communist groups throughout

INTRODUCTION

The Communist party of course has its Executive Committee and presumably

it is elected in about the same fashion as those elected in Moscow .

While the Bridgman raid on the party convention was a staggering blow

to the revolutionists, the latter have recovered their equilibrium rapidly and

have transferred a part of their work to the Workers’ party organization.

The Central Executive Committee of the Workers’ party is now composed of

William Z . Foster

Benjamin Gitlow

Ludwig Lore

J. Lovestone

John Pepper

C. E. Ruthenberg

Alexander Bittleman

Earl R. Browder

F. Burman

J . P. Cannon

William F . Dunne

J . L. Engdahl

It also has its Political Bureau :

Foster

Browder

Cannon

Pepper

Lovestone

Dunne

Ruthenberg

And it is perfectly safe to assume that this is the inside ring in

these United States . John Pepper officially represents the Third International

of Moscow in the Committee and in the Bureau. Pepper’s correct

name, i . e., the one under which he was born, is Pogany and his Communist

party name is Lang .

This picture is complete . For the time it is possible for the average

man to gain a conception of the great political machine which controls

the destinies of so many individuals in Europe and which would extend its

operations to the whole world. The lines of activity and the channels of

thought are now an open book. To an extent never before dreamed of, the

principles of secret, irresponsible, minority control have been brought to

a magnificent perfection. Yet, in the very perfection of its development

lies the very danger to which it subjects society at large, the cancer-like infiltration

into untouched fields . If one minority can build up and sway

such a machine, why not another? That the leaders themselves have recognized

this danger is apparent . 1

“The Thesis adopted by the Third World Congress on the subject of

organization explicitly prohibited the formation of closed factions within

Communist parties .”

Of course ; the danger is much too real . Another minority might grab

the machine .

It borders on the silly to say that this ponderous organization has been

erected for the purpose of bringing about a proletarian dictatorship. That

sort of a slogan may be sufficient to keep the proletarian busy with his

thoughts while the leaders twist his nose, for “it is necessary for victory

to bring about common `mass action’ of workers who are not yet communists.”

The climax of a proletarian dictatorship is somewhere else. The

1 Taken from a news letter service sent out

International in this country,

by Brooks, representative of the Communistp . 232.

REDS IN AMERICA

problem is to locate it, evaluate it, and see to whose interest the movement

contributes.

If we take a glance over the field of international politics, we find bonds

of sympathy between world revolution which is international, and more

particularly Germany which is national . Internationalism has never been

anti-German for the reason that Germany has now been “bolshevised” these

many years . It has been and is now being ruled by an irresponsible minority.

A constant watch on the events of the past few years discloses too

many points of sympathetic contact between the leaders of Moscow and

Berlin. Policies are shaped to conform to common objectives . Under present

circumstances there can be no communist revolution in Germany, no matter

how many times it may be walked out as a threat . Under the new economic

policy in Russia, communism is abandoned and there has gradually superceded

a socialistic form of government which in general lines is the exact

duplicate of that which exists in Germany . Is that the real objective of the

world revolutionary movement, the struggle for a proletarian dictatorship?

The temptation to belief is great when the “stream of thought” among the

revolutionaries is all in one direction .)

“The German steam hammer and Soviet wheat will conquer the entire

world .”

It seems that the time has come to seriously consider the question : did

the Entente win the war only to lose to the sneakery of a back-stairs thief?

The preparation of the material for this book has been of absorbing

interest . Since much of it appeared in the Boston Evening Transcript over

a year ago, there have been many bitter attacks and withal much praise .

The attacks give little concern because of their source, from radicals of

every hue, from Reds to parlor pinks, from the American Civil Liberties

Union, a most subversive organization, to members of Congress who

pretend to be patriots and while hiding under the cloak of “progressiveism”

are in reality playing the game of the world revolutionaries . The

pacifists have been particularly virulent, as if they believed in fighting to

obtain peace. Praise has come from labor leaders among others, who believe

in the open publication of the truth realizing that it hits none who are still

loyal to the tenets of those who founded this Republic .

There are many to whom credit should be given for assistance and

advice and with them I would share the honors . The publication of Reds

in America in this form would not have been possible without the material

cooperation of the American Defense Society, and its Board of Directors .

Under the greatest difficulties this organization is attempting to preserve to

our succeeding generations an America such as we found it, and this book

1

by Comrade Stalin and published in the Pravda, Oct . 27, 1923 Sub-Committee, p . 64. . Hearings of the Borah

Slogans for the sixth anniversary celebration of the October revolution written

is one of many evidences of its work . I am also greatly indebted to Mr . William

E . Brigham, Washington correspondent of the Boston Evening Transcript,

who has been of much aid and comfort because of his determined stand

for Americanism and his insistence that the American people shall know

the truth of the radical situation . My appreciation is ‘also expressed to

Mr. Fred Marvin, editor of the Searchlight department of the New York

Commercial who wrote the chapter concerning the trials of the Communists

at St . Joseph, Mich ., following the raid at Bridgman . Thanks are

also extended to Dr. Harris A. Houghton of New York, who has given me

many valuable suggestions and who, at my request, corrected the final proofs .

The officials of the Bureau of Investigation of the Department of Justice,

especially Mr . William J . Burns, Mr . John Edgar Hoover and Mr. George

F. Ruch, have also been particularly helpful in advice and friendly

criticism .

My earnest hope is that this book will be helpful to those students of

the science of government who are still befogged in the tractless sea of

“liberism” as now defined and that it will ultimately prove to be a permanent

contribution to the bibliography of loyalty to American institutions .

R. M. WHITNEY

Washington, D . C.

February, 1924 .

INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER ONE

THE RAID AT BRIDGMAN

The most colossal conspiracy against the United States in its history

was unearthed at Bridgman, Michigan, August 22, 1922, when the secret

Convention of the Communist party of America was raided by the Michigan

Constabulary, aided by county and Federal officials. Two barrels full of

documentary proof of the conspiracy were seized and are in possession of

the authorities. Names, records, checks from prominent people in this

country, instructions from Moscow, speeches, theses, questionnaires-indeed,

the whole machinery of the underground organization, the avowed aim of

which is the overthrow of the United States Government, was found in such

shape as to condemn every participant in the convention .

It is now known and can be made public to what extent this movement,

inspired from Moscow and directed by Lenin and Trotsky, has grown since

the first seeds were sown a few years ago . The seriousness of the menace

may now be measured for the first time . The ramifications of the organization

are now known . It can be stated with authority that the Workers’

party of America is a branch of this organization, placed in the field by

orders direct from Moscow and supported by the illegal branches of the

Communist party. It is known that agents of the Communists are working

secretly, through “legal” bodies, in labor circles, in society, in professional

groups, in the Army and Navy, in Congress, in the schools and

of the country, in banks and business concerns, among the farmers,

in the motion picture industry-in fact, in nearly every walk of life .

These agents are not “lowbrows,” but are keen, clever, intelligent,

educated men and women . They are experts in their several lines . Their

programs, which are now known, show that their plans for inciting the

negroes, the farmers, the clerks, the workmen in industry, members of Congress,

employees in Government departments everywhere, to violence against

the constituted authorities, have been drawn with almost uncanny appreciation

of the psychology of each group, with facts and figures so manipulated as

to appeal to those approached, with false premises so cleverly drawn as to

fool almost anyone.

The names of persons interested directly or indirectly in this movement

are astounding . They range from bricklayers to bishops, and include

many prominent official and society people. It must be understood that

by far the greater number of these people do not know to what they are

lending the use of their names and influence or to what they are giving

their money. They have been approached to give aid to the Workers’ party,

colleges

REDS IN AMERICA

or to the many relief organizations which have sprung up disguising Communistic

activities, or to the forward-looking, “advanced” schools of political

thought. They do not know that their names are on what are known in

the secret circles of the Communists as “sucker lists” comprising the names

of people who have given to one or another of the various “causes” which

are manipulated by the Communists and who can, if properly approached,

be induced to give again .

These are not idle words . The plans and programs of the Communists

contain the proofs . But for the length of the documents they might all

be printed in full. They are worth the study of all true Americans, for

by suggestion and innuendo, they are designed to bring about the moral annexation

of the United States to Russia, and by direct words they show that

Lenin and Trotsky with their precious group in Moscow, control the

secret as well as the open work of the Communists of America in all its

ramifications. The coal and railroad strikes of 1922 are striking examples

of the opportunities afforded the Communists for making and abetting disorder.

For the Communists thrive on disorder . Trouble is a rallying cry

for them. They deliberately “plant” their agents in labor unions for the

purpose of inspiring disorder. Their creed is to make capital out of strikes,

riots, and every other form of popular unrest . Their plans for the coal and

railroad strikes, which were so extensive a feature of 1922, were laid in 1921 .

Their sympathizers attend church meetings for the purpose of presenting

arguments to weaken the faith of members of the church . They preach free

love, the nationalization of women and children, and openly proclaim that

the breaking up of the home ties is an advance in civilization .

Many of the leaders of this movement in the United States are foreigners

who cannot speak the English language . In the ranks are large

groups of non-citizens whose sole reading is the radical papers printed

in their native language . Communist literature includes thousands

of books, pamphlets, magazines and newspapers printed in various editions

to meet the requirements for their foreign readers ; fully a half score of

languages other than English are found in this literature . Much of the

scheming is done by these foreigners, but a part of it, and practically

all the putting into effect of the results of the conspiracies, is the work

of native Americans.

The raid at Bridgman will go down in history as one of the most

important events in the war against Radicalism and World Revolution.

Seventeen delegates to the convention were arrested on the spot and others

were later apprehended in different parts of the country . All who were

there have been identified by the records which were captured and which

answer any pleas of alibis . The place of the convention was an ideal one .

It was in a wooded valley on the estate of Karl Wulfskeel, less than a

mile from Bridgman and about twelve miles each from St . Joseph and

Renton Harbor . Small hills surrounded the meeting place from which

lookouts could keep watch and give warning of the approach of strangers .

The grove in which the convention was held is close by a few cottages,

which the owner was accustomed to rent to summer campers and which

[201

THE RAID AT BRIDGMAN

served to house the seventy-odd delegates to the convention. The spot

could be reached only by a wagon road, not in good repair, so that swift

automobiles could not travel with sufficient speed to prevent flight .

Watchers were also stationed in the town of Bridgman to note and

report the presence of any strangers and on August 21, this foresight

yielded its rewards . Word was also received from Chicago of a raid

in that city on the offices of William Z . Foster, who was in attendance

on the Bridgman convention, in his official capacity as head of the Trade

Union Educational League. Foster and some of the higher-ups from

Russia and the United States escaped during the raid but later ‘seventeen

were caught. Foster himself was arrested the next day in Chicago, and

denied that he was at Bridgman-but the authorities had the minutes of

the meetings, including rollcalls to which Foster answered “present,” and

the text of the speech delivered by Foster . Denial was useless .

Preparations had been made, as is always the case at the illegal meetings

of the Communists, to secrete the records in case of discovery. In

this instance a hole had been dug back of one of the cottages into which

were dumped typewriters, mimeograph machines, adding machines, the

private papers of the delegates and the official records of the convention

when the authorities swooped down upon the conspirators . They are called

conspirators advisedly, for the purpose of the Communist party of America

is to overthrow the Government of the United States by violence, by armed

revolution, and to make this country like present-day Russia .

It is interesting to note that every member of the Communist party

has what is known as a “party name,” by which alone he is known to the

other members. Rule No. 12 of the regulations governing the meetings

at Bridgman states that “no one shall disclose or ask for the legal name of

any person present .” The identity of many members is unknown, although

the party name of practically every member is now on record .

The delegates who were in attendance at this illegal annual convention

of the Communist party of America came from all parts of the United

States . There were also present honored guests (albeit in an official

capacity) from Moscow, bearing instructions from their chiefs, Lenine,

Trotsky, et al ., and they gave explicit orders as to what should be done

in this country looking to its overthrow . There were present besides

Foster, C . E. Ruthenberg, three times candidate for mayor of Cleveland ;

Ben Gitlow, the New York labor leader ; Ella Reeve Bloor, who says

she has been arrested more than a hundred times for radical agitation

among workers ; Robert Minor, J . Lovestone, Ward Brooks, direct representative

of the Communist International, of Moscow ; Boris Reinstein,

representing the Red Trade Union International of Moscow ; Rose Pastor

Stokes, whose spectacular radical career is well-known ; William F . Dunne,

candidate for governor of New York on the ticket of the Workers’ party,

a “legal” branch of the “illegal” Communist party, and many others . The

seventeen arrested at or near Bridgman were Thomas Flaherty of New

York; Charles Erickson, Charles Krumbein, Eugene Bechtold and Caleb

Harrison of Chicago ; Cyril Lembkin, W . Reynolds, Detroit ; William F.

REDS IN AMERICA

Dunne of Butte, Mont., and New York ; J. Mihelic, Kansas City ; Alex

Ball, Philadelphia ; Francis Ashworth, Camden, N. J . ; E. McMillin, T . R.

Sullivan and Norman H. Tallentire, St . Louis ; Max Lerner, Seattle, and

Zeth Nordling, Portland, Oregon .

The convention was called to order on the afternoon of August 17

by Comrade J. Lovestone, Secretary to the Central Executive Committee.

Lovestone, whose party name is L. C. Wheat, had just returned from a

trip to Germany where he secured $32,000 from the International Propaganda

Bureau . At the head of this organization is Karl Radek, the notorious

Bolshevik who has been identified with the Communist movement

since the time of the Brest-Litovsk Treaty and whose real name is Tobiach

Sobelsohn’. The International Propaganda Bureau was organized for

the specific purpose of pooling and distributing all propaganda funds so

that the money could be quickly placed where most needed . A definite

proportion of the funds collected in the United States is sent to this bureau

in Berlin, a definite portion being retained for direct propaganda work

here .

The convention was quickly organized, committees appointed, and

the work begun . William Z. Foster figured largely in the organization,

he having been seated as a fraternal delegate by virtue of his position

as head of the Trade Union Educational League . Comrades Ben Gitlow

and Caleb Harrison were chosen chairmen by the “Presidium,” or governing

body, of the convention .

The regulations governing the convention, drawn by the grounds committee,

illustrate the efforts made to prevent any knowledge of the proceedings

becoming known outside the secret circle. All persons were

forbidden to leave the grounds without permission of the grounds committee,

and if granted this permission they must register when leaving

and report when returning. “No person shall mingle with strangers,”

reads Rule No . 4, and the next one provides that no persons shall be allowed

to send messages or mail letters . Rule No. 6 reads, “No incriminating

literature or documents shall be kept in baggage or in rooms. All

such matter must be turned over to the committee every evening . The

grounds committee must arrange for the safe keeping of this matter .”

The rules prescribed the time lights should be out, what time the

delegation should get up in the morning, and when they should bathe and

that “all persons going in bathing must wear bathing suits.” Lest some

trace of their plans become known it was forbidden to write on tables,

seats, or any part of the premises, and all were prohibited from “throwing

away papers or written matter of any kind ;” it was provided that “all

written notes, not longer required, must be handed to the committee for

destruction .” Roll calls were held three times a day to guard against

spies getting in or leaving, and all grants to leave the grounds must be

reported at every roll call .

Following the organization of the convention and the adoption of the

1

[221

Webeter, Kerien, Beckwith-Boche and Bolshevik, p . 27 (Beckwith) .

THE RAID AT BRIDGMAN

rules and regulations, Comrade Ward Brooks, of Moscow, addressed the

convention in German . Notes taken in English by Comrade Max Bedacht,

a member of the Central Executive Committee, were found among the

buried records. At the outset of his address Comrade Brooks admitted

that “for the first time since the Third International” the party was faced

by really serious problems. He said :

“The revolutionary situation immediately following the Russian Revolution

gave its impress on the Communist International . It was thought

that we were really at the beginning of the world revolution . Some say

that this crisis will be the final one. Others that it will be followed by

a period of prosperity .”

Evidently prosperity is not to be desired, for the Communist movement

thrives on the dissatisfaction of the masses . Throughout their literature and

in all their speeches the Communists stress “class struggle,” preaching

always the need of creating class consciousness as a step toward the “struggle

.” Comrade Brooks’s explanation of the present situation follows in

the next two paragraphs :

“The situation is really that although the economic situation is bettering,

still the political consciousness and the class struggle are sharpening.

Capitalism has no way out to regain complete health . The situation

in the Entente is such that England and France are constantly at odds.

America is at odds with the rest of the world . This leads to a great

complication of interests . Thus the revolutionary movement is solidifying .

Ireland endangers the position of Great Britain on the Continent .

“Germany is the greatest proletarian power, with seventy per cent

urban population. The bourgeoisie cannot for any length of time hold

power. The slogan of a proletarian government by the German Communist

party is not artificial, but is based on the desires of the proletariat.

Germany is the seed of Europe . France is so closely connected with Germany

that an uprising in Germany would ultimately lead to a revolution

in France.”

Comrade Brooks went on to report on conditions in Italy, Hungary,

Czechoslovakia, Poland, Finland, Japan and Russia, painting the picture

in brilliant colors for his American hearers, turning every defeat of Communist

plans to victory by twisting the significance of the developments

which led to the defeat and claiming the results as satisfactory to the

Communists . Among other wild claims he made was that Russia herself

had contributed ninety-nine per cent to the relief of the famine sufferers

of that country . Then he turned to America .

“The American situation . What has happened? Much and better.

The Communist party in America sees more concretely, more definitely, its

goal and also sees the methods . The tactical questions were never so

intensively discussed as during the last year . This will fit them to take

the lead in the class struggle . As far as results go nothing is to be seen

as yet . Are we better or worse off than we were last year? Better, because

the party exists and knows why it exists . It is more fit for the

purpose of the Communist party than it was last year.”

[231

REDS IN AMERICA

Inasmuch as they were among themselves at Bridgman there was no

need of pretending that the work of the Communists was legal . The differentiation

of the legal and illegal branches was made clear, and the fact

that the illegal branch is regarded as the more important and the controlling

branch is plainly stated. For it is in the work of the illegal

branch of the organization that the violations of the laws of the country

are committed, the conspiracies fathered by Moscow and imposed upon the

party in America are carried out . The report of the Adjustment Committee,

of which Robert Minor was chairman and of which Brooks and

Reinstein of Moscow were among the members, consisted of revolutionary

resolutions, which were adopted, as follows :

“1. To multiply tenfold the activities of the whole membership of

the Communist party in the trades unions is not only a question of the

life and death of the party, but, alongside of another form of the work

among the masses, the best counterbalance against controversies that tear

the party to pieces .

“2. The road to revolution in America leads over the destruction of

the power of the yellow leadership of the American Federation of Labor .

This aim can be accomplished only through work within the American

Federation of Labor for the conquest of this organization . Therefore it is

the main task of the Communists to work in the American Federation of

Labor.

“3. The main goal of the Communists in their trades union work is

the unification of all organized labor into one federation .

“4. The work in the independent unions must be carried on in the above

spirit . The necessary and right amalgamations (not artificial ones) of

independent unions within a certain industry or in local councils should

be influenced by the Communists so that they are not carried through in

a separatist spirit against the American Federation of Labor but as a step

toward the general unification of labor and in support of the work within

the American Federation of Labor.

“5. The tendency for the formation of a national federation of independent

unions or the amalgamation of local councils into a competing

federation against the American Federation of Labor is harmful .

“6. The existing councils wishing to affiliate with the Red Trades Union

International should not be discouraged but should be attracted under

the condition that they support the trades union program of the party .”

ILLEGAL PARTY MUST CONTINUE

“1. The illegal Communist party must continue to exist and must

continue to direct the whole Communist work.

“2. The open work in all forms and especially in Number Two , is the

main task of the party.

“3. A legal Communist party is now impossible. Should conditions

change, only a convention can change the party’s policy .”

1

[24]

The legal branch.

THE RAID AT BRIDGMAN

RELATIONS OF ONE AND TWO’

“I . According to the thesis of the Second World Congress of the Communist

International the

Revolution is, `The Communist party is the organized political lever by

means of which the more advanced part of the working class leads all the

proletarian and semi-proletarian mass.’

“2. The Communist party in its revolutionary outlook does in no

country feel itself bound by the existing laws forced upon it by the bourgeois

class state ; not only in the historic revolution which it strives to

bring about and which naturally cannot be carried out legally, but also

in its activity in the period of preparation does the Communist party and

the fighting proletariat come in open conflict with bourgeois justice and

the organs of bourgeois state apparatus . Whether in spite of these facts

the Communist party can exist as an open party, tolerated by the enemy

as a so-called legal party, or whether it must exist as an illegal party depends

upon a number of circumstances which differ in various countries

and from time to time. Even an open Communist party must be armed

for the eventuality of exceptional laws against it and also for the carrying

out of many permanent tasks it must maintain an illegal apparatus. The

present situation in America makes the existence of a legal Communist

party, as it exists in Germany, France, Italy, etc ., impossible. In spite of

all differences America belongs in the category of countries like Finland,

Poland, Roumania, Jugoslavia where the Communist party must be illegal .

In spite of the fact that lately an extension of the possibilities of legal

activities has taken place, prospects for the possibilities of an open Communist

party within a reasonable length of time do not exist . The American

illegal Communist party, therefore, is and remains The Communist

party, the only section of the Communist International in this country .

“3 . The centre of gravity of the Communist party lies in its open activities

. The whole open work of all Communists in the legal political

field, in the trades unions and all other organizations, and in the press,

must be directed by the Communist party . The direction of this whole

open work will not lead to a neglect of the illegal party work but, quite

the contrary, will instill the party with real life and give its work political

significance . It will direct its attention to the great problems of the

struggle of the proletariat . It will establish the real connections between

the party and the masses and their struggle . If in the future Number

Two should become a revolutionary mass party which can openly and

unrestrictedly operate as and call itself a Communist party, then the

present underground organization will become an illegal apparatus within

that party and must be adapted to the new situation and new functions .

For the practical carrying out of these policies the following rules must be

observed :

“A. In all their activities the Communists are subject to the directions

and discipline of the party.

role of the Communist party in the Proletarian

1

Illegal and Legal .

REDS IN AMERICA

“B. Every member of the Communist party is in duty bound to be

active in Number Two.

“C. The Central Executive Committee will see to it that the directing

body of Number Two will be. subject to its guidance in the composition of

its membership as well as in the execution of the political directions of

the Central Executive Committee . All meetings of the Number Two must

be prepared for by the Number One . This is especially important for the

conventions of the Number Two which, under present conditions must be

preceded by a convention of the Number One.

“D . The same holds true for local party committees .

“E. The meetings of party committees of Number One as well as the

organizations and groups of Number One must be devoted, along with inner

organizational questions, mainly to discussions of plans of action in the

open work . These meetings must not duplicate and thus hinder the open

work but must become the driving force of the open activities .

`F. The Number Two shall be recruiting ground for the Number One

and must be the constant source of new forces .

“G. No member of the Number One is allowed to neglect Number One

work but must be in constant touch with the illegal organization. This

must give the members backbone and direction for the open work .

“H. The Central Executive Committee publishes monthly an illegal

organ for the discussion of important party questions to be distributed

among party members and sympathizers . By actual work the Central Executive

Committee must keep in constant touch with the membership so

that its decisions are not carried out by purely mechanical means, but

also and more important, by a thorough understanding of party policy

and technique on the part of the membership.

“I. The publication of illegal propaganda and agitational literature

for mass distribution shall be adapted to political necessity whenever the

legal possibilities are exhausted .”

TO PROLETARIAN DICTATORSHIP

“1.-The program of the Number Two must be short. A manifesto

which in short, concise sentences, not in the form of a narrative or a

syllogism, contains the declaration of principles .

“2.-The red thread of the program is the idea and the practice of the

class struggle. In this connection mass-actions should be dealt with .

This part must be American ; it must deal with partial struggles of the

American masses as well as with the general struggle of the thirty million

of American workers . In this portion must be stated the basic elements

out of which our trade union tactics are developed . The fundamentals of

the United Front should be here expressed .

“3.-The political part must lead up to the climax of the proletarian

dictatorship . This formula appears in contradistinction to the dictatorship

of the capitalists . American democracy must be analyzed . Rule of

the thirty million for the overthrow of capitalism as against rule of Wall

Street for the conservation of exploitation . Soviet rule as the historic

form of a proletarian regime in the transformation period .

[26]

THE RAID AT BRIDGMAN

“4.-One or two sentences may be inserted in a fit place dealing with

the yellows and reformists and against the policy of compromise .”

CENTRISTS IN THE WORKERS’ PARTY.

“The Workers’ party was organized to comprise not only Communists

but also sympathizers who, although not yet clear-cut Communists, gravitate

toward Communism and accept the moral and political leadership of the

Communist International and the Communist party of America . From that

point of view the decided non-Communists and anti-Communists (that is,

opponents of the existing Comintern), especially when they belong to the

caste of leaders, are not a desirable element in the Workers’ party, but

are a disturbing and at times even a dangerous element . Even though at

a certain period of development we are forced to accept such elements

on account of their important following, we must do everything in our

power to win this following for us as quickly as possible and to destroy

the ‘influence of the non-Communists . * * To the question of whether it

would be better for us if they go sooner or if it were better they go later,

we answer : at the present moment an open breach would mean a split, a

weakening and compromising of the as yet extremely weak party . They

may therefore remain ; but even now already our Communist work within

the Workers’ party must be doubled and trebled as well as our propaganda

for the Workers’ party.

“Especially dangerous are the positions of power of the centrists and

half-centrists in the daily papers. This condition must be remedied immediately.

First by organizational measures to get this press absolutely

in our control ; secondly, by the open criticism of their mistakes in the

official organ of the Worker’s party which latter organ must be absolutely

in our control ; thirdly, by the establishment as soon as possible of an

English daily paper

1″

The “Coordination of Communist Activity in the Americas”$ was discussed

at length as a thesis presented to the convention . The chief point

made in this thesis was that the Communists of the United States must take

the lead in all Communist activity in the Latin American republics because

they brand the Latins as backward, lacking in intelligence and in no way

strong enough to accomplish anything without the support of the organization

in this country . The capitalists of the United States were condemned

utterly because they have invested so much money in Latin America,

but no credit, naturally, is given for the work of aiding the countries to

the south of the United States by giving employment to the people and by

developing the natural resources. This extension of capital for use in

Latin America is called “imperialism” by the Communists and the warning

is sounded that the American capitalists are thus extending their influence

for the purpose of finding labor to import into the United States to

break strikes . It is also stated in this thesis that :

“The introduction of an exotic capitalism into Latin American countries

1

This daily Communist paper was recently established in Chicago ‘ See Appendix A . .

[27]

REDS IN AMERICA

has opposed to a backward and unripe proletariat the highly developed bourgeoisie

of the most powerful capitalistic nation in the world, with the

military resources of the United States at its command. The fight is

unequal . Isolated, the Latin American workers can not hope to defend

their interests successfully against their mighty adversary. They need

us as well as we need them . A proletarian revolution anywhere in Latin

America is well nigh impossible until there is a revolution in the United

States . Wall Street, with its billions of dollars imperilled, would crush

it immediately. American imperialism, economic and political, is the

instrument of exploitation throughout the western world . In Latin America,

as in the United States and Canada, the Class Struggle is a struggle

against Wall Street .””

Throughout the minutes of the convention, and also in all Communist

literature, the letter “X” is used to refer to the Trade Union Educational

League, of which William Z . Foster is the head and organizer . This is done

in order to aid Foster in his efforts to avoid conflict with the authorities

and to make the American people and his opponents in labor union

circles believe that it is not connected with the Communist movement .

Foster was a member of the committee which drew up the resolutions on the

Relation of the Communist party to the Trade Union Educational League,

adopted by the convention . These resolutions provide specifically that

the illegal branch of the party must always be in control of the League.

They read as follows :

“1 .-The party recognizes the `X’ as one of the most important factors

for the revolutionizing of the trade and industrial unions and therefore

will take all the necessary measures in order to develop and strengthen it

through the active participation of the membership of the party to its work .

“2.The formulation of the trade union policies by the party must be

based upon the closest contact of the party with the experiences of the

trade union nuclei.

“3.-The general control of the Number One nuclei within X as within

all other organizations must be in the hands of the party and not in the

hands of the special committees .

“4.-Contact must be established between the executive committees of

the party and the executive committees of the X.

“5.-Number One nuclei within the X must be made to function

regularly .”

The most important event, in the eyes of the delegates, was the speech

of Foster himself before the convention . His hostility to Samuel Gompers

and to the American Federation of Labor, of which Foster is a member,

was shown in his address . He told of the work done among the railroad

workers and the miners leading up to the strikes of 1922 . He counselled

violence in overthrowing the Government of the United States. He told of

his dealings in person with the authorities in Moscow and how the leaders

in Russia understood the situation in this country. His speech in part

follows :

[281

THE RAID AT BRIDGMAN

“The fate of the party depends upon its control of the masses . The

trade union work is one of the most important things in order to get control

of the masses . The influence of the masses can be measured by the amount

of control we happen to have in the trade union work in all countries. We

have seen the Socialist party here go to pieces, more so than in any other

country of the world. The Socialist party in Germany suffered, but not

like the Socialist party here . It is practically outside the labor movement.

There is nothing left of it .

“One of the prime reasons is that the Socialist party in this country

never understood the importance of industrial work ; never had an industrial

policy. It seemed to go along on the idea that the Socialist party

should be an organization of citizens in general, and did not realize that

the foundation had to be the workers, and not only the workers but the organized

workers . The Socialist party never realized that the key to the

working class lies through organizations that carry on bread-and-butter,

every-day struggles . The consequence was that the Socialist party has

wavered ever since it was formed . The Socialist party never crystallized

itself. It fell into the hands of Debs, and Debs has been a man who has

never really grasped the significance of mass organizations . As a consequence,

the Socialist party developed a wing that stood for dual organizations,

a left wing . The right wing stood for working in trade unions

in mild milksop fashion. They used the trade unions merely as votegetting

machines . They did not attach first-rate importance to them . The

left wing, led by Debs, Haywood and others, had the idea of dual organizations,

the right wing bad an idea of going along in trade union work

mildly.

“The result was a compromise between the two positions . They endorsed

the principle of industrial unionism but failed to direct the active

work or attempt to put it into practice . The Socialist party bad an industrial

program, but they failed because of lack of organized effort.

When the war came along, the Socialist party took a stand against the war .

The result was that Gompers by controlling strategic points was not only

able to sway the masses in favor of the war, but the whole working class

as well, and the Socialist party failed to realize the necessity of intrenching

itself in these masses and found itself at the end of the limb, amounting

to nothing. The whole working class turned against it because it was,

foolish enough to allow their unions to remain in the hands of the bureaucracy

. The split that came along completed the job because of their faulty

industrial policy. They could have withstood solidly but, because they

had no backing of the workers, they collapsed .

“The Communist party is not going to make the same mistake . This

laying so much stress on the importance of the trade union work is one of

the most helpful features of the movement . When we lay stress on the importance

of this work, we realize that we must capture the trade unions if

we want to get anywhere . Different Communists differ as to the importance

of capturing the unions in the revolutionary struggle. Some say that the

trade union, does not amount to anything ; that it is just a neutral organ

IN AMERICA

REDS

ization and will never become a revolutionary unit . Others say that it

is one of the really revolutional instruments of the workers and will function

as such in the revolutionary struggle . Syndicalists take the position that

trade union work is the only thing. Although we may differ as to the

positive value of the trade union work, we must agree with the negative,

namely, that it is absolutely impossible to have a revolution in the

country unless we will control the mass trade unions . This fact alone

should justify the policy that the Communist party of the United States

is working out. If we wish a revolution, we must have their support .

“After our delegation came back from Moscow last year, it brought

with us a program which we thought was a good practical program for

this country, and we want to tell you this-a lot of people say that those in

Moscow do not understand the situation . I want to dispute that. I

found in the Red Trades Union International and in the Communist International

and generally in Moscow, a keen understanding of the fundamentals

of our situation in this country . I can say that I found a better understanding

of the general fundamental situation in America than we can boast

of here. It was a peculiar thing to find men like Radek and Lenin telling

American revolutionary organizations that their industrial policy was

wrong. Radek said, `Your delegation that you had here at the previous

congress of the Communist International seemed to be too anxious to get

away from the trade unions .’ They do not know details but understand

basic principles of trade unionism, and these fellows were too anxious to

find excuses to run away .

“Radek knew that these fellows were wrong because of his general

knowledge of the international situation and fundamentals of the labor

movement. Radek stated that every policy that we are now undertaking

we should put into effect . Every leading man in Russia took that position .

The important thing is that we finally arrived at a practical foundation

for a trade union policy in this country . We came back with this policy

and started to put it into effect. It was laid before the Central Executive

Committee and endorsed and also before the Number Two and endorsed,

and we were instructed to undertake to organize the Trade Union League .

We began in February. The program initiated was to simultaneously

set up groups in all parts of the country . It was a very good conception

and should have worked out better than it did, but unfortunately most of

the people were not clear and did not get as good results as should have

been gotten.

“However, we succeeded in establishing branches of the League in

practically all important centres of the country . Some of these branches

are small, but I think we have reached the point of development where we

no longer measure the importance of revolutionary organizations by size .

In some places where there are only one or two men, more results are obtained

than where they have larger organizations which spend time fighting

and not doing real work . We formed this league, but in forming it

we were under a great disadvantage. We did not dare to say it was a

Communist organization . It was necessary to camouflage to a certain

[301

THE RAID AT BRIDGMAN

extent, and for that reason it had to start differently . The ideal way

to have started this league, was to call a national conference and there

adopt a program, endorse the Red Trades Union International program

and send it out broadcast . We were unable to do that because it would

immediately have been labeled Communist . The alternative was to start

it and have the Chicago league function as the national organization until

it had union connections established and could call a national conference.

That has been the proposition up to the present time . The

Chicago League served as the national organization. We picked its executive

board which mapped out a policy and served as a national organization

. We now have reached the stage where we can call our national

conference .

“Before I touch on the conference, I would like to say that we started

this League with an idea to making it a paying organization, but we had to

abandon this idea . In spite of the financial loss, we had to give it up, because

the American labor movement is in such a state and the bureaucracy

is so ruthless and so weak that we run a great danger of expulsion for dual

unionism, and it was necessary to have an organization that did not carry

cards but more of a diffuse proposition so that they could not put a finger

on it and clean it out .

“In France they started out with a policy of accepting affiliation from

organizations endorsing its program . It was a left block organization. The

program was very general in character, to overthrow the yellow bureaucracy .

The affiliations from local and national unions and sympathetic ones eventually

resulted in fact that the bureaucracy was able to charge them with

having a dual labor movement, and convinced the rank and file and the

French trade unions that the R. S .

and not only convinced a great portion of them that that was the case, but

also convinced the leaders of the R . S. C. themselves that it was an unadvisable

thing .

“The reason urged for the split was that it was a dual organization .

Before the split occurred, the R .S .C. abolished the proposition of accepting

affiliations and therefore their organization, to some extent, was on the same

basis as the Trade Union Educational League, but it was too late . The

fight was made and even by stopping the affiliations it did not have the

desired effect of taking away the unions . When the R . S. C. was formed

it in many respects was analogous to our own league except that it was dominated

by syndicalists, and the Communists were in a minority, whereas in

the United States the league is in the hands of the Communists . They paid

no attention to excepting dues when discussion on fu <uaI mentat_policy was

adopted. Afterwards they found out that it was a

to accept neither affiliations nor organizations without dues, but rather

function in a more advanced manner, at least until we were well intt*ched

on a firmer basis without danger of expulsion . We have:sucoeeded in making

an inroad into a number of organizations . In feet, I find that the At cican

1

C.1 was in reality a dual labor movement,gambit dicap. We decidedRevolutionary Socialist Committee (France) .

REDS IN AMERICA

trade union movement is very receptive to a great deal of the program .

“The situation on the railroads : we have carried on work not only

in the mining districts, but were particularly successful in the railroad

trades. To show the ripeness of the American trade unions for this kind

of proposition, to concentrate on explaining the situation will be as good

as any. We started out with the railroads with a program of industrial

unionism. There are sixteen organizations on the railroads . We started out

with laying stress on the proposition of industrializing the situation, and

started a movement for amalgamation . The trade unions connected with

the Trade Union Educational League were instrumental in sending out several

thousand letters through local unions . In the face of the convening of the

railway employees’ convention, we sent out a letter with the idea of industrial

organization to the rank and file and delegates to that convention (500),

ninety-eight per cent being highly paid officials getting from $400 to $700

a month, more than the presidents . When the convention came together,

Knudson and I spoke to as many delegates as we could and the result was

that between sending out these letters and one meeting, we set up a stampede

among the delegates of the convention and had a majority on record for

our program .

“This shows conditions as they were at the convention. Samuel Gompers

came to Chicago for the purpose of spiking the league and preventing it

from having any effect on the convention, and he held a public meeting

and advanced the league as being financed by Moscow and out to destroy

the unions. He sent a man there to address the workers . He was denied

the right to speak to the convention, but in spite of all that, we succeeded

in stampeding these under-officers for that much of the program . Could

that happen in France or any other country where a lot of fellows could

stampede a convention of high-paid officials? It could not be done . In

no other movement in the world is there such a thing . If we were able to

stampede the majority of this convention, what can we do with the rank and

file? The president of the railway employees’ department issued a challenge

to me to the effect that these people who talk industrial unionism should

help them get down to something concrete and something definite .

“We drafted a program for industrial unionism and sent out 11,000

copies to every trade union in America . This cost the party absolutely

nothing . It was so organized as to pay for itself . The trade unions in

Minneapolis and St. Paul raised the money and circularized all the railroad

unions in the country. We knew that the strike was coming along and tried

to be on the job . The strike occurred with the result that there was the great

object lesson. . of. bosses using one section to defeat the other . The leaders

were cowards and; did-r<ot dare tell the men that the brotherhoods were at

work . It fell neon .onr *’league to show the men this . We were the only

elemenit .in America to point out the lessons of this strike . The leaders did

not dare :’ta mention it en-dive did it. The result has been that our propsrun

like wildfire through the railroad men of the country.

`So far in the railroad situation we have merely talked industrial unionism

to them. We have not raised the issue of the Red Trade Union Inter

RAID AT BRIDGMAN

THE

national and various other issues . If we have not raised them our enemies

have and in the campaigns wherever the officials have taken a hand in it,

they said that the Trade Union Educational League is purely a Communist

organization, and the rank and file know definitely whom its program has

come from and what is involved . In such a desperate state, and destitute

of leadership on the part of any of the officials, they are accepting it anyhow.

During the strike I could go before them and talk anything at all . The

wall has broken and we have succeeded in getting a grip in these organizations

and have got them coming our way . We have got to break the monopoly

of the press.

“The bureaucracy of the trade unions has got the press which is one

of the secrets of control, and we must try to aim at that-the breaking of the

monopoly of the press, and with the great volume of sentiment we could

succeed.

“I am not trying to overstress the importance of industrial trade unionism.

The workers of America are ready for new ideas . There is nothing to

be got from the old machine and if we will go to them, they will listen to

what we have got to say . In our conference we should be very careful about

the, program that we adopt . As far as I am concerned, we should adopt

a cear-cut revolutionary program . Adopt a proposition indorsing Russia

and indorsing the dictatorship of the proletariat in Russia . Adopt a resolution

calling for the affiliation with the Red Trade Union International

without qualifications . Adopt a program calling for industrial organizations,

and adopt a revolutionary program as a basis of our work . Popularize

it and let it be spread broadcast. It is a strange thing that some of our

men who are most extreme radicals left us and advocated the idea that we

go careful on the industrial field. It is a strange situation, but natural .”

The relations of Number One and Number Two, that is the illegal and

legal branches of the party, to each other was

adopted by the convention .” It was prepared with great care by an important

committee of which J . Lovestone, executive secretary of the party in America,

was chairman . It provides for the permanency of the illegal branch setting

forth explicitly that even after the Communist -party becomes strong

enough to come out in the open the illegal branch will be necessary to

direct the conspiracies of the party . It says at the outset, in discussing the

“necessity of a Communist party” : “all experience in the modern class

struggle proves that the working class can emerge victorious only after developing

an organ of leadership in the form of a highly disciplined Communist

party, thoroughly conscious of revolutionary principles q pd tactics .

The first task of the Communists is, therefore, to develop such a party.”

The authors of this thesis point out that while education and propaganda

are necessary in preparing for the final great armed revolution, it is

more important that all Communists have a major task in the “participation

in all the struggles of . the workers as the most active force .” The inciting

“masses,” not individuals or even small groups, to violence is held to be

i See Appendix B.

[33]

set forth in a thesis that was

REDS IN AMERICA

the chief effort to which the Communists should lend themselves . It holds

that “the leadership of the masses of the exploited can be attained only by

directly engaging in all their struggles together with the masses of the

workers.” It is then urged that political organizations are necessary and

states that “in America it has become the most urgent, immediate task of the

Communists to secure a public, open, so-called `legal’ existence as an organization.”

The significance of the following paragraphs is obvious .

“A truly revolutionary (i . e. Communist) party can never be `legal’ in

the sense of having its purpose harmonize with the purpose of the laws made

by the capitalist state, or its acts conform with the intent of capitalist law .

Hence, to call a Communist party `legal’ means that its existence is tolerated

by the capitalist state because of circumstances which embarrass the capitalist

state’s efforts to suppress it . The revolutionary party can avoid suppression

into a completely secret existence only by one or both of two means :

“a. By taking advantage of the pretenses of `democratic forms’ which the

capitalistic state is obliged to maintain . By this means the Communists

can maintain themselves in the open with a restricted program while establishing

themselves with mass support .

“b. (Later stage) By commanding such mass support among side masses

of workers that enable them to proclaim publicly their final object in the

revolutionary struggle and manoeuvre openly to attain this object regardless

of the desire of the capitalist state to suppress it . It is necessary at the

present time (and circumstances make it the most urgent immediate need)

to resort to the first of the before-mentioned methods of open contact with

the working masses ; which means to maintain an open political party with

a modified name and a restricted program .”

The thesis continues :

“A legal political party with such restrictions cannot replace the Communist

party . It must also serve as an instrument, in the complete control of

the Communist party, for getting public contact with the masses. It must

mobilize the elements of the workers most sympathetic to the Communist

cause, with a program going as far toward the Communist program as possible

while maintaining a legal existence. It must, with a course of action

in daily participation in the workers’ struggle, apply Communist tactics and

principles, and thus win the trust of the masses, and prepare them for the

leadership of the Communist party .”

Again it is declared that :

“The overthrow of the capitalist system can only come through the

overthrow of the capitalist state .”

“To accept this view is to accept the certainty that the capitalist state

will find itself in violent conflict with the masses led by the Communist

party. While the capitalist state retains the governmental machinery, and

as the struggle grows sharper in approaching the final struggle, the capitalist

state will inevitably strike again and again at the revolutionary party in the

effort to destroy it . After the Communist party shall have established itself

in the open, it must be prepared for and must expect to be driven out of a

`legal’ existence from time to time . The Communist party must at all times

[341

THE RAID AT BRIDGMAN

be so organized that such attacks cannot destroy it . It must perform its

functions of leadership in the class struggle no matter what tactics the ruling

class adopts-open as far as possible, secretly as far as it must .”

For this reason, it argues, the underground machinery of the Communist

party, that is, the illegal machinery, is not merely a temporary device, but

is for permanent use.

“There is never a time,” it states, “previous to the final overthrow of

the capitalist state, when a truly revolutionary party does not have to perform

a considerable amount of work free from police knowledge and interference.

The Communist party will never cease to maintain its underground

machinery until after the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat

in the form of the Workers’ Soviet Republic .”

It is held to be necessary for all members of the legal party to become

members of the Number One, or illegal part of the party, and it is impressed

upon all members of the Number One to be supporters of the legal political

party. Then the thesis urges activity in the work of Communist party caucuses,

in the ranks of the trade unions, constantly striving to alienate conservative

members of the unions from their conservative ideas, thus increasing

the sphere of influence of the radicals in the union ranks until they

become all-powerful .

The Pittsburgh District presented a thesis complaining of lack of action

at the present time. This thesis said that the party was not thinking enough

of its immediate work in America, was relying too much on instructions and

orders from abroad (meaning Russia), and that it was and always must be

largely in control of foreign elements because the English-speaking workers

always get the easiest jobs . It says : “The Communist party is not organized

for itself and for the satisfaction of idealists, but we are a rough fighting

organization, aiming to bring about a mass movement in this country led by

us.”

Comrade Lovestone also presented “a brief statement of the progress and

aims of the African Blood Brotherhood” which calls for a liberated race,

“liberated not merely from alien political rule, but also from the crushing

weight of capitalism” ; absolute race equality, “political, social and economic”

; the fostering of race pride, “fellowship within the darker races and

with the class-consciousness and revolutionary white workers” ; higher wages

and lower rents. The entire program is intended to incite the negroes to

attain by violence the ends specified .

The work of The World War Veterans was also highly commended by

Lovestone, who presented to the convention the constitution and by-laws of

the organization and a declaration of principles which has many revolutionary

features. It declares its unalterable opposition to any form of compulsory

military training, and to “any interference, official or unofficial, with any

right secured by us by the first amendment to the Federal Constitution .”

It also expresses sympathy with and states that the organization shares the

aspirations of “the people of India, Egypt, Ireland and Russia .”

The split in the Communist party of America in December, 1921, when

three members of the Central Executive Committee broke away from the

[351

REDS IN AMf R A

majority members and continued publishingj” their illegal paper under the

same name as that used officially by the party, The Communist, was taken

to Moscow for settlement . Each faction sent representatives to Moscow, and

the authorities there decided in favor of the majority, ordering the minority

faction to return at once to the fold and the majority faction to receive them

without prejudice . This in explanation of the following messages received

from Moscow and read to the convention. The first, a cablegram, reads :

“BOTH SALESMEN RETURNING HOME WITH FULL INSTRUCTIONS

FROM BOARD DIRECTORS STOP POSTPONE

STOCKHOLDERS MEETING UNTIL THEY ARRIVE STOP ACKNOWLEDGE

RECEIPT .”

This cablegram was signed “Block and Company” and apparently relates

to business matters . “Block and Company” are Comrades Jake Cannon

and Bittleman, agents for the majority faction sent to Moscow . They, of

course, are the “salesmen .” The “board of directors” is the comintern or

governing body of the Communist Third International, and the “stockholders

meeting” is the convention at Bridgman . If it had been postponed the raid

might not have taken place . The second message was a radiogram, also apparently

a business message, which reads :

“HENRY CURTIS DOW COMPANY INSTRUCTED QUIT

USE OUR FIRM NAME AND TRADEMARK STOP THEY MUST

DISSOLVE AND REJOIN OUR COMPANY IMMEDIATELY OR

LOSE THEIR STOCK STOP JOHN IS WIRING THEM TO QUIT

COMPETING AND ATTACKING OUR BUSINESS STOP YOU

MUST ACCEPT THEM WITHOUT PREJUDICE AND POSTPONE

SHAREHOLDERS CONFERENCE SO THEY CAN PARTICIPATE.”

“Henry Curtis Dow” are the party names of the minority members

who seceded from the Central Executive Committee ; the “firm name and

trademark” are the Communist organ. “John” is John J. Ballam of Winthrop,

Mass ., who was sent by the minority leaders .

Comrade Lovestone then read from the “news letter”- sent out from the

party headquarters with instructions to “rush to every group” the information

that “Comrade Cook, member of the Presidium of the Comintern and

the Presidium of the Red Trade Union International, has been ordered to

return home (from Moscow) immediately, with full instructions from the

Communist International,” and urging all districts to hold themselves in

readiness to call hurried meetings to hear the instructions. He says in this

news letter that the Central Executive Committee, by a vote of five to five,

had decided not to postpone the Bridgman Convention in spite of instructions

to do so . This was doubtless because of the preparations already

made for holding the meetings and the difficulties of disseminating the news

of the postponement without letting the secret be known .

The imperative need of a “united front” of the workers was also presented

by Comrade Lovestone in a thesis on political activity .a After stating

1 SSeeee AAppppeennddiixx ED..

[361

t

Received at

k’

I A’

rH NEWYORK

HENRY CURTIS DOW COMPANY INSTRUCTED QUIT USING OUR FIRM NAME AND TRADEMAIK

STOP THEY MUST DISSOLVE AND REJOIN OUR COMPANY IMMEDIATELY OR

STOCK STOP JOHN IS WIRING THEM TO QUIT COMPETING AND ATTACKING OUR BUSINESS

STOP YOU MUST ACCEPT THEM WITHOUT PREJUDICE AND POSTPONE SHAREHC1 .OFRS

CONFERENCE SO THEY CAN PARTICIPATE

LO’ , [ THEIR

I

CONFIRMATION

IIS M!SSAc)r A’Al I LJP?~Mu

rat I”,. E .oNE BROAD MOO

Copy!

WESTEML UNION

CAB

Cablegrams sent by the Executive Committee of the Third (Communist) International

to the convention of the Communist Party of America in session at Bridgman,

Mich . The messages have been decoded in the text (p . 36) .

I

THE RA”‘ID AT BRIDGMAN

f

that “a united front of labor, a solid phalanx of the working class drawn up

in battle against the forces of the capitalist class and the capitalist state is

the prerequisite of the victory of the proletariat,” he declared that the groups

of workers already in the labor organizations and independent groups

of workers must unite to attain this end . Without mentioning names,

he referred repeatedly to the “treacherous leaders” of organized labor who

have fought the idea of the labor party, and cautions that because of this

the word “labor” must be kept out of the name of the new party . He approves

the support of the labor organizations when they have united on an

independent candidate for office, but warns against lending support to the

labor unions when the latter are supporting the candidates of any other

party.

“The basis for a united political front,” he says in announcing the

program for the coming elections in the United States, “which will embrace

the working masses, has not yet been created in the United States. To enter

into a political federation with existing political organizations, none of

which has the support of the masses of the workers, would be to negate

the possibility of creating a real united front of the workers politically .

The Workers’ party will, therefore, as a rule, nominate its own candidates

in the coming elections and carry on its campaigns independently .”

In referring to the platform, he says : “The platform must raise as the

issues of the campaign immediate questions of the class struggle such as

unemployment relief, the open shop, the use of the injunction against the

workers, opposition to industrial courts, etc .” He also says that special permission

may be secured from the Central Executive Committee to place a

candidate on the ticket of an existing working class political organization if

it is impossible to launch an independent ticket .

An exhaustive report of the activities of the party, especially in relation

to the organization itself, followed. This report bitterly assailed the

minority trouble-makers, and precipitated a scorching debate, but documents

found by the authorities show that this trouble was settled by the resignation

of the three trouble-makers and the election of Robert Minor, A .

Wagenknecht and E . Browder in their places . This was in obedience to the

mandate from Moscow, and resulted in the unification of the party in America.

This settlement of factional fighting within the party was followed by

the issuance of a “special bulletin,” one copy to be sent to each group in

the country, with the injunction to “read this carefully : study each point

thoroughly ; and then make sure this is put into action .” The bulletin deals

with the relations of the members in legal and illegal work of the party, and

states that the organization is enlarging its scope of work, and that new responsibilities

are imposed on each member. The features of the conspiracy laid

bare in this document, with the injunction of secrecy are foreign in nature

to the American mind, but are a part and parcel of the communist work .

“All members of the Number One,” says the bulletin, “must join the

Number Two, and activities of the latter are to be broadened as extensively

as possible . We have no room for anyone who does not participate wholeheartedly.

Number One must be strengthened by all possible means . No

[371

REDS IN AMERICA

liquidators will be tolerated and all rights must be watched. Every member

of Number One must submit to an iron discipline in both Number One

and Number Two. If anyone is called upon to do a certain task, he or

she must carry it out unflinchingly .

. .

“All addresses of connections of Number One must be kept in code, and

all incriminating material is to be kept absolutely safe ; if possible outside

of the place where you live. All records of Number One must be kept

safely and the identity of the members of Number One working in offices

or upon committees or in units of Number Two, as well as their relations

to Number One must not be exposed All groups are to have

alternate captains . All branches are to have alternate branch organizers . . .

“We must endeavor to have a majority of our members on all important

committees, and all our members to fill the offices of Number Two . . . .

Use nothing but the Real Names in Number Two . Get used to speaking in

terms that will not in any way reveal connections with Number One . Do

not discuss any of the specific affairs of Number One in meetings of Number

Two.”

Under the head of Industrial Activities the bulletin says :

“The proper conduct of this line of activities is dependent upon the

alertness and understanding of our forces, and must be controlled and

guided by Number One-the same principle applies here as was laid down

before, that all decisions as to policies and fundamental principles, as well

as tactics, are to be decided upon by Number One before being carried out

in Number Two. We must organize nuclei of members of Number Two,

and work as a unit within these nuclei, and become a live factor in all the

activities ; but at all times keep our forces intact. We must endeavor to

create left wing militant groups within the labor organizations in which we

must also become the leading factor .”

The end of this illegal, secret, mysterious convention came suddenly.

On the afternoon of August 20, William Z . Foster saw on the grounds a man

whom he recognized as a Government official . Within a half hour he was

on his way to the railroad station at Bridgman with several of the other

delegates. He did not warn his comrades but promised to send more watchers

from Chicago . The next day the watchers in the town of Bridgman reported

the presence of Chicago detectives arriving in town . In view of these facts

the Presidium decided to end the convention that day and so notified Comrade

Caleb Harrison, who was presiding . The Presidium called a special meeting

for the final proceedings which were rushed through with machine-like speed .

It was then night, and no raid had come, but the delegates were warned of

their danger, the grounds committee advised everyone to leave, and the

records, private papers, etc ., were buried in the hole already prepared for

such an emergency. But there was no train they could take from Bridgman

before morning so many of the delegates decided to stay in the grove . During

the night several made their way carefully out of danger, and in the

morning the officers gathered in those who were left .

[381

CHAPTER IWO

IN POLITICAL FIELDS

Existing political parties in the United States are more loosely organized

than ever before in their history. There is little party discipline and political

consciousness which involves deliberate consideration of party principles is

non-existent or at a low ebb. Therefore, political contests resolve themselves

into personal contests, and the tendency is towards a government of men

rather than government of laws . Many causes have contributed to bring

about this state of affairs but there has been no more potent one than that of

the Communist-radical movement itself . The objective is best illustrated

by the present political situation in England, where party lines are more or

less completely obliterated and there has risen a workers’ party, controlled by

a secretly organized minority, with Moscow always in the background giving

moral aid and financial assistance . In other words, the realignment has

been along class lines . In the development of this realignment in the United

States, the revolutionaries have approached the objective by both direct and

indirect methods. There has been the formation of a direct action political

party, called the “Workers’ party” which is absolutely dominated by the

illegal Communist party, and in turn by the Third International at Moscow .

With the capture of the documentary evidence at Bridgman, Mich ., the

political manipulations of this alien group are now thoroughly understood .

There can be no further doubt either of the objective or the methods which

are being employed.

But of the insinuating methods used under the cover of respectability

and regularity, methods of which secrecy is a prime requisite for success

and which will eventually bring about revolution by legislative enactment,

or pave the way for revolution by force, only too little is generally understood.

One difficulty which retards understanding of this angle of the problem

is the necessarily complicated machinery which has been set in motion

to accomplish the result . Few people stop to square details with general

principles. The fact that there is now in Congress a bloc which is bent on

carrying out the detailed behests of the Communist party, repudiating at the

same time the name by which the movement should be designated, and that

this bloc is itself built up on class lines, is not an accident but the best

evidence of design.

Until that time has arrived when a workers’ or labor party has been

built up with sufficient strength to carry elections under its own name, the

gradual disappearance of the regular party lines may be expected . It is a

situation which presents very little natural opposition to those who would

use the machinery of party government for subversive purposes . In fact,

[39]

REDS IN AMERICA

it favors the entrance of radicals into the political field through regularly

established channels . The radicals have a positive program as opposed to

those more conservative who either have no program or one that is more

or less neutral . They have a positive advantage which is difficult to overcome,

and all of which is quite in harmony with recognized psychological

laws .

When a radical, having received the approval of the Republican or

Democratic party machinery, is presented to the electorate, the citizen must

vote in the last analysis for or against the Flag which in times past has stood

for certain definite principles . There is no middle ground. The choice is

usually made with no such thought in mind, for to make it a conscious thought,

there would be required a knowledge of men and events, a grasp of the

principles and science of government and the use of careful analytical powers

such as few possess. Consequently, mere inaptitude for political thought

which is a common characteristic, favors the election of the more dramatic

figure or that one which has a positive program no matter how fantastic or

opposed to sound principles that program may be .

The Communist party of America has presented candidates for office

many times to different electorates, under the legal emblem of the open political

organization known as the Workers’ party. In the raid upon the illegal

convention at Bridgman, William F . Dunne who at that very time was a candidate

of the Workers’ party for the governorship of New York State, was

arrested . He was a member of the Central Executive Committee of the

Communist party of America, and by virtue of such membership, he was

one of ten who controlled the Communist movement in this country under

direct orders from the Executive Committee of the Third International at

Moscow. He is still (1924) a member of the Executive Committee of the

Workers’ party . It is not at all likely that Dunne could ever be elected as

governor of New York on any ticket . The Communist party of America

does not number more than 30,000 persons throughout the whole of the

United States, and a majority or more are aliens not naturalized . To hope

that as a party with this numerical strength the Communists could carry

an election is fatuitous even to them. The danger does not lie in this direc .

tion. A proper conception of the strength of the Communist party in the

political field can be attained only by recognizing the fact that a large number

of people and their political leaders are believers in political and economic

projects which are a part of the Communist party program, developed by

the Third International at Moscow but which in detail are not recognized

by them as a part of a definite and inclusive program. It is not permissible

to call such persons “Communists,” no matter how closely their ideals approximate

those of the Communist party . One may include them within the

definition of the word “radical” but that word in reality means little . The

meaning of “progressive” has been utterly perverted, and its use to cover

a socialistic-communistic political movement can best be expressed “by a

shorter and uglier word” familiar to everybody .

IN POLITICAL FIELDS

The objective of the Communist party is political and economic control

of the country through manipulation of an uneducated minority, using the

idea of communism as a means to an end . Those who are cleverly directing

the policies are certainly aware of the fact that all history shows the futility

of communism as a political system, and this raises immediately the questions

as to their sincerity . But in the accomplishment of this objective, the

leaders are quite ready to use many things and people at this time which,

as their plans develop, would be of little or no use to them later . To the

Communists, present usefulness of a project might depend on many factors

such as the simple tendency to upset established customs or institutions,

inherent possibilities or value for agitation or the promotion of unrest,

violence and crime, the breaking down of family life, or the decrease of the

authoritative influence of religion . All or any would contribute to a state

of flux or an instability of which world revolutionaries would take full

advantage . The time for radical change in anything is not now .

Therefore, the political influence of the Communist party extends far

beyond the confines of its own membership, permeating the minds and controlling

the thought of large numbers who would violently resent the implication

that they were Communists . The subversiveness of the Communist

party does not lie so much in the violence which it threatens but in the

insinuation of ideals and ideas which are undermining our representative

republican form of government . When these facts are taken into consideration,

the strength of the Communist party in political fields immediately

assumes a tremendous aspect . Under our present definition of the word

“radical” we are justified in regarding radicals as conscious or unconscious

tools of the Communist party, helping in the cause of world revolution,

brushing aside the question as to the willingness with which the tools might

accept such a designation .

The warning has gone forth from the headquarters of both major

political parties that there is danger of radicalism in their respective ranks .

The warning was entirely justified . The voter has no protection against

the insinuation of personages on political tickets whose ideals do not

square with those who were the founders of the Republic . Insinuations

of this sort, operating through the formation of nuclei, are not confined

to the political field . Agents are planted in labor unions, social and

society circles, and in eleemosynary organizations for the purpose of

gradually securing the adhesion of dissatisfied individuals and factions

for the support of the Communist cause or at least to secure the nonopposition

of the more conservative . This is done concisely and with design

as a part of a plan. Again, in the field of politics, some candidates

for office running on “regular” tickets have the direct and secret support of

the Communist party and its friends, the backing of whom results from

definite promises . Other candidates, however, be it said to their credit,

stand squarely for honest Americanism and against the cohorts under the

Red banner which would destroy the American Government, home and

church .

[41 ]

REDS IN AMERICA

In formulating a judgment as to the activities of the Conference for

Progressive Political Action, due regard must be paid to all that has been

presented above . As an organization, it has chosen to assume a name

which misrepresents its political . objective . It has made the gesture of

refusing to seat delegates from the Workers’ party which is the legal branch

of the illegal Communist party . Its political program parallels that laid

down by the . Moscow overlords in the “next tasks of the Communist party

of America” (Appendix F), and carried to its logical conclusion, would

lead to “workers’ control.” The program, therefore, is simply a means to

an end. Even the Executive Committee of the Third International at

Moscow, has no word of criticism for the Conference for Progressive

Political Action, for in discussing this organization in its thesis on

the “Workers’ party on the United Front” (Appendix E), it says in effect

that in the field of general politics now covered by the Conference, the

methods used are not applicable in the field of labor . From a technical

standpoint it may not be possible to designate the Conference for

Progressive Political Action as an important “front” for the Communist

party, or to place it along with the Friends of Soviet Russia as an open

legal branch of the Communist party of America . As a matter of fact, the

“Conference” is doing exactly the work which the Communist leaders . at

Moscow have evidently allocated to it, whether the personnel of the

“Conference” is aware of that fact or not .

To call it a socialist organization as opposed to communist is specious,

for in a thesis on tactics adopted by the Third International, the Moscow

group rightly say : “the realization of socialism is the first step towards the

communist commonwealth .”

Following is something of the history and personnel of the Conference

for Progressive Political Action, which has succeeded in attracting the

adherence of a part of the following of the late Theodore Roosevelt .

Townley and the Non-Partisan League, having stolen the machinery

of the Republican party in North Dakota, were finally driven from power

through operations of the recall. In July 1921, Non-Partisan leaders left

over from this defeat and Socialist party leaders of the more radical types,

met in Detroit and passed the following resolution :

“Be it Resolved : That the

to make a careful survey

this country with a view

readiness to cooperate with the socialist movement on a platform not inconsistent

with that of the party .”

“This survey was made and it was found, as every one knows, that

there was a vast amount of unrest, distrust, ill feeling and class consciousness

; that the farmers were disgruntled at the fall in prices ; that the workmen

were sore at the cut in wages ; that the consumer was of the belief

that somewhere along the line he was not getting a square deal ; that business

was in a bad way ; that the persistent use of the term profiteer had

caused the people to believe every business man dishonest and unfair ; that

the railroads, after being returned to their owners, were having a hard

struggle to function properly ; that money was tight, etc. In other ,words,

incoming national executive committee be instructedof all radical and labor organizations inof ascertaining their strength, disposition and

IN POLITICAL FIELDS

they found the very foundation upon which they hoped to lay their campaign

for political control most favorable . The only question was how

to proceed to gain that political control .”1

“Committee meetings were held in November, 1921, and it was agreed

that any conference of all radicals called by the socialist party would fail

of its purpose . In consequence the call was not issued at the instigation of

radical leaders of some labor organizations, which had been drafted into

the great socialist scheme to nationalize the railroads of the United States,

under the name of the Plumb Plan . The actual call was headed by William

Johnston of the International Machinists’ Union, the leading union in the

1922 railroad strike and bore the name of LaFollette’s organization, the

People’s Legislative Service of Washington ; of which Johnston is secretary

and treasurer. Johnston is a socialist and an ardent advocate of the

present Russian form of government.”

It is obvious that, to be effective, the interest of the radical farmer

must be aroused. To this end, it was no accident that Ben Marsh working

with Townley from the latter’s headquarters in Washington on the day

that Johnston sent out his call for delegates from all radical movements to

meet in Chicago, Feb . 20 and 21, 1922, sent out a call to the known radical

farmer movements to have delegates meet in Chicago on Saturday,

February 18, 1922 .

Both conferences met according to plan . Townley with his Non-Partisan

League, the LaFollette organization of farmers in Wisconsin, Marsh’s organization

known as the Farmers’ National Council, and a few radical Granges

and farmers’ union, had delegates present. Marsh and Townley dominated

the meeting. “They proceeded with the usual socialist harangue of damning

capitalism, and charged all defects in farming from short crops to

grasshoppers to Wall Street . The socialist scheme of stealing party organizations

was endorsed . The name adopted for the amalgamation of all

radical farmer movements was The United Farmers National Bloc . A

pronounced radical was made president, and the present vice-president of

the Non-Partisan League made vice-president . Then the delegates to this

convention in body moved over Monday, to the radical convention called

by Johnston, in keeping with the socialist resolution to which reference has

been made .-

“In this Monday convention, February 20, 1922, were to be found delegates

from every radical movement in the United States, and while the

newspaper reports said the I . W. W. and the Communist were excluded, yet

it would appear from later articles in the New York Call, the leading

daily Socialist paper in this country, that they were not excluded, but were

present.

“Here again the system employed in the alleged farmers’ meeting was

adopted. Fiery speeches were made by radicals of all kinds . Capitalism

was blamed for all human ills. Soviet Russia was lauded. The man who

i Fred R. Marvin, “My Country, ’tis of Thee” (Beckwith) p ‘ Marvin-vide supra. . 8.

REDS IN AMERICA

pays the wages was condemned as tyrannical . The plan of the socialists

to unite under one common head all radical movements in the land was

approved . But no party name was adopted since it was not proposed to

act as a party, but rather to adopt the Townley scheme of `stealing’ party

names through going into the primaries of one of the old parties-the plan

so successfully employed in North Dakota and Wisconsin. The names

`radical,’ `socialist,’ `labor,’ `farmer,’ `industrial,’ etc ., which had been

used in the past were dropped, and there emerged an organisation

known as `The Conference for Progressive Political Action,’ to be directed

until the next convention to be held after election this fall, by a committee

of fifteen.

“This conference agreed that in the States which were to be attacked

through this system of stealing party names, local conditions should govern

action-that is, in one State it might be the Democratic party, in another it

might be the Republican party ; in one State it might operate under the name

of `The People’s Reconstruction League’ and in another under some other

name, or it might operate without any accepted name-just work to `steal’

one of the party names .”

“This is the organization that is, today, directing socialist and radical

activities in a large number of states, including Colorado . The dropping

of every name employed in the past and adopting the term progressive, is

deceiving a large number of loyal persons . * * *

“That the movement is of radical origin and not for the good of the

people, the State or the nation, is clear . First, referring back to the resolution

adopted by the socialist convention upon which resolution the call for

the conference that formed the Conference for Progressive Action was

based-and remember a similar call in 1907 by the same elements resulted

in the formation of the I . W. W. Further, from the time of the issuance of

this call socialist and radical papers had much to say of the good that would

result. Johnston was lauded in the socialist papers for his action and the

purpose was unanimously endorsed . For several weeks preceding the convention,

the New York Call, at that time the leading socialist paper in the

country, contained much laudatory comment of the proposed gathering .”

At that time the confederation known as the Conference for Progressive

Political Action consisted of the following organizations :

L The “Big Four” Railroad Brotherhoods.

2 . Railroad crafts which are a part of the American Federation of

Labor and which include the United Brotherhood of Maintenance of Way

Employees and Railway Shop Laborers, the International Association of

Machinists, the International Brotherhood of Blacksmiths and Helpers, the

Sheet Metal Workers, the Brotherhood of Railway Electrical Workers, the

Brotherhood of Railway Car Men, the International Brotherhood of Boilermakers,

the Order of Railroad Telegraphers, the Brotherhood of Railway

Clerks, the International Brotherhood of Stationary Firemen and Oilers, and

the Brotherhood of Railroad Signal Men .

3. The United Mine Workers, affiliated with the American Federation

of Labor .

4. The Amalgamated Clothing Workers, an open, legal branch of the

Communist party.

[441

The Red Napoleon

Joseph Pogany, known in the

Hungarian Communist party as

Schwartz, his alias in the United

States being John Pepper and his

iAsm etrhiec arne ppraersteyn tnaatmiev,e Joofs etphhe LTahnigr,d

(Communist) International of Moscow

on the Executive Committee

of the Communist party of America.

He was present at the illegal

convention of the Communist party

at Bridgman, Mich ., but succeeded

in escaping capture . A check for

$25.00 signed by Bishop William

M. Brown of Galion, Ohio (Episcopal)

made payable to “Joseph

Lang” and similarly endorsed was

found on the grounds after the

raid .

Pogany was originally an Bun-

_.~rian journalist, and has a long

career in promoting world revolution

to his credit . The following

has been written of him by an

eye witness . “lle is still suspected

otfh eh agvainngg bweheinc ht hmeu rridnegrleeda dCeor uonft

Stephen Tisza ; he was responsible

for the agitation which, during the

Kdrolyi regime, made the reorganization

of the army impossible ; and

it was he who led the demonstration

against the War Ministers,

Count Fostetich and Baita, which ended in the resignation of those ‘last shadows of

the ancient regime .’ It was Pogany who protested against the proposed preventive

measures against the Communists in February and March, 1919 ; and it was he who

led the ‘naval’ detachment when it liberated Bela Kun-Cohen from his confinement

in the barracks of the First Heaved Regiment in U116i-fit, and who later on, after

the fight in Conti-utca, helped to prepare the way, both actively and passively, for

the final ‘triumph’ of March 21 . His share in the work of demoralizing the army

predestined him for the post which he obtained, that of Commissar for War .”

Under Bela Kun-Cohen’s regime, Pogany in the space of four short months

became successively Commissar for Foreign Affairs, Commander-in-chief of the Red

Army and Commissar of Education. He was known to be heartily in sympathy with

the reign of terror as instituted and maintained by Szamuelly and his army of

“Lenin boys.”

During this period, there was an enforced production of Pogany’s play

“Napoleon” in Budapest . This with his ponderous physiognomy and nimble mentality

secured for him the sobriquet of the “Red Napoleon” or the “Bolshevik Napoleon .”

Wwhietnh HBuen1gaa rKyu nw-aCso hfeinn aplrleys ulmiabbelrya treedm farionme da ltiheenr er ufloer, tPhoeg afnoyl leoswcianpge dt wtoo Ryuesasrisa. and

Pogany-Schwartz-Pepper-Lang was known to have arrived in America a few

weeks before the Bridgman Convention, with orders from Moscow for American

cCooumnmturnyis. ts and with instructions to take charge of the revolutionary forces in this illegal-an Haolwi ehne reenvtoelruteido niasr yn.o tH iksn ofwinr,s ta nadp pfeoarr atnhcaet wraesa saotr qa hmiese tpirnegs eonfc ea hreardei ciasl

Jewish Federation in the Bronx from which there was a hasty exit . It appears that during this secret meeting, a blundering policeman entered the hallway of the

building and began to ask innocent questions . The janitor, knowing what was going

aogna,i ng aivne atnhoet haelra rpml aacned those present disappeared down the fire escapes to meet known to be in corresp.o nAdfetnecre wtihteh BCroimdmgumnains trsa iads Ploagtaen yas dDiescaepmpbeearr,e d1,9 2b3u,t wwhaesn

it was variously stated that he was in Canada with Bela Kun-Cohen or in Chicago .

in theP oCgomamnuyn isspte apkasr tHyu npguabrliiacna,t iGonesr maarne afnodr cReufsusli aann db uitt nhaos Ebnegelni ssha.i dH itsh aatr twihcelens

he writes, it is with an authority and knowledge of the technique of revolution and

hwiist hl iatne reayrey swionrgkl eg itvoe sf uptluarien eevveidnetnsc et htahta ti si tn oits euqsuuaalleldy .d eAl ectreidt iocf ailt se xmaomrien artaidoinc aolf

thought to avoid conflict with the authorities .

IN POLITICAL FIELDS

5 . The Non-Partisan League, composed largely of farmers in the Northwestern

States, which has received the sympathetic endorsement of the

Communist party of America .

6 . The Farmers’ National Council .

7 . The Farm Labor party, later merging into the Federated Farm-Labor

party.8. Women’s Trade Union League .

Of the original National Committee of the Conference for Progressive

Political Action, William H . Johnston was the chairman and Warren S.

Stone the treasurer. Some of the personal histories and connections of the

Committee are here given :’

William H. Johnston, Washington ; president, International Association

of Machinists ; lecturer, Rand School of Social Science ; National Advisory

Committee, National Labor Alliance for Trade Relations with and Recognition

of Russia ; National Council, League for Industrial Democracy ;

secretary-treasurer and member of the Executive Committee of LaFollette

People’s Legislative Service ; vice-president, People’s Reconstruction League ;

Board of Directors, Labor Publication Society ; Executive Committee American

Civil Liberties Union. Has been accused of saying that he “sees

great advantage in the establishment of a soviet government in the United

States .”

Warren S . Stone, grand chief, Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers ;

member of the National Council, People’s Legislative Service ; member of

Committee on Primaries of same organization ; organizer of Labor Banks

in Cleveland and New York . As grand chief of the Brotherhood, he is

responsible for the political activities of its official journal and its ultraradical

editor, Albert F. Coyle .

William Green, Indianapolis ; secretary, United Mine Workers of

America .

Sidney Hillman, New York ; president of the Amalgamated Clothing

Workers ; has visited Soviet Russia and obtained concessions for the reestablishment

of the clothing industry in that country, capitalizing this by

selling stock to workers in this country ; Defence Committee I. W. W. The

Amalgamated has been shown to be an open, legal branch of the Communist

party of America. Of the documents seized at Bridgman, there was a report

to Moscow of the work of organizing nuclei in trades unions by the Communists

in which it was stated : “At best the prospects of our influencing

the labor movement (in the United States) are mainly in the predominantly

Jewish organizations like the International Ladies’ Garment Workers,

Amalgamated Clothing Workers, Hat, Cap and Millinery Workers, etc .”

(See p . 136 .)

Joseph A. Franklin, Kansas City, Kansas ; president, International

Brotherhood of Boilermakers, Iron Ship Builders and Helpers of America ;

member, National Council, People’s Legislative Service ; member, Executive

Committee, People’s Reconstructive Service .

E. J. Manion, St . Louis, Mo . ; president, Order of Railroad Telegraphers

; chairman, Nominations Committee, Conference for Progressive Political

Action ; member, National Council, People’s Legislative Service .

Edward Keating, Washington, D. C . ; editor, Labor, official organ of

the Conference for Progressive Political Action ; former member of Congress

from Colorado . Of Labor, it has been said : “It is one of the most radical

and untruthful publications published . Its advocacy of violence is persistent

. There is nothing too scurrilous and even defamatory for it to print

regarding public officials and even the President of the United States . Its

untruthful campaign against the Supreme Court could not be equalled even

1

y

Vide, Railway Review (Chicago), January 27, 1923 .

REDS IN AMERICA

if openly presented by the Communist International and its well trained

corps of propagandists . Indeed, the language appearing in Labor and in

foreign Communist papers, impels one to believe the writing is that of one

and the same person .” 1 Keating was formerly Plumb Plan manager .

Morris Hillquit (Misca Hilkowitz), New York ; national secretary,

Socialist party of America ; joint publisher of the New York Call, Socialist

and pro-Soviet daily paper, now defunct ; instructor and lecturer, Rand

School of Social Science ; national council, League for Industrial Democracy

; National Committee, American Civil Liberties Union ; one of the

original founders of the Intercollegiate Socialist League ; contributing editor,

Labor Age ; chairman, Committee on Organization and Finance, Conference

for Progressive Political Action . (Vide also Lusk Committee Report .)

Benjamin C . Marsh, Washington, D . C. ; managing director, Farmers’

National Council ; managing director, People’s Reconstruction League ;

publicity representative, Plumb Plan League ; advocate of Single Tax, and

nationalization of public utilities.

Jay G. Brown, Chicago ; national secretary, Farm-Labor party ; formerly

secretary of the National Committee for Organizing Iron and Steel Workers,

a position once held by William Z . Foster. He was also a former I.W.W.

organizer and was a director in Foster’s Trade Union Educational League,

a branch of the Communist party of America ; Friends of Soviet Russia,

legal branch of the Communist party of America .

George H . Griffiths, Minneapolis ; National Non-Partisan League.

Fred C. Howe, New York City ; National Committee, American Civil

Liberties Union ; special writer, Federated Press ; Board of Directors, Cooperative

League of America ; former Commissioner of Immigration (under

President Wilson) at the port of New York, “a position from which he

resigned following a congressional investigation into his alleged neglect of

duty and radical activities because of his unauthorized action in releasing

alien radicals held for deportation by the Department of Justice (Congressional

Record of 66th Congress, pages 1522, 1523) ;” chairman, Committee

on resolutions and member of National Council, People’s Legislative Service

; contributing editor, Labor Age ; Defense Committee, I . W. W . ; organizer,

School of Thought, Siasconset, Nantucket, Mass.

Miss Agnes Nestor, Chicago, Women’s Trade Union League, an organization

which is regarded by the Communist party of America as a part of

its united open front against capitalism ; assistant director, Bryn Mawr

Summer School for Women Workers in Industry, Bryn Mawr College ;

Advisory Committee, Workers’ Education Bureau of America . Among her

other radical activities during the past twenty or more years, Miss Nestor

with Mrs . Raymond Robins organized an agitative parade in Chicago

designed to stimulate public interest in the release of Big Bill Hayward,

on trial for murder. The Chicago Tribune at the time called it an “anarchist

parade:’

Basil M . Manly, Washington, D . C. ; for many years a radical lobbyist ;

director, People’s Legislative Service ; author of publications distributed

by the Rand School of Social Science ; contributing editor, Labor Age, a

weekly radical paper which is the successor of the Socialist Review, official

organ of the Intercollegiate Socialist Society ; former member of the War

Labor Board and of the National Industrial Conference Board under President

Taft ; Defense Committee, I. W. W.

The above list comprises the names of those who directed the destinies

of the Conference for Progressive Political Action as originally made up .

There have been some resignations among those who regard themselves

1

The “Searchlight Department” editorial page of the “New York Commercial”, by

Fred Marvin, January

4, 1924 .

[461

IN POLITICAL FIELDS

as among the more conservative, and the following ones have been added :

D. B. Robertson, Ohio ; president, Brotherhood Locomotive Firemen

and Enginemen ; member Committee on Resolutions, People’s Legislative

Service .

James H . Maurer, Harrisburg, Pa. ; president, Pennsylvania State Federation

of Labor ; president, Labor Publication Society of Chicago, publisher

of Labor

1921-1922; chairman, Workers’ Education Bureau of America ; member,

National Advisory Committee, National Labor Alliance for Trade Relations

with and Recognition of Russia ; lecturer, Rand School of Social Science ;

member, National Committee, American Civil Liberties Union ; member,

(alternate) Board of Directors, Co-operative League of America .

Benjamin Schlessinger, New York ; president, International Ladies’

Garment Workers of America, subsidiary to the Amalgamated Clothing

Workers, open, legal branch of the Communist party of America .

H. F. Samuels, Idaho ; farmer and merchant.

D. C. Dorman, Montana ; farmer ; member, National Council, People’s

Legislative Service ; member, Executive Committee, People’s Reconstruction

League ; national manager, Non-Partisan League ; secretary-treasurer

of the Montana State organization of the C. P . P . A. “Dorman swore that

he did not believe in the Constitution and was opposed to the Flag of the

United States ; that the Flag was nothing but a rag, or words to that effect,

and that the Government was no Government at all and should be destroyed

.” Affidavit of Judge L. J . Palda, case of Ray McKaig vs . Frank

Gooding, New York Commercial, Oct . 20, 1923 .

J. B. Laughlin, Boxchito, Okla . ; president, Oklahoma Farm Labor

Union of America.

Alice Lorraine Daly, South Dakota ; Non-Partisan League.

John M. Baer, Washington, D . C . ; former member of Congress from

North Dakota ; cartoonist for Labor and other radical publications ; member

National Council, People’s Legislative Service .

Age ; member, National Executive Committee, Socialist party,

Here, then, is a group of people, some,of whom are known Communists

at heart if not in fact, others having direct connection with the Communist

party of America both through personal contact and by virtue of their

leadership in organizations, recognized as a part of the united front of the

Moscow cohorts in the United States . The constituent organizations of the

Conference for Progressive Action comprise a membership of about two

million members, it is claimed, and it is certain that Labor, its official organ,

reaches readers to the number of approximately a million and a half . That

it is well financed is shown by the fact that, as a paper, Labor costs much

more than it brings in, that the Washington office employees of the Conference

number more persons than are employed in the headquarters of either

the Republican or Democratic National Committees, and that it has just

purchased a plot of ground in Washington on which to erect a four story

marble and limestone building . A publicity fund has been raised for the

purpose of furnishing speakers and disseminating literature, and for

supporting the Federated Press, which is so closely allied to the Communist

party of America as to be regarded by the Communists as their official

press association . Several officials of the Federated Press are

active Communists . It supplies radical news and propaganda to more than

two hundre :l daily and weekly newspapers in the United States, according

to statements by its officials .

known to be

[47]

REDS IN AMERICA

The Conference for Progressive Political Action is now rapidly organizing

through the mid- and far West for the 1924 campaign. Inasmuch as

stealing party names was endorsed at the second Cleveland convention, it

is certain that its future activities will include “boring from within” the

organization of whatever party happens to be the strongest locally. In

states that are Republican, because most of the voters have the Republican

habit, this organization seeks to control Republican nominations . In states

where the Democratic habit prevails, the aim is to make the nominations

radical . In short, the words “Republican” and “Democratic” have no

significance to these political pirates . For instance, in counties, conservatives

are satisfied with nominations for strictly local offices and give

in trade for such support help to radical candidates for Congress and other

legislative positions .

The method of organization is about as follows : a county chairman

is selected in each county, being picked because of his ability to organize

a spread propaganda. The choice is made by the leaders and not by the

local members of the organization . This chairman then selects four vicechairmen,

one a wage-earner, one a farmer, one an ex-service man, and one

a woman. If the county is strongly unionized, then the first vice-chairman

must be a member of a labor organization that has in no wise antagonized

the people . The ex-service man is to be a member of the Legion if possible,

and if not possible, one is picked from the Spanish-American War

Veterans .

The farmer vice-chairman is selected from the leading organization of

farmers. If the Farm Bureau is the most influential, then he is selected

from this . If he has been prominent in the dominant political party, that

fact is an added qualification in considering his fitness . If he has been

prominent in the opposite party, he can give as a reason for change the

fact that he has no hope for the salvation of the farmer through the action

of the party that he is leaving . The fourth vice-president is always a

woman, preferably some one prominent in lodge or church work with

extensive acquaintance and organizing ability . She must be intelligent

enough to grasp a talking acquaintance with the slogans of the Conference,

one who can make a handy speech and who because of her personality and

activity has a personal following .

In the two years of its existence, the Conference for Progressive Political

Action, with frankly communistic connections and with a program

which parallels in many respects that of the Communist party of America,

has succeeded in accomplishing this :

It has crystallized the small amount of radical sentiment to be found

in the national legislature at all times ; furnished this nucleus with aid

and comfort ; given it a standing by forcing upon it a positive program ;

disciplined it, thereby giving it advantages which are to accrue from such

measures.

It has backed this element in its home districts and secured reelections ;

added to its strength by influencing the election of other radicals and

brought the whole group to a point where by voting EN BLOC on certain

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IN POLITICAL FIELDS

matters, it exercises the functions o f a majority party notwithstanding the

fact that its members were elected (with two exceptions) on regular party

tickets.

In 1922, the Conference for Progressive Political Action endorsed

among others for senatorships, the following :

McKellar of Tennessee

Ralston of Indiana

Frazier of North Dakota

Swanson of Virginia

Kendrick of Wyoming

Howell of Nebraska

In 1923, the Conference endorsed :

Dill of Washington

Wheeler of Montana

Democrats

Ashurst of Arizona

J

La Follette of Wisconsin

Brookhart of Iowa

Republicans

Norris of Nebraska

Shipstead of Minnesota

1

Johnson of Minnesota Farm-Labor party

All, of the above named were elected .. In addition the Conference

claims to have secured the election of Gov . Sweet of Colorado

and Gov. Walton of Oklahoma, both Democrats . Preparations for

the 1924 campaign are being enthusiastically pushed.

Literature of the organization is sent into every state where there are

to be elections, advocating the choice of selected candidates and

declaring its adherence to certain radical policies . In many instances it

is known that the supporters switched from one party to another, voting’

for one candidate in the primaries and another at the elections . This is

exactly what was done in Pennsylvania ; the radical element, backed by the

Conference, was solidly behind Burke in the primaries, and its followers

were later instructed to vote for the Democratic candidate at the election .

In the declaration of principles there is appeal for action with many

arguments taken from the code of the Communists . It is a part of the Communist

work here to make similar appeals through legal channels with

the intent of alienating Americans from the Flag as a step toward the proletarian

dictatorship to be established here following the exact pattern of

that now existing in Russia. This declaration refers, on Communist lines,

to “a long record of injury and usurpation,” and says in part :

“The history of recent years is a history of repeated injuries and usurpation

by the servants of this oligarchy in both the dominant parties ; all

having as their direct object the establishment of an absolue tyranny and

plutocratic dictatorship within these United States . Life, liberty and happiness

all have been sacrificed upon the altar of greed . To prove this let

facts be submitted to a candid world .

“They have stifled free speech, throttled free press, and denied the sacred

right of assembly . They have used the Federal Reserve System, controlling

the life blood of the nation’s credit, as an instrument to deflate and crush

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REDS IN AMERICA

farmers and independent business men and cause nation-wide unemployment .

They have obstructed every honest effort to relieve the distress of agriculture

thus caused and have used every influence to secure betrayal of the farmers

interests .

“They have conscripted 4,000,000 men and boys while they permitted

corporations and individuals to extort unconscionable war profits and have

sacrificed the soldiers’ just demands for equitable compensation to the dictates

of Mellonism and the selfish interests of tax-dodging capitalists and

profiteers. They have abolished the taxes upon excess profits of corporations

and have reduced the taxes upon incomes of millionaires . They have

used the army and the troops and police forces of States and cities to crush

labor in its struggles to secure rights guaranteed by the Constitution .”

Playing directly into the hands of the Communists in agitating radical

legislation, the Conference for Progressive Political Action puts forward

as its platform startling proposals affecting taxation, court proceedings and

Government ownership which are worthy of the efforts of the cleverly tricky

Communists, whose method of procedure is to advance any kind of theory

to effect changes, in the belief that the more changes made, the easier it will

be to bring about the great change, the establishment of the Dictatorship of

the Proletariat. Among the proposals in this remarkable platform is one

providing that any decision of the Supreme Court of the United States may

be reversed by a vote of Congress . Thus, distasteful court decisions may

be nullified as soon as the Radicals can get control of Congress-and the

fight for this is now being waged.

Another provision is that all dwellings, farmhouses, farm machinery,

farm improvements, household furniture and tangible personal property be

exempted from State and local taxation, and that all funds be raised by

taxes levied on incomes above a certain amount, business profits and corporations.

Unemployment and old age pensions and a Federal workmen’s

compensation insurance fund are also advocated . This would result, they

believe, as do the Communists, in breaking up what they love to call the

“capitalist State.” The Plumb plan of Government ownership of railroads

and other public utilities is naturally included in the platform and the

Conference is now practically the only source of propaganda in this country

for nationalizing of the railroads .

Not satisfied with the plan to nullify decisions of the Supreme Court

by vote of Congress, the platform of this group of radicals advocates State

legislation providing that no act of any State Legislature shall be declared

unconstitutional if any one member of the Supreme Court casts his vote in

favor of the constitutionality of the measure . This, of course, would tend to

weaken the safeguard that the courts of the country give to all citizens and

would bring the entire judicial system of the country into disrepute, so that

the coming of the proletarian dictatorship would be made more easy . New

banking features are also advocated which would tend to concentrate the

savings of workers in a way which would permit of their being used more

readily and in greater amounts for the provocation of unrest and other

unwise purposes . This is included in the proposal advanced for the organ-

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IN POLITICAL FIELDS

ization under government charter of cooperative banks with full banking

powers designed especially to enable farmers and factory workers to mobilize

their own resources.

A provision is also advocated that laws be enacted prohibiting interference

by Congress either with injunctions or in any other way with the

right of labor to organize, strike, picket, boycott and otherwise “to carry on

industrial controversy by peaceful means.” The Communists include violence

in strikes as a cardinal principle, and now this alleged Conference for

Progressive Political Action seeks to restrain the Government from the use

of the only judicial means of preventing violence in labor warfare aimed at

the Government.

Constitutional amendments in all States and Federal legislation are also

advocated permitting cities and other units of Government to own and operate

all classes of public utilities, including markets, cold storage plants, coal

and food supplies ; and authorizing cities, counties and other units of Government

to issue bonds to raise the money to purchase these public utilities

and supplies . This is just what the Communists are working for in their

illegal political organizations as a preliminary step to the overthrow of the

Government by force of arms .

The next step taken by this group of radicals is to catechize every nominee

to Congress . A questionnaire is prepared and sent to all candidates

for congressional election without regard to party affiliations before each

election. A copy of this questionnaire is sent to every labor union member

and every other person in sympathy with the labor union and radical movements,

with the request that the local unions and all local radical and socalled

progressive organizations take the matter up in their meetings and

besiege the congressional nominees with the questions . These questionnaires

are headed with the peremptory demand, “Answer must be Yes or No!”

In substance, they read as follows :

1. If elected to Congress will you work and vote to repeal the Esch-

Cummins railroad law?

2. If elected to Congress will you work and vote against the ship subsidy

and subsidies of all other special interests?

3 . Do you believe that five men on the Supreme Bench who have not

been elected by the people, and who cannot be rejected by the people, should

be permitted to nullify the will of the people as expressed by their representatives

in Congress and the Executive in the White House?

4 . If elected, will you work and vote for a constitutional amendment

restricting the power of the Supreme Court to nullify acts of Congress?

5 . If elected, will you work and vote against compulsory arbitration

and all attempts to destroy and restrict the rights of labor to organize,

bargain collectively, and strike?

6 . Will you work and vote for a clean-cut Federal statute prohibiting

Federal judges from issuing injunctions in industrial disputes?

7 . Will you work and vote to reinstate the taxes on excess profits and

maintain the taxes on big incomes?

8. Will you work and vote against a sales tax on the food and necessities

of the poor?

9. Will you work and vote to reduce appropriations for the Army and

Navy to a pre-war basis?

10. Will you favor increased Federal appropriations for education?

REDS

IN AMERICA

11 . Will you work and vote for a special tax on war grafters and

profiteers to pay the soldiers a just compensation?

12. Will you work and vote for a law to take the profit out of war by

manufacturing battleships, munitions and other implements of war in Government

plants only?

13. Will you work and vote for a clean-cut corrupt practices act which

will put an end to Newberryism?

14. Will you work and vote for the abolition of child labor and a constitutional

amendment for that purpose if necessary?

The public exposure of the Workers’ Party of America as a branch of

the Communist Party resulted in the refusal of this Council to seat delegates

from the Workers’ Party in the Cleveland convention (1922+) but the Council’s

work is greatly favored by the Communists because of its efforts to

disturb the functioning of the Government .

It is frequently difficult to link individuals and organizations with the

actual illegal Communist machine, but it is known that many members of

the various labor unions, as well as of the American Federation of Labor,

are members of the Communist party. The Brotherhood of Locomotive

Engineers, whose president, Warren S . Stone, is treasurer of the Conference

for Progressive Political Action, issue from its headquarters at Cleveland,

0., a publication called “Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers Journal,”

of which Albert F. Coyle is “acting editor and publicity manager .” On

July 18, 1922, Coyle, who is a Yale man, wrote to Robert Minor, at present

a member of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist party of

America, a letter beginning “Dear Comrade Minor,” in which he states that

he is trying to make the Journal “a real voice of the producing classes, interpreting

to them the big social, political and economic movements of the

day,” and refers to a meeting with Minor at the 1920 Convention of the

Intercollegiate Socialist Society .

This is but one of many such connections that unite individuals

prominent in labor union circles with the Communists . The principles of

many of the union leaders, as expressed in their public and private statements,

coincide with remarkable fidelity with the principles of Communism .

It is, indeed, no secret that the radical wing of the American Federation of

Labor, led by William Z. Foster, is allied with the Communist party of

America and is controlled by the “underground” or illegal organization of

that party . The fight between Samuel Gompers and Foster for leadership

of the American Federation of Labor is the reason ascribed by many for

Gompers’ alleged conservatism-the only means by which he could retain

personal independence by combating the pronounced radicalism of Foster .

The latter’s Trade Union Educational League agencies through which the

illegal party works is controlled absolutely by the Communists .

Directly associated with these organizations comprising the Conference

for Progressive Political Action is the National Federation of Federal Employees,

which is affiliated with the American Federation of Labor and in

which are a number of Communists . These Communists are keeping well

under cover and their membership in the Communist party is not known to

the rank and file of the Federal Employees’ organization . This federation

[52]

IN POLITICAL FIELDS

is composed of various unions made up exclusively of Federal employees

who are members of the American Federation of Labor . It is their boast that

no member of Congress dares go against the wishes of the Federation if

he desires to hold his position in Congress .

These unions are composed not only of postal clerks, rural letter carriers

and railway mail clerks, which are the best known of Federal employees’

unions, but they have organized county agents, engaged in agricultural extension,

all employees in public land offices, employees in irrigation, reclamation,

forestry and like work, all those connected with Indian work, particularly

with Indian schools, and every other line of activity in which Government

employees are interested .

The Federation of Federal Employees has shown its strength and influence

on more than one occasion . It is even a bit boastful of its power with

Congress and it was this boastfulness that attracted the attention of the

Communist party and led to the “planting” of Communists in Federal

employ for the purpose of getting control of the organization . The Federation

has successfully resisted all attempts at any reorganization of Federal

bureaus that would result in the decrease of the number of employees . It

succeeded in forcing the House of Representatives to reject a report by the

Committee on Appropriations against the continuation of a $240 annual

bonus to Government employees . This bonus was first allowed employees

during the war to offset the increased cost of living . The Appropriations

Committee reported in 1922 in favor of a reduction of this bonus upon the

ground that the cost of living was lower and there was no longer a need of

giving employees a bonus over and above their fixed salary. The American

Federation of Labor immediately got behind the Federation of Federal

Employees and succeeded in forcing the House to reject this attempted economy,

restoring the bonus for the fiscal year and appropriating for it $36,-

287,000.

Many bodies which appeal to “forward looking” individuals, or to

philanthropists, or to the sympathies of right-thinking people, are in the

field indorsing candidates for office . Ostensibly their purpose is to aid suffering

or to uplift the down-trodden ; but in reality their work is in furtherance

of the work of the Communist party in America . Among them are

organizations with high-sounding names like the All America National Council,

the Non-Partisan Relief Committee, the Society for Medical Aid to

Russia, the League for Industrial Democracy, the American League to Limit

Armaments, and the American Union Against Militarism . All the openly

pacifist organizations, which sponsor such movements as “No More War

Day,” and which are trying to influence congressmen and candidates for

Congress, are directly or indirectly branches of the illegal Communist party

,end their work is being controlled, though some of them may not know it,

by the Communists in secret and illegal meetings . The list of such organizations

in the United States is so long that a mere enumeration of them

would fill several pages .

The Workers’ party of America is the open political branch of the

[531

REDS IN AMERICA

Communist party of America, and every member of the official Workers’

party is a member of the illegal branch of that organization . But the Communists

are clever enough to know that they cannot yet win elections through

their own political party. Accordingly they have instructed their members

to support other candidates when no Workers’ party ticket is in the field ;

and that party has no open candidates as yet (1922) in Congressional elections.

But these workers are also instructed to “make themselves felt” in

order to acquire prestige in the minds of the candidates they support. In

this way they believe they will gain more strength in the campaigns . But it

must be borne in mind that at all times every member of the Communist

party in America is bound to obey the orders of the illegal party and to be

entirely controlled in his political as well as industrial activity by it .

Both Communists and every other breed of radicals were ready to make

capital out of the bonus question, however it might be decided by the Government.

If the bonus were approved, they would attack the action as an imposition

upon the people of the country and an effort of the “capitalist”

state to rob the poor. If disapproved, that action would be attacked as a

capitalistic effort to defraud the ex-soldiers out of their just dues. The

“Conference,” like the Communists and all other radicals, makes friends

with all dissatisfied portions of society . It takes the losing side on every

public question in order to make capital out of the fact that the side lost,

and its supporters, therefore, are believed to be hostile to the authorities .

Those who are familiar with the workings of the Communists are aware

that the United States is in jeopardy . They are not fearful if the people

of this country awake to the danger . But the enemies of civilization, both

those in the Communist party and those on the fringe, who are playing

with fire in their support of Communist theories, are at work to effect the

overthrow of this Government . They are working cleverly, insidiously,

and are willing to take plenty of time to accomplish their ends, but their

main purpose, the goal toward which they are striving, is the destruction

of church, home and state in America and the raising of the dictatorship of

the proletariat, controlled by Zinovieff and his gang in Moscow, to take the

place of the Government of the United States .

[54]

CHAPTER THREE

SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES

“Give us one generation of small children to train to manhood and

womanhood and we will set up the Bolshevist form of the Soviet Government.”

This statement, made in 1919 by Mrs . Marion E. Sproul, a Boston

school teacher, has become the guiding light of the Communist party of

America, has been adopted officially as a slogan of the party, and is being

used throughout the United States by the secret, illegal organization for the

purpose of alienating the American youth from the precepts of this country

and the teachings of a century and a half of democratic government . Public

and private schools, colleges and universities are the feeding ground of the

“intellectual Communists” and the agents of the party have been deliberately

“planted” in the educational institutions of the United States for the

purpose of making converts of the young. Even in grammar schools of

the larger cities of the country the children have “nuclei” of Communism

frequently encouraged by radical-thinkingteachers .

Dr. William B . Bizzell, president of the Texas Agricultural and Mechanical

College told the Dallas County Teachers’ Institute in 1922 that “Red

radicalism is stalking over the prairies of Texas,” little knowing that at that

instant the Communists were supporting students in his own and other colleges

of that State . The Soviet Government of Moscow paid the expenses

of sixty-five Russian students in a single college in the United States-and

their first duty is to the Communist International which specifically provides

that they shall make use of every opportunity to make converts of as many

of their associates as possible . One of the chief features of the Communist

party’s program in the United States is to send promising young men and

women to the institutions of higher education to fit them for future work in

the Red movement aimed at the destruction by violence of the Government

of the United States and the substitution for it of a dictatorship of the

proletariat, subordinate to the Moscow regime.

Radicalism in colleges is nothing new. It has existed since such institutions

have been known . It has always taken one form or another, usually

on religious lines, for adolescence likes to believe that its mind is untrammeled

by conventions. For generations educators have been familiar with

that period of mental revolt in the college youth which made him proclaim

himself an atheist, or an agnostic-some kind of a “free-thinker .” It is

a stage that has been so common as not to be alarming. For when college

days passed and the youth emerged into a sane, practical world which is

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REDS IN AMERICA

not particularly interested in religious technique as long as right living

governs the people of the earth, this period passed and the college-bred youth

took his proper place. But today, when the Communism-fed student leaves

college he does not step out into a sane world, but into the ranks of the

Communist movement which is watching him and waiting for his arrival

to assign him to definite work for the propagation of the work of the party .

Aside from the recognized schools and colleges every city now has

Communist classes, attendance upon which is compulsory on the part even

of little children, who are forced by law to attend public school a certain

numbers of hours each day . These classes usually meet at night and all that

is taught is Communism . Attendance is usually all the “home work” the

children have to do . Active Communists, frequently college graduates,

conduct them . There is a bit of fun mixed with these studies, so that, for

the youngsters, the work will not become irksome . Ridicule is heaped upon

religion, home ties, and especially upon the Government, in the form of

Communist songs which are taught the children . A sample of such songs

will show the nature of all of them . A typical verse reads :

A patriotic churchman in his den, in his den,

A-fishing after gold and men-Red flag comes along,

His holiness he cocks his eye, lets out a snort, and then, Oh my!

Golly, golly, what a roar! Blood and gore! How he tore!

Golly, golly, how he swore, at the Crimson Rag!

Another song taught the children concludes with the verses :

I’ve got rebellion in my heart,

It’s bred in flesh and bone.

A rebel I will be

As long as men shall men exploit

On either side the sea .

While right upon the scaffold lies,

And wrong upon the throne,

I’ll be a blooming rebel, sir,

A rebel to the bone .

The drift from liberalism to radicalism and finally to Communism is

gradual and easy . Many college professors, who were liberal in their views

and teachings became radicals almost without it being known, and some of

them, doubtless, without knowing it themselves . Others, however, and,in this

group must be listed some of the leading “liberal” lights of the greatest

universities _ in the country, knowingly preach and teach radicalism which

is seized upon by the Communists for ammunition with which to further

their ends . Men like Felix Frankfurter and Zacharia Chaffee, of Harvard ;

Frederick Wells Williams and Max Solomon Mandell, of Yale ; and many

others in different schools and colleges throughout the country-these men

are too wise not to know that their words, publicly uttered and even used

in class-rooms, are, to put it conservatively, decidedly encouraging to the

SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES

Communists. It is of men like these that lames H . Collins wrote in the

Saturday Evening Post :

“The spread of radicalism in our colleges is perhaps most marked of

all. The cartoon type of radical, with his whiskers and bomb, has a very

limited field of activity-any policeman would arrest him on sight . The

college radical, on the contrary, can move in every circle . It is not easy

to explain him . Sometimes he is a self-seeker and loves notoriety . Again,

his hostility to society is based on envy . Ambitious but lacking energy, he

hates people who succeed through energy, and sours on life . Some of this

intellectual radicalism is attributed to the materialism of the age, Socialism

and similar philosophies being based on the material concept of history .

Other observers charge it up to slipshod teaching of history and economics,

students lacking the solid grounding that would put superficial radical theories

in proper perspective . . . . The teachings of a radical college

professor may have great influence . In one college recently some of the

students made a demonstration when a radical professor was dropped from

the faculty. . . . Never having worked with his hands, nor mingled with

wage earners, nor been creative or constructive in any way himself, the intellectual

radical sees nothing difficult in the revolutionary program of first

tearing everything down and then building from the ground up, entirely

new.,

In a Los Angeles High School one of the teachers constantly taught

-hatred of capital and took the side of labor in a definite attempt to instill in

the minds of her pupils the propriety of such hatred . Finally, when she

openly declared that the United States was behind Russia, Germany and

Italy as progressive countries, one of the pupils publicly protested, because,

as he pointed out, “there is revolution or civil war in each of these countries.”

But that teacher continued for some time after this incident expounding

her theories to the youth under her charge .

The spreading of propaganda in rural districts has been a subject of

study by the Communists since the organization of the party . In certain

parts of the country where there are colonies of foreigners gathered under

Communistic influence radical plays are put on in schoolhouses by amateur,

home-talent performers . Occasionally trouble arises when a patriotic

school teacher discovers that meetings of what had been thought to be clubs,

or societies for social intercourse, were in reality Communist meetings under

the direction of the Third International through the Communist party of

America. One such incident may be cited as an example .

A colony of Finns, thirty-three families in all, of whom only three

families were American citizens, is located about twelve miles north of Deer

River, Minn . The company which located this colony confined its efforts

entirely to Finns and made particularly attractive offers to the colonists .

Fifty dollars secured a farm for each family and subsequent payments were

to be nominal . The thirty non-American families are Communists and they

undertook to give a play at the rural schoolhouse for the benefit of the Friends

of Soviet Russia . The teacher, Mrs . G. M. Smith, learned of the nature of

the organization, called the Suoma Raatagen Club, under the auspices of

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REDS IN AMERICA

which the play was to be given . She discovered that the play was simply

Red radical propaganda and refused to assent to the use of the schoolhouse

for that purpose ; but the Finns over-rode her by getting permission from

the county school superintendent . Mrs. Smith attended the entertainment

and forcibly prevented the giving of the Red play or taking up a collection

for the Friends of Soviet Russia . Singlehanded she drove them from the

schoolhouse when they began to shout, “We are Reds! We .are Bolsheviks!”

The Communists are constantly grooming some of their shining stars

for positions in the faculties of our colleges . The pay of the teachers in

all parts of the country, both in public and private institutions, is so small

that many able men are unable to accept positions as teachers . But the

small salary is no deterrent to the Communist, or the radical of any stripe,

who joyfully accepts places where he may elaborate his views and teach

real radicalism to the impressionable youth in his classes . His salary is frequently

supplemented by funds from the Communist treasury, sometimes

camouflaged under the cloak of “contributions” as a testimonial to his clear

thinking as expressed in his lectures .

The dissemination of radical, or as they term it, liberal propaganda in

institutions of learning, particularly in universities and women’s colleges,

has been a pet scheme of the radicals and their friends for years . There is

hardly any university of size in the country today which does not have at

least a branch of the National Student Forum, or its predecessor, the Intercollegiate

Liberal League, or the League for Industrial Democracy. These

are direct descendants of the Intercollegiate Socialist League which went

out of existence when “Socialism” became too mild a term to satisfy the

radical tendencies of many members. The frequent changes in name are

characteristic of all organizations affiliated with the Communists, who alter

their names and addresses in an effort to hoodwink the authorities, and fool

the public, a proceeding in strict accord with the orders of Nicolai Lenin .

The Intercollegiate Liberal League was born at Harvard, April 2, 1921, and

it was a result of the activities of the Socialist and later the Liberal League

that developed the “modern intellectuals,” or as they are better known, the

“parlor Bolsheviki.” There is so much in the teaching of radicalism that

appeals to the mental processes which invariably accompany certain periods

in the life of every student, that it is not surprising that the Communist

party, as a business proposition, and the many inconspicuous individuals

who are satisfied that they should be leaders and have no better means of

attaining notoriety, have grasped the opportunities offered, as the Socialists

did before them. Many are really capitalists, while others are plain parasites .

It is safe to say that no institution of learning in the country has been

so thoroughly saturated with the “liberal” activity as Harvard University .

This institution has stimulated such a spirit of democracy among the students

of the past generation that the radicals have had a more fertile field

in which to work at Harvard than in a less liberal establishment. The

professors themselves have not been inactive in the encouragement of the

movement, and the names of several of them appear prominently in the

roster roll of American liberals and are known in the “illegal” circles of the

[58]

SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES

Communist party of America. These professors, as well as the professors

of many other colleges, number known Communists among their personal

friends, and are frequently found speaking from the same platform even with

members of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist party of

America. It is impossible that men of their intelligence should not know

that they are advocating what the Communist party desires but cannot use

in public propaganda because their own words would be discounted . Prominent

radical speakers have been brought to speak at meetings of the Harvard

liberals from all sorts of organizations, among them men who are actually

paid agents of the Communist party.

Prominent in the organization of the Intercollegiate Liberal League

were men notorious as radicals, as well as men whose patriotism, and

Americanism cannot be questioned . The latter of course, did not realize

to what they were lending their aid . It is inconceivable that Dean Briggs

would in any way permit himself to be identified with a movement the chief

object of which is to overthrow the Government of the United States by force

of arms. And yet Dean Briggs was one of the speakers at the meeting to

organize the Intercollegiate Liberal League, in which the Communists were

interested . Roger N. Baldwin, head of the American Civil Liberties Bureau,

“conscientious objector” who served a prison term as a “draft dodger”

during the war, and intimate friend of the most radical of Communists, was

one of the organizers. Another was the Rev . John Haynes Holmes, whose

anti-American activities during the European War were so pronounced that

his New York church had to be watched by officers of the Government,

and whose writings were used by the Germans as propaganda with which

they sought to break down the morale of the Allied soldiers .

Harry W. L. Dana, known in Communist circles as one of the most

effective radical agitators, was also active in the organization of the Intercollegiate

Liberal League . Professor Dana, who was dismissed from Columbia

University because of his radicalism, said as far back as 1918 that he

would be glad to aid however he could in furthering the cause of Soviet

Russia in America, and from that time on has been issuing pronouncements

on the “class war.” Yet he is considered a leader in the radical collegiate

group . Among the others participating in the organization of this league

were Augustus Dill, of

Freeman;

a number of other colleges . Dean Briggs and President H . N. MacCracken

of Vassar College were among the speakers, and by their presence lent aid

to the movement. The Rev. John Haynes Holmes, in his speech on that

occasion, urged the students to “identify themselves with the labor world

and there to martyr themselves by preaching the gospel of free souls and

love as the rule of life .” He predicted a revolution, and said : “If you want

to be on the side of fundamental right you have got to line up on the side

of labor.”

According to the

the Intercollegiate Liberal League in 250 colleges and universities in this

country . At about the time when the Harvard Liberal Club’s application

The Crisis; Francis Neilson and Walter Fuller, of TheDonald Winston, of Young Democracy, and representatives fromLiterary Digest there were, in 1921, organizations of

[59]

REDS IN AMERICA

for membership in the Associated Harvard Clubs was rejected because of

its radicalism, a thorough investigation of the club and the league was made .

In the report it was shown that some outside agency was financing the

establishment of the league and the various clubs and their activities .

From the report of this investigation it is possible to quote one paragraph,

which reads as follows :

“It would appear that the Harvard Liberal Club, Harvard Students’

Liberal Club and the Intercollegiate Liberal League may be the means

devised and about to be used as propaganda agencies by radical movements

not yet disclosed . The Russian theory of instilling sympathetic ideas in the

younger generation while they are still in school is well known, and after

a brief examination . . . it appears more than likely that the system

is being put into execution among college students in this country . Such a

plan of radical activity is most patently dangerous, as the students at that

age, while mentally keen, active and alert, have not yet formed their permanent

characters and are at a formative period in their mental development,

during which they are particularly susceptible to the influence of older

minds, especially those of their masters whom they are accustomed to look

up to as fountains of authority, wisdom and guidance. Under those circumstances,

with men like Felix Frankfurter, Roger Baldwin and others behind

such a movement, its potentialities for evil at once appear to be tremendous .”

The retention of Professor Frankfurter at Harvard has called forth a

great deal of criticism from men in public affairs, Harvard graduates and

others. When he was counsel for President Wilson’s Mediation Commission

in the Mooney case, in California, he had the temerity to try to influence

Theodore Roosevelt in the work he was doing in the endeavor to aid Mooney .

This drew from the ex-president, whose Americanism has never been questioned

by friend or foe, the following letter, the existence of which few

people know :

“I thank you for your frank letter . I answer it at length because you

have taken and are taking . . . an attitude which seems to me to be

fundamentally that of Trotsky and the other Bolsheviki leaders in Russia ;

an attitude which may be fraught with mischief to this country .

“As for the conduct of the trial, It seems to me that Judge Dunne’s

statement which I quoted in my published letter covers it . I have not been

able to find anyone who seriously questions Mr . Dunne’s character, judicial

fitness and ability, or standing . Moreover, it seems to me that your own

letter makes it perfectly plain that the movement for the recall of Fickert

was due primarily, not in the least to any real or general feeling as to the

alleged short-comings on his part, but to what I can only call the Bolsheviki

sentiment. The other accusations against him were mere camouflage . The

assault was made upon him because he had attacked the murderous element,

the dynamite and anarchy group of labor agitators . The movement against

him was essentially similar to movements on behalf of the McNamaras, and

on behalf of Moyer and Haywood. Some of the correspondents who attacked

me frankly stated that they were for Mooney and Billings just as they had

been for the McNamaras and for Moyer and Haywood . In view of Judge

SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES

Dunne’s statement it is perfectly clear that even if Judge Dunne is in error

in his belief as to the trial being straight and proper, it was an error into

which entirely honest men could fall .

“But the question of granting a re-trial is one thing . The question of

the recall is entirely distinct . Even if a re-trial were proper this would

not in the least justify a recall-any more than a single grave error on your

part would justify your impeachment, or the impeachment of President

Wilson for appointing you . Fremont Older and the I . W. W. and the direct

action anarchists and apologists for anarchy are never concerned for justice .

They are concerned solely in seeing one kind of criminal escape justice,

precisely as certain big business men have in the past been concerned in

seeing another kind of criminal escape justice . The guiding spirits in the

movement for the recall of Fickert cared not a rap whether or not Mooney

and Billings were guilty ; probably they believed them guilty ; all they were

concerned with was seeing a rebuke administered to, and an evil lesson

taught all public officials who might take action against crimes of violence

committed by anarchists in the name of some foul and violent protest against

social conditions . Murder is murder, and it is rather more evil when committed

in the name of a professed social movement . It was no mere accident,

it was the natural sequence of cause and effect that the agitation for the

recall of Fickert, because he fearlessly prosecuted the dynamiters (and of

course no human being doubts that Billings and Mooney were in some shape

or other privy to the outrage) should have been accompanied by the dynamite

outrage at the governor’s mansion . The reactionaries have in the past

been a great menace to this Republic, but at this moment it is the I . W. W.

the Germanized Socialists, the anarchists, the foolish creatures who always

protest against the suppression of crime, the pacifists and the like, under the

lead of the Hearsts and La Follettes, and Bergers, and Hillquits, the Fremont

Olders and Amos Pinchots and Rudolph Spreckels who are the really grave

danger . These are the Bolsheviki of America, and the Bolsheviki are just as

bad as the Romanoffs, and are at the moment a greater menace to orderly

freedom . Robespierre and Danton and Marat and Herbert were just as

evil as the worst tyrants of the old regime, and from 1791 to 1794 they were

the most dangerous enemies to liberty that the world contained . When you

as representing President Wilson, find yourself obliged to champion men

of this stamp you ought, by unequivocal affirmative action, to make it evident

that you are sternly against their general and habitual line of conduct .

“I have just received your report on the Bisbee deportation . One of

the prominent leaders in that deportation was my old friend Jack Greenway,

who has just been commissioned a major in the Army by President

Wilson. Your report is as thoroughly misleading a document as could be

written on the subject. No official writing on behalf of the President

is to be excused for failure to know, and clearly to set forth that the

I. W. W. is a criminal organization . To ignore the fact that a movement

such as its members made into Bisbee is made with criminal intent

is precisely as foolish as for a New York policeman to ignore the fact

that when the Whyo gang assembles with guns and knives it is with crim

IN AMERICA

REDS

final intent. The President is not to be excused if he ignores this fact,

for of course he knows all about it. No human being in his senses

doubts that the men deported from Bisbee were bent on destruction and

murder. If the President through you or anyone else had any right

to look into the matter, this very fact shows that he had been remiss

in his clear duty to provide against the very grave danger in advance .

When no efficient means are employed to guard honest, upright and well

behaved citizens from the most brutal kind of lawlessness it is inevitable

that these citizens shall try to protect themselves . That is as true when

the President fails to do his duty about the I . W. W. as when the police

fail to do their duty about gangs like the Whyo gang ; and when either

the President or the police, personally or by representative, rebuke the

men who defend themselves from criminal assault, it is necessary sharply

to point out that far heavier blame attaches to the authorities who fail

to give the needed protection, and to the investigators who fail to point out

the criminal character of the anarchistic organization against which the

decent citizens have taken action.

“Here again you are engaged in excusing men precisely like the

Bolsheviki in Russia, who are murderers and encouragers of murder, who

are traitors to their allies, to democracy and to civilization, as well

as to the United States, and whose acts are nevertheless apologized for

on grounds, my dear Mr . Frankfurter, substantially like those which you

allege . In times of danger nothing is more common and nothing more

dangerous to the Republic than for men to avoid condemning the criminals

who are really public enemies by making their entire assault on the shortcomings

of the good citizens who have been the victims or opponents of

the criminals. This was done not only by Danton and Robespierre, but by

many of their ordinarily honest associates in connection with, for instance,

the `September massacres: It is not the kind of thing I care to see well

meaning men do in this country .

“Sincerely yours,

“Theodore Roosevelt.”

The writings of Lenin, Trotsky or other high priests of Communism,

as well as those of Marx and Engel, have been and undoubtedly still are

used as text-books, or as prescribed reading, in classes or clubs in Wellesley,

Vassar, Smith, Yale and many other colleges, and trouble is constantly

occurring in various State universities in the West where radicalism is being

taught, or studied. In all these colleges, also, Communist propaganda prepared

with a view to being placed in the hands of students, is secretly circulated

among the students . From time to time this secret work of the

Communists becomes known publicly through the indignation of some

thoroughly American student into whose hands the propaganda falls by

mistake. However, this does not often happen, for the Communists are

very careful to place such literature only in “safe” hands .

Upton Sinclair made, in 1922, a tour of the United States, lecturing

wherever he could on radicalism, ostensibly gathering material for a new

[621

SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES

book on education . Before his departure from his home in Pasadena, Calif .,

he was entertained as guest of honor at a dinner given by Mrs . Kate Crane

Gartz and Prince Hopkins, known as radicals, although standing high in

Pasadena society. Representatives were present of all classes of radicalism

from Communism to theoretical Socialism, society men and women, and

motion picture stars and producers . It was entirely radical in its personnel

and intended to be . In telling of his then projected trip, Sinclair said

that there were “capitalist spies” in practically every school and college

in the country reporting any teacher expressing liberal thought . “This

perfect network of spies,” he said, “has created such a fear among school

and university teachers” that nearly all his letters of inquiry remained

unanswered, thus forcing him to visit the institutions in person in order

to get information for his book in which he proposed to tell all about the

sinister influence and domination of the reactionaries and of Wall Street

finance and capital over the educational system of this country . The

radicals present appeared to believe all that Sinclair told them and there

was much indignation expressed because objection was being made to the

teaching of radicalism in the schools of the United States . And

radical teaching is backed by the illegal Communist party of America and

by the Russian Soviet Government of Moscow .

Judge J. H. Ryckman was another speaker . He dwelt upon the “terrible

persecution” of the I . W. W. radicals in California and said that

but for the assistance given by some wealthy radicals, mentioning Miss

Fanny Bixby Spencer and Miss Esther Yarnell, well known in California

society, who have given bail for many of the radicals arrested in the

West, the syndicalist movement, sponsored by the Communists, would have

been wiped out in that State. Gaylord Wilshire, a prominent Los Angeles

radical who boasts of his connections with the Communist movement,

delivered an ultra-radical speech, full of sarcastic and scathing vindictiveness

against American democracy, saying that a mixture of syndicalistic

principles and Communist tactics was the only salvation for this country .

These speakers are mentioned for the reason that this was the ammunition

to be used by Upton Sinclair on his tour of American colleges in making

addresses to students .

After Sinclair had started his tour he wrote friends from San

Francisco saying that Hearst’s Magazine had accepted his latest novel

“Mobland,” and ascribing this good fortune to the fact that Norman

Hapgood, known for his radical tendencies, and connected with the American

Civil Liberties Union had shortly before been made editor of that magazine .

On May 21, 1922, a small private meeting of a number of radical and

`.progressive” public school teachers of Pasadena was held, at which letters

from Sinclair were discussed . He had written from Chicago that at Madison,

Wis., he was received in a very friendly spirit and had held several successful

meetings . At the University of Chicago, he wrote, he had been

given a small auditorium in which to lecture, and so many students could

not get in to hear him that the meeting was adjourned to out-of-doors, so

that all could hear . “Generally speaking,” he wrote, “I am very much

yet this

[631

REDS IN AMERICA

pleased to find so many Socialists and adherents of other anti-capitalistic

systems among the college professors, and I am quite sure that if we

could only make these men feel reasonably sure of economic independence

there would be a great wave of radical thought sweeping through all our

schools.”

On this tour Sinclair was entertained by and addressed several local

clubs associated with the Intercollegiate Liberal League, and at other

places his meetings were held under the auspices of the “Cosmopolitan

Club” of the college . The Cosmopolitan Club movement is one which

has been investigated and found to be engaged in spreading radical propaganda

in practically all institutions in which it has been introduced . There

are branches in Harvard, Yale, the Universities of California, Chicago,

Illinois, Michigan, Missouri, Nebraska, Kansas, Oregon, Pennsylvania,

Wisconsin and Indiana, Columbia and Cornell, Drake College, Iowa State

College, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Oberlin, Ohio State College,

Ohio Wesleyan College, Purdue, Syracuse, Union College, Vanderbilt University,

William Jewell College, Worcester University, Coe University and

Radcliffe College .

These clubs include active Communists as well as radicals of other

types and are unquestionably supported, at least in part, by the Communist

party . In their membership are many foreigners, the ostensible

object of the clubs being to foster international friendship . In some cases

radical professors are the active leaders in these clubs, although usually

active Communists who are undergraduates are the leaders . They frequently

have as speakers members of the Communist party of America who never

miss an opportunity to make converts .

As Upton Sinclair made his tour of the country and worked either

directly or indirectly for Communism, so Lillian Reiseroff, of Cambridge,

Mass., made her way from East to West, working directly for the Communists,

and organizing in schools and colleges, among her other activities,

branches of the Young Workers’ League of America, a part of the Communist

organization supported as one of the “legal” portions of the radical party .

Miss Reiseroff made her way to the Pacific Coast and at Seattle found

Sidney E. Borgeson, who while attending the summer school at the University

of Washington, was very active as a member of a number of

local radical organizations. These two worked together in college circles

and left together for Minneapolis, where Borgeson said he was to be

employed as an instructor at the University of Minnesota, and where

Miss Reiseroff was to engage actively in organization work for the Young

Workers’ League.

The Communists have not been slow to seize upon the fact that practically

no efforts are made, outside of the public school system, with

its more or less lax laws relating to attendance at certain ages, to furnish

children of foreign birth and children of the working class with educational

facilities . This lack of attention on the part of the American

public has given the Communist an excellent opportunity to organize night

schools for the teaching of Communism . Among the documents found

[643

SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES

at Bridgman, Mich ., were many referring to the work on the education and

early training of the youth on Communistic lines . Much of this work

is done by the Young Workers’ League, which has been organized all over

the country in a remarkably short time .

A single example of how the Communists work in the schools and colleges

will suffice to explain many recent activities in such institutions .

In 1922 sixty-five Russian men and women applied for admission to the

United States from Mexico as students . They said they wished to matriculate

at the University of California for study . The United States Government

permitted them to enter, believing them anxious to attend the University

-of California for educational purposes only. As a matter of fact the

sixty-five were sent by the Russian Soviet Government to Mexico to facilitate

their entrance to this country . They were financed by the Communists in

Moscow and carried on a well organized Communist propaganda on the

Pacific Coast under direction of the Third International of Moscow. They

made a number of converts among the students of the University, according

to a well informed visitor to the Coast . They also acted as advisers to

the organizers of the Young Workers’ League in Pacific Coast States .

The Young Workers’ League is an outgrowth of the Young People’s

Communist League and the Young People’s Socialist League, and was organized

for “legal” propaganda purposes . The re-organization was effected

by the Executive Committee of the Workers’ party and the installation

of the various circles was in charge of the National Secretary,

Oliver Carlson, alias E. Connelly, alias Edwards . He is a member of

the Communist party of America, of which the Workers’ party is the

open or “legal” political branch. The purpose of the Young Workers’

League is “to educate the members, the young workers, to understand

their position in capitalist society, to show them the stupidity of seeking

to climb higher, and to map a course of action for their emancipation .”

Among the organizers of the League were such persons as Walter Bronstrup,

Mrs. Margaret Prevy, Mrs . Sadie Amter, Max Kaminsky and D . E. Early,

all well known in Communist circles .

The headquarters of this League is, at the time of this writing, at

No. 208 East Twelfth Street, New York, and the country is divided into

districts with an organizer in each district . Classes are held in many

cities for the instruction of the young people and their elders along

Communistic lines. The following is quoted, as an example, from a

report of the organization in Roxbury, Mass . :

“Meetings are held every Sunday evening . Classes have been opened

in economics and psychology and are attended. Harry W. L. Dana and

Mrs. Antoinette F. Konikow, of No . 52 Chambers Street, Boston, are

lecturers at these classes . Leo Golosov, of Dorchester, was formerly in

charge of the organization and he has since been in Russia . Louis Marks,

of Dorchester, is now at the head . Recently copies of Youth, a Communist

paper, were distributed at one of the meetings .”

This is only a sample of the work done in many localities in addition

to the work among the children . The Communists are using the

1651

REDS IN AMERICA

schools regularly as places of meeting for older students of Communism,

as well as for children of tender years . In the classes such studies

as the “A. B . C. of Communism,” “Fundamental Principles of Communism,”

“Theses and Resolutions of the Communist International” are read and

studied.

of the League until March, 1922, when the

official organ .

From a convention call issued by the national secretary of the Young

Workers’ League, the aim of the organization is given in the following

words: “Our aim is to be the abolition of capitalism by means of the

Workers’ Republic, a government functioning through the power of the

proletariat to the exclusion of all other classes, as the first step toward

the establishment of an international classless society, free from all political

and economic slavery .” International Liebknecht Day was first celebrated

by the Young Workers’ League of America in January, 1922, when

international meetings were held in almost every important city of the

United States . A joint convention was held in New York in April . It

was announced that all organizations subscribing to the convention call and

sending delegates, must agree to merge into the Young Workers’ League .

Conventions were also held in Brooklyn in May, and in Chicago in July

of the same year.

Bearing in mind that this organization is chiefly interested in educating

first the young and then their elders in Communistic lines of thought, and

that an effort has been made to lead the public to believe that the

Young Workers’ League is not connected with the Communist movement,

it is interesting to read the following communication, dated Moscow, June

27, 1922, and addressed “to the National Executive Committees of the

Communist parties,” which was found with other documents at Bridgman,

Mich., when the Communist party convention was raided :

“Dear Comrades : In agreement with the Executive Committee of the

Comintern, the Executive Committee of the Young Communist International

decided to launch an energetic campaign of the youth for the united

front of the proletariat . For this purpose it decided to convene a

World Congress of Juvenile Labor .

“In order to prepare the proletarian youth for our campaign, it is

of utmost importance that the Communist parties with their press support

us in the most extensive manner. This is especially necessary because

the whole action is closely connected with the united front policy of

the Comintern in the next (near?) future .

“We have already informed the National Executives of our League

in order that the editors of the party organs may support us . With consideration

to the immense significance of this forthcoming action and its effect

on the Social Democrats and Centrists, we ask you, the National Executive

Committees, to instruct the editors of your organs to grant sufficient

space to the publications of the National Leagues as well as to the inter-

Youth, the publication just mentioned, was the official organYoung Worker became the

[661

IHE

tOf,tx>

yr+’ L’t~jty

YOU”‘ NG WORKER

C1 Sf -QA, (U THE V(H’h’p (YORKERS J.1-” ,

]pri?

SON

F

iICC ET RUSSIA.,. .

4wnal

group of Communist publications in the United States . Soviet Russia, The

Labor Herald, and The Young Worker, on the right William Z . Foster of Chicago,

on the left, Robert Miner.

LA

SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES

national publications. With Communist greetings of the Executive Committee

of the Young Communist International .”

In a circular marked “strictly confidential,” sent from Moscow June

24, 1922, the National Executive Committees of the Communist parties

in the various countries of the world were told that “recent events in the

international labor movement render necessary a revision of our tactics

in the problem of `the proletarian united front and juvenile labor.'” It

is then stated that the youth must not be made to carry on their fight

for the united front alone but that all branches of the Communist party

in each country must work together for the united front under the direction

of the National Executive Committee of the Communist Party . “The slogan

of the united front will for a long time,” the circular says, “be the underlined

principle of all activities .”

The “recent events in the international labor movement” refers to

the refusal of the Socialist Internationals to surrender to the Communists

in the matter of calling a world labor congress, to insist upon all

labor working with the united front movement for the establishment of

the proletarian government of the world . Because of this opposition the

matter was dropped for the time and the Executive Committee of the Young

Communists League, in Moscow, upon direction from their superiors in

the Soviet Government, shifted the movement to the various national

organizations instead of trying to make it a solid world movement.

It is interesting to note the care with which this work in America,

as is the case in all other countries, is mapped out in Moscow . One of

the documents found at Bridgman contains the proceedings of the Young

Communist International at Moscow, when, under the leadership of Zinovieff,

programs for the future were arranged and the work specified for

the branches all over the world . In each country the youngsters must

be instructed as to the form of government in that country and given

points for argument against its maintenance. Care must be taken that the

study and work shall be interesting to the youth . A few paragraphs of

these proceedings will be illuminating .

“In view of the fact that almost all of the practical arrangements

of the Leagues have an educational . character (evenings of groups,

lectures, discussions and entertainment evenings, excursions, etc.) and that

in all other departments of work an increase of the educational endeavors

is necessary (training of officials), the systematic improvement of this

sphere of activities must be paid great attention to . The organization of

this work (elaboration of plans, discussion of the active workers providing

of new forces and material) must in any case be transferred to a special

department of the Executive Committee and the branch committees .

“The performance of the task imposed by the Second Congress-that

of basing educational work on the problems of the day-is only possible

if the active members of the leagues know the elementary principles of

the Marxian theory . In order to enable the members to acquire this

knowledge, political elementary instruction must be given. All young

[67]

REDS IN AMERICA

workers entering the Leagues must as far as possible during the first year

of their membership be provided with elementary political knowledge .”

Then the work is mapped out in detail, taking them through grades,

much as is done in our public school system, until they are developed

full Communists when they are admitted to active membership in the party

and assigned to work . A part of this future work is given as “agitation

and propaganda” among youth not of Communist families .

“The patient, persistent and systematic enlightenment of the broad

masses of juvenile labor on the character of our opponents, along the practical

lines of their daily activities, must become the basis of this agitation

and propaganda work,” reads a portion of the proceedings . “So far as

the bourgeois youth organizations are concerned, it is the task of the Young

Communist Leagues to expose their class character, to fight the Church, to

carry on a strong, elastic anti-religious propaganda, to lead a ruthless

fight against militarism and to unveil not less ruthlessly pacifism and

political neutrality . They must, furthermore, be able to sharpen the class

antagonism in these organizations where proletarian and semi-proletarian

elements are organized.”

In the resolutions adopted by the first national convention of the

Young Workers’ League of America, organized by the Young Communist

League pursuant to instructions from Moscow, and which was held in

May, 1922, it is distinctly stated that “in the struggle of the working class

against the capitalist class the laboring youth does not hold any special

position; the class struggle is a conflict between but two classes-the

working class and the capitalist class .” The resolutions at this convention

endorsed Soviet Russia and “demanded” its recognition by the United

States, approved the stand of the World War Veterans against “the avowed

foe of the working class, the American Legion,” and endorsed the friends

of Soviet Russia and all other Communist branches and efforts .

The call for this convention was officially endorsed by four branches

of the Young Women’s League, Chicago, Detroit, Boston and New York .

A single paragraph from the resolution on education, adopted by the Young

Communist International and approved by the convention in America, tells

the extent of the work of this organization :

“With the change in the character and intensity of the class struggle

must come about a change in our method of agitation . This field must

be subdivided under these two headings : first, education within the

organization; second, propaganda and education among the masses .”

It has been seen that the machinery of the Communists for gaining

converts and trained workers embraces all stages and degrees of education

from the poor youngster who has to work selling papers, running

errands, or in any way, through the night Communist schools, the public

schools, colleges and universities, even to professorial chairs in the

higher institutions . In addition to this, the names of all radicals who, by

word or deed, lend encouragement or endorsement to the Communist movement,

are used in the propaganda work of gaining recruits to the Communist

[681

SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES

army. Whenever a college professor, a Government official, a big business

man, or any individual whose name carries distinction in any line of

endeavor, carelessly or with intent expresses an opinion which can be

construed as favoring, even in a limited sense, the aims of the Communists,

such words are seized upon and used for propaganda purposes, especially

in endeavoring to win over young men and women, in college or out, to

the Communist party. Thus it is that correspondence between the late

Charles P. Steinmetz, the electrical genius, and Lenin was broadcasted

throughout the English speaking world and was translated into many

languages for propaganda purposes . It was given out by Lenin .

Steinmetz, who had for many years been known as an enthusiastic intellectual

socialist, expressed to Lenin his admiration of the Russian Soviet

government in “the building up of socialism and economic reconstruction”

and offering his services “to assist Russia in the technical sphere and

particularly in the matter of electrification in a practical way and with

advice.” Lenin’s reply was a studied attempt to furnish material for

propaganda, writing of “the necessity and the inevitability of supplanting

capitalism by a new social order” and using other hackneyed phrases

familiar to those who study revolutionary literature . Lenin also took

occasion to refer to the lack of recognition of the Soviet government by

the United States as a prime difficulty in the path of accepting the Steinmetz

offer of assistance.

[691

CHAPTER FOUR

RADICAL PUBLICATIONS AND LITERATURE

The number of radical publications issued in the United States including

those published abroad and circulated in this country almost trebled

in the year 1922 . This is due to two facts : the tremendous increase

in the growth of the Communist party and its “legal” branches

in America, and the fact that a number of radical publications suspended

after the raids by the authorities in December, 1920, and January, 1921 .

There are known to be at least 227 radical publications printed in foreign

languages and seventy-three in English issued in the United States ; there

may be others, for many of them are printed secretly and circulated surreptitiously,

and it is more than probable that some such papers find their

way only into the hands of those whom they are intended to reach . In

addition to these there are 269 papers printed in various languages abroad,

including English, and imported into the United States in large quantities,

as well as forty-two papers published in Argentine, Canada, Chile, Cuba,

Mexico, Porto Rico and Uruguay, which are brought in increasingly large

quantities to this country to aid in the drive of radical propaganda . This

is a total of 611 periodicals known to be circulated among the people

of the United States, directly or indirectly aimed at the overthrow of this

Government .

In addition to the daily papers, weekly magazines and monthly reviews,

included in the above list, books are published and circulated for children

and adults, all of them very cleverly presenting propaganda for the purpose

of instilling Communism in the minds of the readers . Most of these books

are prepared in Russia and many of them are printed abroad, being brought

to the United States by smugglers . Picture post cards, some of them of

high artistic merit, are also secretly brought to this country and efforts

are constantly being made to give them wide distribution ; but as these

post-cards are unmailable, under the laws of the country, they are usually

confiscated. No attempt is made, however, to distribute the books except

from hand to hand, and through the underground organizations of the

Communist party. The subtlety and excellence of these books are worthy

of commendation but for the message they bear-that the Government of

the United States must be overthrown and the dictatorship of the proletariat

established . Several different volumes of fables, imitating the Aesop

classics, especially designed for little folks, are widely read by Communist

children and the children of radicals of other stripes .

Many of the Communist books, also, may be obtained at public book

[711

REDS IN AMERICA

stores . Care is taken in the preparation of these books–this refers solely

to the reading matter for mature people-to make them accord with the

laws of the United States so that the propaganda may be more widely

distributed. These volumes are largely philosophical and bearing on industrial

conditions . But the single moral pointed, the single lesson conveyed

is that all capitalistic governments must be overthrown by violence and

Soviet governments, patterned after and under the direction of the central

Soviet government at Moscow, established .

At first the Communist, anarchist and other radical papers published

in this country were crude affairs, frequently printed on coarse, brown

paper, and typographically barbarous . But today these papers are excellently

printed, many of them on better print paper than is used by most

metropolitan newspapers, and the make-up and typography of a nature

that would please the most exacting journalist . Colors are frequently

used-though this applies exclusively, perhaps, to magazines and pamphlets.

And whereas the reading matter in the early publications was

crudely put together, usually nothing but the most blatant excoriation of

government and praise of the Soviet regime, and almost invariably showing

ignorance of composition and of English, the present publications are

excellentjy written in blameless diction, and present their propaganda in

far more insidious and interesting style. In fact, some of their newspapers

and magazines are fascinating in their cleverness . The chief propaganda

articles are logically constructed (on false premises, to be sure) and the

best American in the world would have to be on his guard to keep from

falling into agreement with the writer. These publications are well illustrated

with cartoons and photographic reproductions and have various

departments, even columnists and jokes, all carefully built to further

Communist propaganda.

One excellent series of pamphlets is entitled “Children’s Stories of

Soviet Russia” and is issued by “Friends of Soviet Russia Famine Scout

Clubs of America .” This is patently an effort to make use of the boys’

and girls’ scout organizations and the pamphlet is purely a Communist

organ for the dissemination of Communist propaganda through the Communist

“legal” branch known as Friends of Soviet Russia . It is profusely

illustrated, with covers in colors, and contains a number of stories about

and for children. The blow at capitalism is struck at the outset in the

following paragraph, as a preface to the stories :

“The rich capitalists all over the world tried to crush the government

of the Russian workers and farmers. They blockaded Russia. They

crippled her factories and destroyed her farming machinery and made

Russia fight for her life at a time when she was beginning to make life

happy and free for all workers and their children . Then came drouth,

starvation and death for millions.”

Radical periodicals are published from Boston to Los Angeles, from

Seattle to Florida . The place of publication of the most radical is unknown ;

they simply appear . They are printed in many languages including,

[721

RADICAL PUBLICATIONS AND LITERATURE

besides English : Russian, Italian, Jewish, Ukrainian, Armenian, Bulgarian,

Czech, Croatian, Esthonian, Finnish, German, Greek, Hungarian, Lithuanian,

Polish, Slovak, Spanish, Roumanian, Danish, Lettish, Slovenic and French .

Many of the papers, such as The Communist, the official organ of

the Communist party in America, are printed in various language editions .

The editors of the different editions attend a regular round table at which

the editor-in-chief dictates the general policy to be followed in each article.

This policy is discussed by the polyglot circle and the translations are

made to conform, not in words, but in sentiment, to the policy dictated .

The same is true of the books, pamphlets, circulars, posters and magazines,

which appear in many languages, directed to bringing about the one

definite result . This part of the Communist party work is thoroughly

organized and is progressing without a hitch . These publications are practically

all the reading matter the foreigner in the United States gets . They

are carefully prepared to keep his mind alien to the interests of the United

States, and are devoted to inspiring and maintaining interest in the “class

struggle,” which is preached to him continuously from the time of his

arrival in America. His only companions, frequently his only associates,

speak his language, and here is a newspaper, a weekly and a monthly

magazine, and even books in his native tongue . There is little in reading

matter that falls into his hands to urge him to become American because

everything he wants in the way of reading matter is furnished him in his

own language. And therein lies the seriousness of the foreign press situation

in the United States. With few exceptions the reading matter that comes

to his hand in his own language preaches either openly or by innuendo

the “necessity” for the violent overthrow of the United States Government .

The radical press was largely concerned with the strikes of 1922,

as was to be supposed . The radical and labor press was interested in the

period of unrest as an example of the larger, broader fight between capital

and labor of which the strikes were regarded as but preliminary, although

very important, battles. Characteristic is the sentiment expressed : “Capital

is advancing ; Labor is on the defensive.” Not in part alone the fault of

the owners and operators, according to this press, but the coal and rail

strikes were entirely so-an unprovoked assault upon the living rights of

the workers. Hence, also, the almost universal plea for the united front,

the general strike, as the only hope against the unity of purpose and power

of the enemy, the ultimate end, of course, being “the complete abolition of

Capitalism .” Certain of the editorials in recent numbers of the Communist

and other radical press on the strike situation are very bitter . “If they do

not in actual words urge measures of direct action, words are scarcely

needed in the light of the inflammatory picture painted . To assert, as one

of them does, that “the bourgeoisie stands in a fighting line-ready to shoot

you down like dogs”, and then add that “To give in means-Death! To

struggle means-Life! Struggle!” does not require more in the way of

exhortion to forcible resistance.

As Moscow is the headquarters of the entire Communistic movement,

[731

REDS IN AMERICA

all important orders affecting Communism throughout the entire world

come from that city . Berlin is one of the chief, if not the chief subordinate

headquarters, for it is in the latter city that the governing body of the

parties in Western Europe and America sits and directs the work done in

those two important sections of the world . The propaganda work in the

United States has its headquarters in Berlin, always, of course, under the

supreme authorities in Moscow. Early in the summer of 1922, Jay Lovestone,

secretary of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist Party

of America, brought from Berlin $35,000 for propaganda work in this

country . Later, A . A. Heller- of New York, representative of the Supreme

Soviet of People’s Economy in the United States, received $49,000 from

Berlin for the same purpose . This latest consignment of gold was for

work in connection with the drive of the Friends of Soviet Russia for additional

funds, the major portion of which goes into Soviet coffers in

Moscow.

Bearing in mind that the United States, then, is fed with Communist

propaganda from Berlin, it is interesting to know that this propaganda

is prepared at the Berlin headquarters in English, printed on sheets on

one side only and thus distributed so that the English radical papers can

reprint it simply by using shears and paste in its preparation . This material

is also furnished the foreign language press here in whatever language is

desired, and in the same way . The Berlin organization is no secret abroad,

for the Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung published an excellent chart of the

ramifications of the organization with the following interesting article :

“The chart shows the organization of the Bolshevik propaganda as

spread throughout Europe . Its management is being conducted by the propaganda

bureau, which is a division of the All-Russian Central Executive

Committee, having as its object the propaganda within the country, in

the army and abroad. The latter is divided into two sections : the Eastern

and the Western . The Eastern section consists of eight groups, those

of China and Korea, Japan, India, Afghanistan, Turkey, Persia, Caucasus

and the Nomadic nations . The Western section embraces, outside

of the European countries, the United States of America . The propaganda

bureau is headed by the propaganda committee, the members of which are

Zinoviev, Radek, Chicherin, Lunacharsky, Krassin, Litvinov and others.

The committee is again divided into an Official Section, containing the

diplomatic and commercial delegations abroad, the press bureau, the news

agency ‘Rosta’ and a number of wireless stations as well as the secret sec-

1

prior to Marten’s departure from this country under pressure . “Who’s Who in New

York,’ edition of 1918, states : Heller, Abraham Aaron, Gen’I Mgr . Internat. Oxygen

Co. ; b . Minsk, Russia, October 1874 ; s . Lazarus and Sarah (Chautin) Heller ; ed .

Public schs . Moscow, Russia and New York ; m . Edith Spectorsky, Dec. 1902, N . Y.

City. Children, Anna, Lyndal, Mireille . Organized in 1893 firm of L . Heller & Son

(importers of precious stones) and in 1906 opened European office at Parts, France .

Formed Internat. Oxygen Co., in 1910 and is now treasurer and Gen’l Mgr. of same .

Mem. Executive Board Compressed Gas Mfrs . Ass’n, Dir . Rand School of Social

Science. Recreations, farming, golf. Clubs, Twilight, Inwood Country. Residence,

9 W. 68th St., and Bernardsville, N. J . Address 115 Broadway, N. Y. City . The

International Oxygen Co. received large contracts during the War to supply the

Army and especially the Navy with oxygen and other chemicals .

Mr. Heller was Commercial Attache In Ludwig Marten’s “Russian Soviet Embassy,”

[741

Oryauuaation der 6o’ct”euz-d4ee/ze2

o6/’Epa=yaada

O1i sidle

and geheimc Organisationen, .

M.&d=&+kwrl6yw’nrhw ..,.twrh.=.n ;.atyky.I;( A;/-4WAIN.6tl…/w

nsH.y,,, <, .

Jo,,,k./ne .4 =F’~eara=Je%u,. “,4 , wqr- .

Schematic diagram of the Bolshevik propaganda organization taken from the

Allgemeine Zeitung

through the Berlin headquarters but latterly orders have been received direct from Moscow .

Deutscheof Berlin. At that time the propaganda in America was directed largely

RADICAL PUBLICATIONS AND LITERATURE

tions A and B, conducting a special information and communications service

under the management of a member of the Extraordinary Commission, the

Che-Ka. The official section is conducted by Litvinov in Reval . Here are

the printing offices, the information bureaus, and warehouses for goods

that will be required, should

“Litvinov also has charge of the Central offices in Helsingfors, Riga,

Kovne, Prague, Vienna, Rome, Stockholm, Copenhagen, London and Berlin .

The Russian money for the feeding of the chest of the Russian missions

is being forwarded by Litvinov either directly to those offices or to Berlin

for further transmission . It also is being used for the support of the

Communist groups, mainly those in Vienna, Prague and Berlin .

“Berlin is ranking first among the Bolshevik central offices . It is

overrun with Soviet agents. Its head is Wigdor Kopp, with his secretary,

Stomuniak .- The main offices are located in the Massenstrasse, Nr . 9. With

this there are connected further separate bureaus constituting together

an enormous administrative apparatus . The Berlin office is supporting the

paper,

24, issuing reports which are being scattered in enormous quantities

through Europe and the United States. The office is directed by the German

Communist, Anna Geier . The Berlin central office disposes of vast funds .

It is obliged to maintain, however, an army of agents, informers, couriers,

clubs, newspapers, etc . Kopp also is subsidizing a shipping company ;

his real name is Kopelevich. He places great confidence in the organization

`Peace and Work,” which is managed by Prof . Stankevich and the

journalist Golubsov, endeavoring to reconcile the Russian emigres with the

Soviet Government.

“Thq secret sections are working by means of strikes, sabotage, provocations

and economic crises . Their Central Office is administered from

Moscow and is under the direction of Zinoviev, Dzierzinsky, Kamenev,

Kursky and others. Every foreign country has there its representative .

Among them there is the Englishman, MacLean, who was arrested recently

in England during the demonstrations of the unemployed . The main and

sub-arteries are indicated on the chart . Seven of them are connecting Moscow

with the centres of Europe . [The United States comes directly under

Berlin-Author.]

“The second place after Berlin is Prague . It is the connecting main

between Moscow and Paris . The office in Milan is directing the Italian, the

Swiss and the Yugoslav Districts. Offices of similar importance are situated

in Rome, Zagreb, Belgrade, Sofia, Adrianople and Constantinople, all

of which are directed from Adrianople . Roumania is under special direction

of Rakovsky in Kiev. The well-organized Western sections of Zurich

and London under the management of Rubalsky are worthy of mention .

London is a subdivision of the Paris section and is receiving special attention

from Moscow . Toulouse is connected with Spain, while Belgium and

Holland are connected with Paris.

rapprochement with other countries be perfected.Rote Fahne, and is conducting the Red press bureau in the Muenzstrasse,

“This

[751

enormous organization could not be changed or overthrown in

REDS IN AMERICA

a night. Changes of individuals might take place but they could not disturb

the entire structure . The organization of the Bolshevik propaganda

as outlined here is working for the only great goal for which it has been

created, which is Universal Revolution .”

While the Berlin organization, with the multitude of tentacles as outlined

above, serves to direct the attitude of the papers of the United States

and various other countries as well, along lines for the general Communist

movement, editors of the radical newspapers are permitted great freedom

in handling their local situations and problems . Every strike, every political

disturbance, every racial clash is seized upon to promote the cause of

radicalism and to serve as an agency for an attack upon the “capitalistic”

state and form of society . On these lines the radical press in the United

States leads the world, for the Communists abroad have passed the stage

of development where they have to be continuously aroused. The foreigner

in the United States, dependent in large measure for his information

and almost entirely for his reading matter upon the radical press, needs

to have his mind concentrated on his “wrongs” in order to keep him at the

proper pitch of rebellious feeling.

Therefore, the radical press pursues its tireless course with steadily increasing

skill in fastening upon those issues in the industrial and political

life of the United States which lend themselves, often neatly enough, to

the cause of radicalism . The characteristic feature about this attitude of

blame, contemptuous or ironic, as the case may be, is that never by any

chance is a fair or good word, even an extenuating word, said for the existing

state of things . Never, by any chance, is an effort made, never even

a suggestion, to improve conditions that exist ; the sole aim and object is

utterly to destroy the present social system before considering the moves

that will have to be made in effecting the establishment of the Dictatorship

of the Proletariat in America . Everything that is, is wrong, they say ; all

is black, and there is no relief or betterment in sight because relief and

betterment are not to be looked for in a cesspool of iniquity . Read their

press day after day and its influence will not be denied . A blatant chauvinism

might be proof against it . An intelligent appreciation of it, pro and

con, is not to be found belittling it . How a full sympathy with it must be

nourished and strengthened, it is disconcerting to think .

The proletariat of the United States, the Communists and other radical

leaders believe, has passed the stage where wild excitement is necessary to

waken workers to appreciation of what they must do . Accordingly a change

appears in their press . In 1920 the efforts of press and agitators were

devoted to exciting the workers to radicalism in thought and deed . The

most inflammatory appeals were printed and broadcasted by every means that

could be found in which the law could be evaded . But today the propaganda

is far more insidious . The minds of the workers have been filled

with the necessity of overthrowing the Government by violence and now

they are being trained to the work which is regarded solely as preliminary

to the great “mass action” . That is why the united front is being preached

and stressed on every occasion .

The Freiheit, the daily organ of the Jewish

(76]

RADICAL PUBLICATIONS AND LITERATURE

Federation of the Workers’ Party, the “legal” political branch of the Communist

party of America, in discussing strikes editorially, said in the

Autumn of 1922 :

“The `right to work’ has no meaning to them [the employers] when

they lock out the workers, reorganize the factories, have the work done

outside (in order to deprive their own workers of work) and demand for

themselves the right to discharge employees . The worker is to them of

lesser value than a machine .

“A machine is not thrown out when there is not enough work to keep

it going. The worker, however, who creates all the wealth for his employer

through the sweat of his brow is thrown out in the street when there is not

enough work to keep him busy.

“We are not discussing this with the railroad companies or other employers

. We do not want to preach morals to them . We only want that

the workers themselves conceive fully the, `sacred right to work .’

“The present crisis will not last forever, and not always will the present

masters have the upper hand . The time will come when the workers

will realize their power and will remind themselves of `the right to work’ .

“The workers will acquire the right to work with the abolishment of

the rights of the employers over the industries and with the substitution of

the dictatorship of the masters with that of the workers .”

As an example of the radical press’ efforts to keep the spirit of the

workers up to fighting pitch, a couple of paragraphs from a recent number

of

This paper, in an editorial printed in September, 1922, shows the characteristic

hope that out of the railroad and coal strikes, or any other similar

strikes, may grow the means to the great end, the triumph of Communism

through the general strike . In part this editoral says :

“The new factor of the American labor movement is the spiritual

trend which fills with revolutionary solidarity the awakening masses . Soon

there will appear, in every fight of the workers, that feeling of revolutionary

solidarity which gives the masses participating in the fight a strong

push, which makes them feel that they no longer fight only for temporary

advantages, not only to preserve the attained results, but that they enter the

fight on a wider basis, affecting the whole working class . The revolutionary

aim steps to the foreground .

“The Communist self-consciousness of the workers has become a powerful

weapon against capitalism which is already shocked by this strength,

although the workers have not even used yet the weapon that has become

hardened (as steel) by solidarity . What is this weapon?

“The thought of a GENERAL STRIKE is this weapon which has become

manifest among broad ranks in spite of all the soothing efforts of the

trade union pashas . The workers want to employ this weapon, they demand

that it be employed. . . The mass has issued the password that the terror

of the government must be answered b* a general strike .”

“The masses grow more and more in favor of the revolutionary fight

and with this they voluntarily accept Communist leadership . In trade

[77]

Uj Elore, a Hungarian daily Communist paper of New York, will suffice,

REDS IN AMERICA

unions the members know already that the bourgeoisie do not represent the

interests of the workers and the court injunction has made even those sober

who up to now supported the Gompers policy .”

“The powerful weapon flashed up in the hands of the workers of America;

the bourgeoisie is looking trembling toward the developments . In the

strained situation the sober, earnest and conscious words of the Communists

have a commanding effect . It is up to the workers of America whether they

will progress according to the revolutionary finger-post towards victory .”

The cleverness of the editorial forces of the various Communist and

other radical publications is frequently shown in hints of violence which

leave in the readers’ minds thoughts of possibilities that will lead to the

desired end . Editorials which are almost as “gentle as a sucking dove” are

more often than not wholly inimical to the Government in spirit and are

bound to leave inflammatory ideas in the minds of the readers . And often an

apparently mild, but insidiously terroristic editorial will conclude with a

single paragraph breathing violence ; as for example, the following paragraph

from a recent number of Laisve, a Lithuanian Communist daily

published in Brooklyn :

“Only when the workers manifest their solidarity and their clenched

mass fist does the Government begin to reckon with them and speak about

their constitutional rights-only then does the Government allow the pro .

letariat a certain amount of concessions .”

It is impossible to give more than a hint of the work being done by

the Communist and other radical press of the United States . Every one

of the upward of a hundred radical daily newspapers, not to mention the

weeklies, monthlies, pamphlets and books, are filled with matter breathing

defiance to the established order of government in the United States and

urging the workers to take the reins in their own hands, as was done in

Russia, and establish the longed-for dictatorship .

In every city in the country there is a committee of the Communist

party of America whose duties are to find ways of presenting their pro .

paganda to non-Communists through the medium of what is called the “conservative”

press . Unfortunately, the desire of most metropolitan daily

papers to be fair and permit both sides of any question which is mentioned

in its columns to be presented, offers an excellent opportunity, of which

the Communists are quick to take advantage for the dissemination of Communist

propaganda through newspapers which are distinctly loyal . Frequently

American publications are imposed upon and print letters and

signed articles which have been contributed under various guises and which

in fact are merely clever designs of the Communists to establish a connection

with a reputable publication for improper use in the future .

The columns of periodicals like The Nation, The Freeman and The New

Republic have been freely and widely opened for Communist propaganda to

appeal to the so-called “intellectuals” who read those papers . This is not so

serious, for the policy of those publications is plainly evident to ‘anyone .

They are classed as revolutionary and make no disclaimer to the charges

that they are engaged, partially, at least, in spreading the doctrines of the

[781

£t No.

/I Dhf -y . t .

B. D of

v. Y .

APP 23 .9’s

~

EDITOR CAPITFILIS7 P O L.I T I CrI HIV M 11V I,S 1

CIZ

This cartoon, illustrating the anti-Christian character of the revolutionary

movement in the United States, was first published in Max Eastman’s paper, The

.1/asses, suppressed (luring the war and revived in the present Liberator. It was

drawn by the radical cartoonist, Art Young and was captioned, “Having their Fling .”

Subsequently- it was reproduced in the now defunct socialist and pro-Bolshevik paper,

The Yew York Call.

RADICAL PUBLICATIONS AND LITERATURE

revolutionists . But when a publication like the official Journal of the American

Bankers’ Association falls into a trap laid for it, one must express

surprise . If any organization in the country should be conservative it

is that of the bankers’. And when a number of the official organ of that

organization came from the press with an article by Ivan Narodny (alias

Mueller, alias Ivan Ivanovitch, alias Jaan Siboul, alias Jaan Talue) a suspect

during the war, there was reason for surprise . The article, to be sure,

was an ostensible attack on the Soviet government in Russia, but it was

planted for ulterior purposes after a considerable discussion and carefully

laid plans by the Communists here, who had a quiet laugh at the ease

with which they effected an entrance to the bourgeois press . Narodny has

served time for counterfeiting, has long been and admits that he is an

active revolutionist, working from Russia, and has had a career of crime

the details of which would fill a book .

All the radical press of the United States are considered official organs

by the Communist party, for all the official orders from Moscow are given

to each publication in order that the instructions may reach all members

of the party . As an example of this there appeared a proclamation

signed by the Executive Committee of the Communist International,

dated at Moscow July 22, 1922, calling upon “The Workingmen and Workingwomen

of All Countries” to keep up the fight for help for Russia . Referring

to the demands of the sane countries of the world that private

property be respected by the Soviet government before the question of

recognition will be considered, this proclamation says :

“As regards the factories and mines . . . Soviet Russia has

stated that she will never and on no account return them . . . . The Russian

proletariat will not return them, because otherwise the rivers of blood

by which it has saved the revolution will have been spilled in vain . The

October revolution which gave the factories and the estates into the hands

of the Russian leaders, was the first step made by the international proletariat

towards liberation from the capitalistic yoke . No backward step will

be taken, cost what it may .”

The Communist and other radical papers not only have their own cartoonists,

of whom Art Young is the most prolific and most effective, and

poets and paragraphers, whose ability cannot be questioned, but they have

their own press service in the Federated Press . This is in part a cooperative

association of labor and radical papers . Its aim has been to collect

and distribute all news pertaining to the labor and radical movements . It

endeavored to get the sanction of the conservative labor organizations, but

its radicalism was too well known and in this the effort failed . The Communist

party of America considers the Federated Press its own press service,

organization, and it is certain that several of the officials of the press

service are active members of the Communist party . Upwards of two hundred

papers in the United States are affiliated with the Federated Press .

Louis P . Lochner is European director and acting business manager, and

has an office in Berlin, where he is in close touch with the International

Propaganda Bureau of the Communist International .

[791

REDS IN AMERICA

In order to facilitate the collection of funds for the Federated Press

and through it the dissemination of radical propaganda, a Federated Press

League was organized in Chicago on February 4, 1922 . By this League

membership in the Federated Press is stimulated, funds are collected

frequently from parlor Bolshevik circles and wealthy people who believe

they are giving to aid the ‘down-trodden’ to express themselves and make

themselves heard by the rest of humanity . A number of chain papers have

been established from Boston to Los Angeles, and agents of the League,

who are really working for the cause of the Communist party of America,

are active in every city in the country . The officials of the League, elected

at the Chicago meeting were : Robert Morss Lovett, president ; Mrs . Frances

C. Lillie, vice-president ; George B . Hooker, vice-president ; E. C. Wentworth,

treasurer ; and Clark H . Getts, secretary.

It is evident that the Communist element is gaining control entirely of

this news-gathering organization . Besides the Berlin of

been established in Moscow and the Communist International uses this

office for the purpose of sending out manifestos and strong propaganda,

to be published in this country . According to Robert M . Buck,

chairman of the Executive Board, who is connected with the New Majority,

a radical publication in Chicago, the central figures in the Federated Press

are Jack Carney, editor of the radical Voice of Labor ; Arul Swabeck, a Finn

and Editor of Nytio who controlled ten votes at the Chicago meeting ;

Editor Feinburg, of Solidarity ; William Z . Foster, head of the Trade Union

Educational League and a delegate to the illegal convention of the Communist

party of America at Bridgman, Mich ; Carl Haessler, the college

professor who spent two years in the penitentiary ; Mabel Search, of

Milwaukee ; Clark H . Getts, who has served a jail term ; Carroll Binder,

a college man ; Louis ~P . Lochner, the European representative, and Maude

McCreery, the woman agitator who was active in the establishment of

chain papers throughout the country’ .

E. J. Costello was manager of the Federated Press until, because of

a wrangle in the board, he was dismissed and Carl Haessler

William Z . Foster, who among his numerous radical activities is a member

of the board of trustees of the Garland Foundation, expected to turn over

$100,000 of the Foundation to the Federated Press, and told a number of

people that he was going to do so, but the row in the management of the

organization upset these plans . Among the people to whom Foster made

this statement were Mrs. Kate Crane Gartz, the Pasadena society parlor

Bolshevik, and Charlie Chaplin, the motion picture comedian . Foster

also told them that the Garland Foundation could be depended upon whenever

anyone got into trouble because of radical political opinions .

1

manager . C. A . Moseley, editor . The Executive Board was composed of : Thomas

R. Downie, chairman, “Labor News,” Galesburg, Ill . : Joseph Schlossberg, vice-chairman,-

“Advance”, New York ; E . B . Ault, “Union Record” Seattle ; R. D. Craemer,

“Labor Review”, Minneapolis ; Matti Tenhunen, “Tvomies’ l Superior, Wis. ; William

Z. Foster, “Labor Herald”, Chicago ; Arne Swabeck, `Nv Tid”, Chicago ; J . A. Lochray,

“Midwest Labor News”, Omaha ; Albert F . Coyle, “Brotherhood of Locomotive

Engineers’ Journal”, Cleveland .

fice, an office has, took his place .For the year 1928, Carl Haessler was managing editor, and Tom Tlppett, business

[801

RADICAL PUBLICATIONS AND LITERATURE

Several of the organizers of the Communist party and its “legal” political

branch, the Workers’ party, among them William Thurston Brown, of San

Francisco, were promised regular monthly salaries by Foster to be paid

from the Garland Foundation .

A detailed account of how thoroughly the work of organization and

especially of collecting money for the furtherance of the aim of the Communist

party is done will prove interesting as well as illuminating . Bruce

Rogers, a leading Communist of Seattle, went secretly to Los Angeles, arriving

there on the night of March 24, 1922, to raise money for the Federated

Press League and at the same time to spread Communist propaganda .

These two objects were specified in his instructions for the trip . A secret

conference was held March 26 at which Rogers met William Thurston

Brown, Ella Reeve Bloor, who was a -delegate to the illegal convention at

Bridgman, and Alfred Bush . Rogers explained the purpose of his trip and

proposed that small groups of “thoroughly grounded Communists” who

are members of craft unions travel from place to place and join the local

unions during their short sojourns in industrial centers for the purpose of

uniting the radical factions and starting Communist nuclei within the craft

unions. He said that a group of printers and stereotypers had come to

Seattle from Detroit and worked along those lines .

Those present at this conference endorsed the Roger plan as he outlined

it and decided to get in touch with San Francisco, Portland, Seattle,

Salt Lake City and Chicago for the purpose of inviting such groups of

militant, foot-loose craft union men to go to Los Angeles and strengthen

the local radical movement .

Rogers went to the Labor Temple in Los Angeles, but he later told

friends that he had anything but a cordial reception there . He said the

Federated Press had been laboring under a misapprehension when thinking

that its news represents the viewpoint of the average American-born worker,

who, he said, is as yet wrapped up in the capitalistic ideology . He made a

short trip to San Diego but returned in time to speak at a meeting of the

open forum of the Socialist party . He was introduced as the representative

of the Federated Press service and spoke on “The Origin of Newspapers

and the Press Service.” He afterwards told friends that he was very well

satisfied with the way his Communist propaganda was received . His head.

quarters in Los Angeles were at the Van Winkle Hotel, No. 349 South

Olive street, kept by an Irish woman, an old-timer in the radical movement,

who has sheltered many Communists in her hostelry .

On the evening of April 6 a secret meeting was held at the home of a

Mr. and Mrs. Kashub, at which were present Ella Reeve Bloor, Arthur

Cotter, a Miss Moran, well known among the public school teachers because

of her radicalism, Rogers, a Mrs . Mellentine, who is a member of the Severance

Club of Los Angeles, and five others . There were no introductions

and the meeting was shrouded in strictest secrecy . At this meeting further

plans for the work of the Communist party were agreed upon, especially

as to Rogers’ work on the Pacific Coast . Rogers was scheduled to speak

at the Modern School on the night of April 17, but cancelled the lecture be-

[811

REDS IN AMERICA

cause of the small attendance, for which he blamed lack of advertising .

Mrs. Bloor was speaking the same night at a widely advertised meeting

at the Shelley Club under the auspices of the Young People’s Forum . This

led to an arrangement with Emanuel Levin to establish a clearing-house

for radical speakers so there would not again come about a conflict of dates .

Rogers worked his way into parlor bolshevik circles, using his connection

with the Federated Press as an opening wedge. He was after big

game, planning to raise enough money from wealthy radicals in Pasadena,

Hollywood and Los Angeles to establish a chain of papers in the Southwest

to be controlled by the Federated Press . He was the guest of the Writers’

Club in Hollywood, where he said he met a number of men with radical

ideas who support the Federated Press . Mrs. Martha Kashub, Mrs . Gaylord

Wilshire and Countess Korzybska (Lady Edgerly) gave him valuable

leads. On the night of April 12, he spoke at the Shelley Club about the

necessity of building up a radical press service in the United States . Much

of his lecture was taken from Upton Sinclair’s “Brass Check.”

To

Los Angeles. He told them that the Federated Press, which was the only

radical press service in the country, could not exist on the support it received

from labor organizations for two reasons : first it did not represent

the viewpoint of the great mass of organized labor, being far too advanced

and revolutionary for the conservative American-born working man ; and

second, that no enterprise was ever financed by “passing the hat,” explaining

that he meant that the small contributions of organized labor were not

sufficient to keep the Federated Press going.

Consequently, he said, the Federated Press representatives from Boston

to the Pacific Coast had been instructed to go after the wealthy liberals

and get as many life members for the Federated Press League at $1,000

each as possible . “Do not offend the liberals and do anything to please

the parlor reds,” he said, is to be the watchword of the Federated Press .

The interesting feature of this is that Rogers and many other representatives

of the Federated Press are Communists and their propaganda and moneyraising

activities pave the way for later penetration on the part of the

Communist party whose open emissaries follow the leads and use the

“sucker lists” they get from men like Rogers .

Rogers was greatly pleased with the result of his visit to San Diego

although it was brief . He reported that all the labor unions in San Diego

had voted to support the Federated Press, and although in nearly every

instance there was a motion to divide the money with Soviet Russia for

famine relief the trip proved a financial success . He said that support

from the “highbrow” radicals was also forthcoming in a generous manner,

and that the Templeton Johnsons, a very wealthy family of San Diego, were

the only ones who had refused him when he had asked them for a $1000

donation, although formerly they had been among the chief supporters of

the Federated Press. He mentioned as one who had given “very liberally”

Lyman J. Gage, formerly president of the First National Bank of Chicago,

and Secretary of the Treasury under President McKinley and President

some of his closest friends he told the real object of his trip to

[821

RADICAL PUBLICATIONS AND LITERATURE

Roosevelt. Of course Mr . Gage, who was then very old and had for years

been a resident at Katherine Tingley’s Theosophical Society colony on

Point Loma, had no idea that his money was to be used to further the plans

of a conspiracy directed at the overthrow by violence of the Government

which he had once served . It simply shows the ease with which the Communists

finance their work .

In addition to these wealthy people from whom he secured money,

Rogers also told of finding a thriving colony of parlor Bolsheviki in San

Diego who pledged their aid to the cause . In this connection he spoke

of a certain Dr. Stone and a Dr . Ritter as among his “prospects .” Rogers’

trip to San Diego was not casual ; he was ordered by the Central Executive

Committee of the Communist party of America to go to that city during the

convention there of the Congress of Social Workers and to spread propaganda

among the many radicals and semi-radicals in attendance .

Robert Morss Lovett, then president of the Federated Press League, wrote

Rogers while he was in Los Angeles, urging him to canvass the movie colony

at Hollywood, giving him the names of prominent actors who “helped us

before and will do it again.” Lovett has since denied having written this

letter, but his name is signed to it and affidavits are in the posession of

proper authorities testifying to the facts as here stated . This letter, written

from Chicago under date of April 29, reads :

“Dear Bruce: Mr. Getts and I just returned from Milwaukee and

find your letter of the 15th in which you inclosed $500 . A former letter

also received while we were away inclosed $700, making a total of $1200

sent into the office this month.

“Mr. Getts will answer your letters himself, but I wanted to take up

with you the matter of canvassing the Movie Colony at Hollywood . First

I want to tell you that I have personally written to about fifteen big producers

and prominent actors at Hollywood, including Wm . C. De Mille,

Allan Hollabar, Von Stroheim, Percival T . Gerson, Will Rogers, Charles

Ray and Charlie Chaplin . These men are with us . They helped us before

and will do it again. Present the situation strong and don’t let them get

off easy, for we need the money and need it badly . Work through the

Severance Club and it will be easy for you .

“I may join you in San Francisco next month, for we must put it over,

and put it over by August or we will be out of the office .

“Good luck to you, Bruce . Please work hard. Your commission

should be in Los Angeles by the 4th of May .

“Warmly yours,

“(Signed) Robert Morss Lovett .”

After raising many thousands of dollars from the wealthy supporters

of radicalism in Los Angeles, Rogers went to Pasadena where there is a

large group of parlor Bolsheviki . On Sunday, June 11, Rogers met at the

home of a Mrs. Ellsworth, in the fashionable Oak Knoll District, a number

of wealthy radicals, including Mrs. Kate Crane Gartz, Mrs . Gaylord Wilshire,

Mrs . Van Toll, Prince Hopkins and others. He addressed them on

behalf of the Federated Press, saying frankly that it was the only avenue

[83]

REDS IN AMERICA

through which the Communists, the Workers’ party and the Trade Union

Educational League could reach the working class and all those interested

in the working class struggle . He said that the Federated Press was in dire

need of funds and that he had been instructed to raise $25,000 in and

around Los Angeles . After his address he talked privately with most of

those present.

Rogers left Los Angeles for San Francisco June 15 . The radical landlady

at whose hotel he lived said that Rogers did more for the radical cause

during his two months in Los Angeles than had ever been done before. She

said that he, under the pretense of raising money for the Federated Press,

had collected more than $20,000 for the Communists. Part of the money,

he said, will be turned over to the Federated Press but it will be spent for

the same purpose, for Rogers told her, she said, the Federated Press is

gradually growing into the one news gathering agency which is firmly controlled

by the Communists . Rogers collected money from the Liberals

saying that the Federated Press was nothing more than an independent press

service interested solely in getting the truth before the people ; and from

the labor unions saying that it was about to become the official organ of

the American Federation of Labor. The latter statement, however, drew

forth a rebuke from Francis Drake, editor of the local American Federation

of Labor organ, who said that the Federated Press was spreading Communist

propaganda colored in the interests of disruptionists like William Z . Foster,

Alexander Howatt, and Curley Grow.

1841

CHAPTER FIVE

“LEGAL” ORGANIZATIONS

When the Communist party of America was officially declared to be

an illegal organization in the United States, its avowed object being the

overthrow by violence of the established government of this country

and the inauguration of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat here,

it immediately burrowed underground-and continued to function

with even greater activity . But in order to carry on the propaganda for

the soviet form of government in the United States, as it was under orders

from Moscow to do, it became necessary to find some way of “legal expression”

in order to reach the people of whom it hoped to make converts .

There was no need to waste time, money and energy in spreading Communist

propaganda among Communists, but it was highly important that some

means be found quickly to reach the hated bourgeoisie, to show them the

beauties of Communism and to raise them to the high radical estate of

Russia.

It was also necessary to have organizations to secure funds from the

bourgeoisie to be expended in fighting the battle of the united front, for

mass action against the present order of church, home and state . For it

has been from the outset, as established by the Russian Reds, the method of

the Communists to extract money from the rich to finance their overthrow .

This matter was the subject of much deliberation among the members of

the inner circle of the Communist party underground, and experts were

sent from Moscow to aid in the solution of this important problem . Finally,

means were found and today there are four chief organizations, classed as

“legal,” by which the fight against the United States Government may be

carried out and financed . There are also a number of subordinate bodies

working to aid the chief “legal” branches as well as non-Communist organizations

the activities of which directly lend aid to the work “in the open”

of the Communists underground.

The legal organizations are definitely controlled by the Communist

party of America which, in turn, is controlled by the inner Soviet circle in

Moscow. The programs for work by the legal organizations are drawn up

by the Central Executive Committee of the Communist party and approved

by Moscow before being put into operation by the various bodies whose

activities are known to the public. It was partly for the purpose of effecting

the contact between the legal bodies, the Communist party of America and

the directing head at Moscow that the illegal convention of the Communist

party was held in Bridgman, Mich ., when it was raided by the Michigan

State authorities . The delegates to this convention, while influenced largely

1861

REDS IN AMERICA

by the words and acts of the Central Executive Committee, were really the

authorized representatives of the party to decide on the best means for

putting into action the instructions from Moscow .

An example of the activities of the legal branches of the party is the

dissemination of information regarding the interest taken by the Moscow

Central Bureau of the Communist movement in the situation in the United

States . Early in September, 1922, the Central Executive Committee of the

Communist party of America received from Moscow an appeal to the

workers of England to aid the striking coal miners of the United States .

The Central Executive Committee immediately set to work translating this

document and the distribution of the translation was made throughout

the country to the legal organizations in order that it might be made

known to as many working men as possible . By this it was hoped to attract

non-Communist workers to the ranks of the Communists, as the argument

was used that the Moscow Government was fighting for the American working

man and woman. This document, copies of which were sent to all Communist

parties in the world, translated by the Central Executive Committee,

reads as follows :

FOR THE AID OF THE STRIKING MINERS

OF AMERICA

“Workers of England :

“It is now four months that the fierce struggle of the American miners

with the Coal Barons is going on . For several months hundreds of thousands

of workers without regard to language or race are defending themselves

against the attacks of the American Financial Kings . An army of

hired workers from the camp of the bourgeoisie, the establishment of martial

law, a whole army of

unitedness and compel them to work for the exploiters for a further reduced

pay.

“THEIR HEROIC DEFENSE IS BEGINNING TO BEAR FRUITS .

“THE COAL RESERVES ACCUMULATED BY THE CAPITALISTS

FOR THIS STRUGGLE ARE EXHAUSTED. AMERICAN INDUSTRY

IS BECOMING EXHAUSTED ; THE CAPITALISTS ARE FACING THE

MENACE OF A GREAT DEFEAT .

“It is well known to the English capitalists that a defeat of the American

exploiters will mean their own defeat and a strengthening of the

English wage slaves . They have realized what constitutes their class interest

and are coming to the assistance of American mine owners . They

are loading and shipping to America a whole fleet with coal . Every steamer

with coal arriving in a North American harbor strengthens the forces of

the goal barons and nullifies the results which have been attained by the

struggling workers.

“THERE EXISTS THE DANGER THAT THE STRUGGLE OF OUR

PROLETARIAN COMRADES, UNEXAMPLED IN ITS LENGTH AND

1861

provocateurs, have been unable to break their

“LEGAL” ORGANIZATIONS

SELF-SACRIFICE, WILL BECOME LOST, THANKS TO THE INTERNATIONAL

UNION OF CAPITALISTS .

“This must be countered by the international unity of the workers .

“ENGLISH TRANSPORT WORKERS, HARBOR WORKERS,

MINERS! IT IS YOUR TURN NOW . You must understand that every

loading of a ship with coal being sent to America is a blow in the back

to the workers who are struggling there. You must understand that you

are rendering support to the capitalists to the extent of your failure to interfere

with the delivery of coal to America .

“You must understand that the defeat of the American workers will

inevitably react against you. The reduction of the wage scale and the increase

of the working day in America will bring the same consequences in

England.

“If you present against the united front of the exploiters the united

front of the exploited, then your aid will greatly increase the fighting

strength of the American proletarians, and will help them to achieve victory .

And you, equally with your American brothers, will reap the fruits of this

victory.

“This is why we call upon you to :

“HASTEN TO THE ASSISTANCE OF THE AMERICAN STRUGGLER!

“DO NOT LOAD COAL FOR AMERICA!

“LONG LIVE THE UNITY OF THE ENGLISH AND AMERICAN

WORKERS !

“LONG LIVE THE WORLD SOCIAL REVOLUTION!

“LONG LIVE THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL!

“ZINOVIEFF,

“President of the Communist International .”

Accompanying this appeal by Zinovieff were instructions to the Central

Executive Committee of the Communist, party of America to promote

agitation in an effort to arouse the striking miners to a point of armed insurrection

. No opportunity is ever lost by the leaders of the world Communist

movement to make of any trouble or disorder the spark to set off

armed violence by which they hope to accomplish the overthrow of the

government . These instructions are verbatim as follows :

“The Central Committee of the Communist party of America must direct

its particular attention to the progress of the strike of the miners of America.

“Agitators and propagandists must be sent to the strike regions .

“It is necessary to strive to arouse the striking coal miners to the point

of armed insurrection . Let them blow up and flood the shafts . Shower

the strike regions with proclamations and appeals . This arouses the revolutionary

spirit of the workers and prepares them for the coming revolution

of America.

“ZINOVIEFF,

“President of the Communist International,”

[871

REDS IN AMERICA

With this background it is possible to understand some of the work

that is being done by the “legal” organizations through which the Communist

party of America is able to spread the propaganda looking toward

the overthrow by violence of the Government of the United States under

orders from Moscow. It should also be borne in mind that these organizations

frequently change their names in order to mystify the authorities and

fool the public . First, probably, in importance among the various legal

organizations is the Workers’ party of America, ostensibly a political party

of the laborers. The documents found at Bridgman, Mich ., demonstrate

beyond the question of a doubt that the Communist party controls and

directs every action of the Workers’ party. By gathering the laborers of

this country into a single political party and keeping them steeped in Communist

propaganda the leaders believe they can make converts of them .

The Workers’ party of America was born December 24, 1921, at a

convention called by the American Labor Alliance, secretly organized by

the Communist party as a “cover.” The convention call invited delegates

from such organizations as the Finnish Socialist Federation, the Hungarian

Federation, the Irish-American Labor Alliance ; and the majority of the

delegates to this convention was hand-picked by the Central Executive Committee

of the Communist party of America. The delegates represented,

besides those organizations just mentioned, the Italian Workers’ Federation,

the Jewish Workers’ Federation, the Jewish Socialist Federation and the

Workers’ Educational Association . They came from Massachusetts, New

York, Montana, Ohio, Pennsylvania, Missouri, Wisconsin, Illinois, Minnesota,

Virginia, New Jersey, Michigan, Colorado and Kansas . There were

164 delegates besides about one hundred fraternal delegates . One represented

the Industrial Workers of the World and two the African Blood

Brotherhood .

J. Louis Engdahl, in opening the convention, said that it had been

called for the purpose of establishing in this country a real revolutionary

political party “to wage successful combat against and finally to achieve

the overthrow of American capitalism .” J . P. Cannon, at that time a member

of the Central Executive Committee of the Cincinnati Communist party of

America, told this first convention of the great victory that had been won

by the workers in Russia, endeavored by inflammatory sentences to stir

the delegates to revolutionary enthusiasm, and bitterly attacked capitalism .

Caleb Harrison, one of the delegates to the Bridgman, Michigan, convention,

was elected permanent chairman of the Workers’ party meeting ; Margaret

Prevey, vice chairman, and Elmer T .- Allison, J . Louis Engdahl and W. W.

Weinstone, another Bridgman delegate, secretaries .

Christmas day was devoted to drafting the constitution of the Workers’

party. Efforts were made by some of the ultra-radicals to call for immediate

revolution, and much time was wasted by violent debates and virulent

attacks upon the United States . But as the inner circles of the Communist

party had prepared in advance the constitution these debates were

merely in order to give the rabid radicals an opportunity to work off their

heat. The following day William F . Dunne, then of Montana and now

1881

“LEGAL” ORGANIZATIONS

of that State and New York, and candidate for governor of New York in

the 1922 elections on the Workers’ party ticket, made an impassioned address

on the activities of the I . W. W. in the West . – The Sacco and Vanzetti

case was also taken up and condemnation of the United States was voiced

in resolutions adopted . The convention delegates then stood while the

Red Flag was sung. The purpose of the Workers’ party was described

accurately in an editorial in

“For the last two years the great mass of the American proletariat

stood without a direct political leader . Persecution has forced the only

revolutionary political organization, the Communist party, under the

ground and it could continue its activity only as an illegal organization .

As an illegal organization it could reach the mass only indirectly ; therefore

it could not exercise upon the mass such moral effect as is absolutely

necessary in order to assert its leadership of the mass . The party

itself never could have gained a bigger moral influence over the mass because

with its organizations it never could step to the front rank of the

mass. However, in spite of the most severe `legal’ persecutions, the Communist

work cannot stop ; therefore, it is necessary to place a party at the

head of the mass which, although revolutionary, cannot be persecuted.

The Workers’ party will fulfill this task.

“The Workers’ party will meet the requirements of the American proletariat

. It will be a powerful weapon for class struggle which cannot

be knocked out of the hand of the proletariat with the slogan of `lawlessness

.’ This party will take its stand at the head of every movement of the

proletariat in order to lead it with revolutionary bravery and with Communist

realism.

“The Workers’ party will be based entirely upon the principles of the

Third International . The organization of the Workers’ party is the first

step toward a big and strong revolutionary mass movement.

“The formation of this party proves, too, that, in spite of the persecutions

on the part of the bourgeoisie, the proletariat can still find

means with which to continue its attacks against the capitalistic order . There

is now such persecution as to make it impossible for us to continue the fight .

The working class looks with confidence into the future ; it will be led by

a political party which uses the well-tried tactics of the Third International,

a political party which knows no compromise .”

The Workers’ party counts largely on support from the women voters .

Great care was taken in effecting an organization which would reach all

classes of working women, including, as the program states, “millions of

workers, and farmers’ wives isolated from the general field of the organized

working class struggle,” for it was deemed an absolute necessity to “win

the women of the working class to the party’s ideal” and to “unite them for

and link them to the general proletarian struggle .” Accordingly women’s

branches were started in various parts of the country with leaders whose

duties included spreading propaganda, the substance of which, subversive of

the constitution, is dictated through the Workers’ party by the Central

Uj Elore, the Hungarian Communist paper :

REDS IN AMERICA

Executive Committee, of the Communist party of America .

At the beginning of the railroad and coal strikes, when it was thought

these troubles might lead to the longed-for General Strike which was to

effect the violent overthrow of the Government of the United States and

the establishment of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, it was quickly seen

that the women’s committees of the Workers’ party ‘could do some excellent

agitational work among the families of the strikers . Accordingly, the

National Women’s Committee, which is a secret body, on April 1, 1922,

adopted and set in motion a program for women’s emergency work in the

mining districts . A form set of resolutions was sent out to all women

Communists in the districts to be adopted by the women committees to be

formed, and specific instructions were given the Communists of which the

following are portions :

“Before bringing this resolution to a vote, the members of the nuclei

[that is, the inner circles of Communists] and the Number One women

[that is, the women members of the illegal organizations of Communists]

should do a thorough piece of agitational work to insure its enthusiastic

acceptance .”

“As soon as the vote is taken, a meeting of women should be held

under the auspices of the union . A working committee should be appointed .

NUMBER ONE WOMEN SHOULD SEE TO IT THAT THEY ARE ON

THE COMMITTEE. The Chairman, however, should be the local woman

who has the most experience and been most active in past strikes, irrespective

of her being a member of Number One . This is important .

“Other working women in the locality, who are sympathetic, should

by all means be encouraged to attend meetings and participate in the work .

“Number One women must not use this committee for propaganda

UNCONNECTED WITH THE STRIKE. The efforts of Number One must

be to create solidarity and morale . Plenty of opportunity for propaganda

on issues directly related to the strike can be found .

“Number One women should suggest to the women’s committees the

forming of a literature committee with a view of publishing a leaflet for

house-to-house distribution . The text of such a leaflet will be by the

National Woman’s Committee . THIS SHOULD BE PRESENTED AS THE

WORK OF A LOCAL WOMAN . It may be modified or enlarged to fit

local conditions.

“The National Women’s Committee urgently recommends that this

emergency project, unanimously passed upon, SHALL REMAIN SECRET

AND NOT SENT OUT TO THE MEMBERSHIP AT LARGE .”

Finally, the last paragraph of the “Principles and Aims of the Workers’

party,” definitely and positively links this political organization with the

Communist party. This document was found buried at Bridgman when

the convention of the Communist party was raided, and the last paragraph

reads as follows :

“The Workers’ party declares itself in sympathy with the principles

of the Communist International and enters the struggle against American

capitalism, the most powerful of the national groups of capitalists, under

1901

“LEGAL” ORGANIZATIONS

the leadership of the Communist International . It rallies to the call,

`Workers of the World Unite .”‘

The whole work of the Workers’ party is aimed to educating the working

class and mass in Red Trade Union International ideas through active

participation in the political life of the country . The subtlety of this

method of preparation for future political action is cleverly conceived,

and but for the fact that the connection between the Workers’ party and

the Moscow authorities is now known, the results of the methods employed

would have been the source of much trouble in the future. This may yet

result .

Next in importance, probably, in the legal organizations of the Communist

party is William Z . Foster’s Trade Union Educational League. This

is aimed chiefly at the industrial life of the nation and is constantly at open

warfare as a minority organization with the American Federation of Labor .

Its militant and uncompromising attitude toward capital and its power within

the American Federation of Labor show that it has large influence in

that organization and is constantly making gains within the Federation

membership. It was organized by Foster in 1920 and embraced at the outset

the more radically inclined labor unions . Shortly after this organization

was formed the Communist International promulgated the policy of

“boring from within” the trade unions with a view to wrecking the trade

union movement in this country . Foster was approached by the Communists

and as a consequence he attended the Congress of the Communist International

and the first congress of the Red Trade Union International held

at Moscow in July, 1921 .

Upon’ Foster’s return from Moscow the Trade Union Educational

League immediately became a propaganda agency for the Communist International

and affiliated with the Red Trade Union International . Foster

has repeatedly denied this, and has declared that no connection existed between

his organization and the Communists . But, thanks to the Bridgman

raid, absolute proof of his connection is now available . The Labor Herald

is the official organ of the Trade Union Educational League . The principles

and program of Foster’s League were distributed widely throughout the

country early in 1922 and the following sentences from it are significant :

“The Trade Union Educational League proposes to develop trade

unions from their present antiquated and stagnant conditions into modern,

powerful labor organizations capable of waging successful warfare against

capital. To this end it is working to revamp and remodel from top to bottom

their theories, tactics, structure and leadership . Instead of advocating

the prevailing shameful and demoralizing nonsense about harmonizing the

interests of capital and labor, it is firing the workers’ imaginations and

releasing their wonderful idealism and energy by propagating the inspiring

goal of the abolition of capitalism and the establishment of a workers’

republic.

“The Trade Union Educational League groups the militants in two

ways; by localities and by industries . In all cities and towns general groups

of militants of all trades are formed to carry on the work of education and

REDS IN AMERICA

reorganization in their respective localities . These local general groups, to

facilitate their work, divide themselves into industrial sections . . All the

local general groups are kept in touch and cooperation with each other

through a national corresponding secretary . Likewise all the local industrial

educational groups are linked together nationally, industry by industry,

through their respective corresponding secretaries . Every phase and stage

of the trade union movement will have its branch of the life-giving educational

organization .”

The entire work of the Trade Union Educational League is based upon

the following decisions of the Red Trade Union International :

“1.-Workers’ Control is the necessary school for the work of preparing

the masses for the proletarian revolution .

“2.-Workers’ Control must be the war-cry for the workers of every

capitalist country and must be utilized as a weapon to disclose financial

and commercial secrets .

“3.-Workers’ Control must be largely used for the reconstruction

of the outlaw trade unions and the industrial factions, the former being

harmful for the workers’ revolutionary movement .

“4.-Workers’ Control is distinct from capitalist schemes, and to the

dictatorship of the capitalist class it opposes the dictatorship of the working

class . In the various activities within the shops the so-called revolutionary

nuclei perform the various functions promulgated by the Trade Union

International .”

Who is William Zebulon Foster, familiarly known as “Bill” Foster?

The authorities have known that he was a “radical” for a long time, and he

has been accused of being “Red,” but there has not been much proof offered

the public on the matter. Foster himself has denied repeatedly that he

was anything but an honest working man, devoted to bettering the conditions

of his fellow-workers . He has denied that he was a Communist, but

at times has admitted that he was affiliated with the Communists . When

he went to Moscow he attempted to make the trip in secret, but it became

known, and after that he was a bit more frank about his sympathies with

the Red movement .

Now it is possible to establish definitely that Foster is a Communist,

a paid employee of the Communist party of America, and that the Trade

Union Educational League, of which he was the founder and is the head,

is a branch of the Communist party designed to “bore from within” the

labor union branches of the American . Federation of Labor and destroy

that organization .

That Foster is not only a paid agent of the Moscow government but

is also a paymaster is shown by the fact that when he returned from his

secret trip to Russia, he brought with him, presumably to carry on Communist

propaganda in this country the sum of $40,000 . On another

occasion, in April, 1923, the Trade Union Educational League, of . which

Foster is the organizer and head, received the sum of $90,000 from Moscow .

In August, 1922, Lozovsky attended the secret illegal convention of the

Communist party of America at Bridgman, as a delegate from Moscow,

(92]

“LEGAL” ORGANIZATIONS

and turned over to Foster for the use of the Trade Union Educational

League the sum of $35,000, making a total of $165,0001 . It is not to be

inferred from this that this is all the money that the Moscow government

or the Third International has sent to this country for the purpose of

forcibly overthrowing this government, as undoubtedly many sums have

been sent of which none but the immediate parties concerned have knowledge .

Foster has repeatedly denied that this League had any connection

with the Communist party, but we have seen how he has discussed it

openly in the inner councils of the party at their convention at Bridgman,

Mich. Among the documents left buried on the Bridgman farm August

1922,

were the questionnaires, answered by the delegates in their own handwriting

and turned over to the grounds committee for safe keeping .

Foster gave his age as 41, stated that he was born in the United States

and was married-each in answer to questions submitted in mimeographed

form. ,He said that he used English “in the main,” but that he could speak

German and French imperfectly . “When not in party employ,” he said,

his occupation was railroading. He said he once belonged to the Socialist

party, and “has been active in the revolutionary movement” twenty-one

years. His present position, he said, was the only office he had held, however,

in the revolutionary movement . He had been “active in the Communist

movement” one year and was at that time a paid employee of the Communist

party of America, his office being given as “industrial director”.

In response to the question, “How many times arrested?” he answered,

“many times in trade union work”, but gave two months as his longest

term of imprisonment . He said he had never been deported and was not

under indictment. This questionnaire having been filled out before the

raid, his statement that be was not under indictment was true at that time .

He stated that he was inclined to industrial work in the party, and that he

had been a member of a labor union twenty-one years . It will be noted that

his labor union experience coincides exactly with his time of activity in

the revolutionary movement in his own opinion . He said he was still a

member of the Railway Carmen’s Union, and was formerly a member of

the “Seamen, Street Carmen, I. W. W. etc.,” and had held the offices of

business agent, secretary and president in unions . He admitted that he

had participated in scores

leadership .” And he printed in capital letters, as if to emphasize his

reply, that he had never belonged to the Army or Militia .

So much for Foster’s own story of his life, as told by . himself. In

addition it may be said that he was born in Taunton, Mass ., Oct.

22,when the convention was broken up by the raid of the authorities,of strikes in which he had “held a position of25, 188’1 .

From

detailed to cover the activities of the I . W. W. he became so interested

in the organization that he joined it. In 1911 he represented the I. W. W.

at the Syndicalist Congress in Toulouse, France, and announced that he

1906 to 1911 he was a reporter on the Socialist Call, and when

1

of the State Department before the Senate Committee investigating Communist

propaganda in the United States (Jan . 1924) .

See testimony of A . W. Kiiefoth, Assistant Chief of the Eastern European Division

1931

REDS IN AMERICA

was a syndical-anarchist. He also attended the anarchist conference in

Barcelona, Spain, on this trip and visited Germany before returning to

America. Prior to this, his first trip to Europe, he took an active part in

the free speech fight in Spokane, Washington, and was arrested and imprisoned

for a short term for his participation .

At the Barcelona anarchist conference the policy of “boring from

within” was stressed, and Foster immediately adopted it as his own, to be

used in his future battles in America . When the Russian Revolution came

and Lenin and Trotsky told of their plans for a great Dictatorship of the

Proletariat to embrace the whole world, Foster evolved his scheme for

“one big union .” These two expressions have been great favorites of his,

-his pet slogans for years . The “boring from within” policy he has applied

to the American Federation of Labor, planting men within the organization

to alienate as many members as possible from the strictly labor

features of the Federation and convert them to the idea of “one big union .”

As a member of the I . W. W. and the American Federation of Labor,

Foster was active in the strike of the Standard Steel Car Company, in

Butler, Pa . He was general secretary of the Steel Strike Organizing Committee,

principal organizer of the steel workers in Pittsburgh, and in 1912

was a member of the Home Colony of Anarchists in the State of Washington.

He organized the Stock Yards Labor Council in July, 1917, and

endeavored to unite that body with the I . W. W. The following year he

left Chicago for Pittsburgh to become secretary-treasurer of a special

organizing committee of the American Federation of Labor in the Pittsburgh

district . He represented the Electrical Workers at the conference

to organize the Iron and Steel Workers, in Washington, in September, 1919,

and in January, 1920, he promoted the railroad strike .

Foster is a believer in direct action, in force instead of the ballot to

bring about changes in government, and in ownership of industries by

Labor. He is secretary of the Syndicalist League of North America, a

member of the National Committee of the American Civil Liberties Union,

one of the trustees of the Garland Foundation, and is a frequent contributor

of extremist articles to the many radical papers in this country . He is the

author of several books intended to incite the workers to violence against

society .

Before 1910 Foster was working to form the greatest revolutionary

movement the world has ever seen, and so the plans of Lenin and Trotsky

fitted in exactly with his plans . The Russians had a better opportunity

to put their revolutionary plans into effect, with the aid of Germany, but

they found an able aid on this side of the water in Foster . By 1919 he

was working to overthrow Gompers in the American Federation of Labor

and completely to destroy that organization . In Chicago, when members of

the I . W. W. were on trial he urged them not to attempt to fight the

Government openly, but to join the American Federation of Labor and

“bore from within .”

After becoming a leader of the I. W. W. and touring Europe as the

representative of that organization, he became so pronounced in his stand

1947

“LEGAL” ORGANIZATIONS

for the overthrow of the Government by force and so insistent about “boring

from within” as a fixed policy of any organization that could be used to

further his ambitious ends that the I . W. W. disagreed with him and he

left that party. From the beginning his plans have been consistent, with

the one aim of doing away with all organized government and giving

Labor control of the world. His ideas were so radical that the I . W. W.

paled by contrast, and even Solidarity refused to publish his articles .

Little by little he has organized the radicals and Reds

industry, gathering them into the American Federation of Labor, until,

through their influence and support, he has put himself into a position

of importance rivaling that of Gompers .

In August, 1920, Foster met with representatives of twenty-four internationals

at Youngstown, Ohio, to vote for a proposed ‘general strike of

steel industry workers . The strike was carried by 98 per cent, chiefly

through the efforts of Foster . He has always been interested in negro

activities and in 1919 he promised Lee Fort Whitman, the negro radical,

that he would aid him in bringing the negroes into the steel workers’ union .

It is alleged that he was connected with a free speech campaign having to

do with the Inter-Church World Movement in April, 1920. In November

of that year he left the staff of

identified for some time, and organized the Trade Union Educational

League for the avowed purpose of hastening the evolution of labor from

craft to industrial.

In December, 1920, at a meeting of the Executive Board of the Meat

Cutters’ Union, held in New York City, he explained to the meat cutters

how they could strike to force the surrender of all the capitalists and

defeat the wage reduction and open-shop movement. He attended the

first Congress of the Red Trade Union International, at Moscow, in June,

1921, as a representative of the Amalgamated Textile Workers of America .

Foster is now advocating on all occasions, as a preliminary to centralization

of all power in the workers’ hands, the amalgamation of all unions

into the same craft. In April, 1922, he stated in a speech in Chicago that

if the workers receive all they were entitled to it would mean the elimination

of the employer class, and referred to the coming struggle between

capital and labor as the most brutal war the world has ever known .

In advocacy of violence in the fight against capitalism Foster has

written volumes . He was very much impressed with the French workers’

struggles and the destruction of property accomplished by them in their

strikes. It was during one of his visits to Europe that he had an opportunity

of studying sabotage at first hand, and on his return to America

he wrote :

“Next to the partial strike, the most effective weapon used by the

Syndicalists in their daily warfare on capitalism is sabotage .

“Perhaps the most widely practised form of sabotage is the restriction

by the workers of their output .

“The most widely known form of sabotage is that known as `putting

the machinery on strike .’ If he is a railroader, he cuts wires, puts cement

[951

in all branches ofThe New Majority, with which he had been

REDS IN AMERICA

in switches, signals, etc ., runs locomotives into turntable pits and tries in

every possible way to temporarily disorganize the delicately adjusted railroad

system . If he is a machinist or factory worker, and hasn’t ready

access to the machinery, he will hire out as a scab and surreptitiously put

emery dust in the bearings of the machinery -or otherwise disable it .

Oftentimes he takes time by the forelock, and when going on strike `puts

the machinery on strike’ with him, hiding, stealing or destroying some

small indispensable machine part which is difficult to replace .

“Another kind of sabotage widely practiced by Syndicalists is the

tactics of either ruining or turning out inferior products . Thus, by causing

their employers financial losses, they force them to grant their de mands.

“Sabotage is peculiarly a weapon of the rebel minority. Its successful

application, unlike the strike, does not require the cooperation of all

the workers interested . A few rebels can, undetected, sabotage and demoralize

an industry and force the weak or timid majority to share its benefits .

The Syndicalists are not concerned that the methods of sabotage may be

`underhanded’ or `unmanly .’ They are very successful and that is all they

ask of them .”

In advocating direct action as against political action, Foster wrote :

“The superiority of direct action to political action in winning concessions

from capitalism is clearly seen in a comparison of the achievements

to date of the direct action and political action movements .

“The chief cause for the greater success of the labor unions than the

political party is found in the superior efficacy of direct action to political

action . The former is a demonstration of real power, the latter merely

an expression of public sentiment .

“The campaign for `law and order’ tactics that is continually carried

on in the unions by various kinds of legalitarians and weaklings exerts

a bad influence upon them . It must cease”

24, 25, 26 and 49 .)

Regarding society in general and his utter disregard for it, Foster

writes in

“The Syndicalist takes no cognizance of society . He is interested only

in the welfare of the working class and consistently defends it . He leaves

the rag-bag mass of parasites that make up the non-working class part of

society to look after their own interests . It is immaterial to him what

becomes of them so long as the working class advances. He is not afraid

of turning the wheels of progress backward, in thus constantly confining

himself to the interests of the working class, as he knows that by freeing

the working class entirely he will give social development the greatest

stimulus it has ever known .”

Later on, condemning patriotism, Foster writes :

“The Syndicalist is a radical anti-patriot . He is a true internationalist,

knowing no country . He opposes patriotism because it creates feelings of

nationalism among the workers of the various countries and prevents cooperation

between them, and also because of the militarism it inevitably

breeds.”

(Syndicalism, pages 15, 16, 17 and 18.)(Syndicalism, pages 20, 22, 23,Syndicalism, pages 27 and 28:(Syndicalism, page 29 .)

[961

“LEGAL” ORGANIZATIONS

All the doctrines expressed in the book, Syndicalism, Foster used in

a book published later and called, Trade Unionism. This latter book he

distributed by the thousands of copies when he was lining up the forces

for the great steel strike in 1919 . In one place Foster, after having

pictured the world with the workers in control, has written :

“Under the new order as pictured above, Government, such as we know

it, would gradually disappear . In an era of Science and Justice, this

makeshift institution, having lost its usefulness, would shrivel and die .

“Today a large branch of Government relates to war . The abolition

of the profit system would render this useless . It would make impossible

the fatal rivalry between the nations over markets, and thus destroy the

very foundations of war . A friendly, spontaneous, international cooperation

like that between the various states in the Union would supersede the

present elaborate war departments .

“Criminal courts, police, jails and the like would go also . Crime is

due almost wholly to poverty . In a reign of plenty for all it would

practically disappear . The few criminals remaining would be subjects for

hospitals rather than jails . Likewise the civil courts, with their hordes of

officials, would vanish . People would no longer have to wrangle over

property rights .

“The industries now in the hands of national, state and municipal

governments would be given over completely into the care of the workers

engaged in them . Unlike in our days of graft these workers would then

have every reason to give the public the best possible service. The teachers

would have full control over education, the doctors over sanitation, the

postal workers over the transmission of mail, etc . This would certainly

make for efficiency, for no other body would be so competent to control

an industry as the workers directly employed lin it. Surely no mere legislative

assemblies could hope to be in possession of sufficient knowledge to

even intelligently advise such groups of scientifically organized producers,

much less control them.

“With war, crime, class antagonisms and property squabbles obliterated,

and the management of industry taken from its care, little or no

excuse would exist for government . What few extraordinary occasions

arose requiring legislative action to arrive at some sort of solution could

be handled by the Trade Unions, which would still contrive to have many

uses .” (Trade Unionism, pages 24 and 25 .)

As the Workers’ party functions in politics and the Trade Union

Educational League in industry, so the “Friends of Soviet Russia” is the

“legal” financial branch of the Communist party of America. A member

of the Central Executive Committee of the Communist party is known

to have said that but for the funds collected by the Friends of Soviet Russia

for the ostensible purpose of relief, the party would hardly be able to

function in this country as a great portion of the relief money never leaves

the United States but is used for propaganda . This organization was formed

in 1921 by the Central Executive Committee of the Communist party for

[971

REDS IN AMERICA

the purpose of securing funds for the relief of Soviet Russia and also “to

expose and refute the lies which are constantly being circulated about her

in the capitalist press and to present the real facts about Soviet Russia to

the American people, and create a demand for the lifting of the blockade

against her and the resumption of trade .”

Article one of the constitution of the society provides that the funds

collected shall be sent “to Russian Soviet authorities .” The organization

of this body was brought about by Caleb Harrison, one of the official

delegates to the illegal Bridgman convention, and Dr. Jacob W. Hartman.

The names of the first executive committee and advisory committee will

prove its connection with the Communist party . The first-named committee

comprised . Dr. Hartman, Caleb Harrison, Edgar Owens, Allen S. Broms,

Dr. J . Wilenkin, Dr . William Mendelsohn and Dr. Leo S . ‘Reichel . The advisory

committee included William Z. Foster, William F. Dunne, Rose Pastor

Stokes, Caleb Harrison, Robert Minor and Ella Reeve Bloor, all of them

delegates at Bridgman ; Dennis Batt, Elmer T . Allison, Jack Carney, Ludwig

Lore, Edgar Owens, Mary W . Vorse, Hulet M. Wells, Max Eastman, Allen

S. Broms, Joseph P . Cannon, Dr . Wilenkin, Dr . Mendelsohn and Dr. Reichel.

The activities of this organization have spread rapidly throughout the

United States and Canada. Branches have been established, propaganda

spread by means of pamphlets, mass meetings and moving pictures . Affiliations

with labor organizations, societies and associations have increased and

new relief bodies have been organized . A subsidiary branch known as the

“American-Federated Russian Famine Relief Committee” has been organized

to purchase supplies with the money secured by the Friends of Soviet

Russia . Speakers from radical unions, I .W.W. and Communist organizations

are touring the country in the interests of this society. Among the organizations

affiliated with the Friends of Soviet Russia are the following, all legal

bodies :

The Workers’ party, Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia, Finnish

Workingmen’s Association, Socialists Consumers’ League, Russian-Ukrainian

Workers’ Educational Society, Lithuanian Relief Committee, Amercan-Lithuanian

Workers’ Literary Society, American-Hungarian Workers’ Federation,

New England Workers’ Association, Czecho-Slovak Workmen’s Council of

America, National Croatian Society, World War Veterans, Toronto Trades

and Labor Council, Montreal Trades and Labor Council, Amalgamated Clothing

Workers of America, Chicago Federation of Labor, Detroit Federation

of Labor, Seattle Central Labor Council and Tacoma Central Labor Council .

The contribution list, a printed form used by the Friends of Soviet

Russia at its inception bore the interesting and illuminating legend, “Endorsed

by the official representative of L . C. A. K. Martens,” the official

representative of the Moscow Communist Government who was obliged to

leave the United States, through fear of deportation, papers already having

been issued.

The next legal branch in importance in the work of furthering the

interests of the Communist party of America in the United States is perhaps

the Young Workers’ League, which is one of the pets of Robert Minor, the

(981

Vol . 1. No . 3 .

OFFICIALOI1GAN•-JUNIOR SECTION* OUNG WOAl<ERS LEAGUE –AMEQICA

Price 5 cents

T

created two kinds of

schools . One for their

own children, private

schools, where they are

taught to rule over the

workers, and the other,

public schools, where

they try to teach the

children to be willing

workers and silent slaves

for those who are taught

to be the rulers.

In the public schools,

you, the children of the

workers, are taught that

this is the best government

in the world . But

you are never told that

this government allows

little children of 5 years

of age to work under

terrible conditions in

mines, factories and

fields in order to get a

bite to eat. You are told that the organizations of

the workers, like the unions and the communist

parties, are wicked organizations that are unjust

and unreasonable and bad all around . The child

of the worker is taught to hate the working class

and to support the capitalists ., . They tell you that

they are giving you an education, but it is not true .

They only teach you enough writing, reading

JANUARY, 1924

.

HE capitalists haveWhy We Fight Against the Public Schools

The World Belongs To Us!

and ‘rithmetic to make

you able to carry on work

for the boss when you are

old enough to be dragged

into a factory or a mine .

In your religious training

you are told that even

if things are bad on this

earth, everything will be

wonderful when you die

and go to Heaven, for

there you will be in Paradise.

But we do not want to

wait until we are all dead

to go to a Paradise . That

is all a lie. When you die,

you are dead and that is

all there is to it. We

want our Paradise right

here and now . We work

hard and make all the

beautiful things of life

and we want to enjoy

them now . And if we put

up a good, strong fight for it, we can have our

heaven on earth, where we shall live like human

beings and not like beasts in a hole .

That is what the Junior Section is organized

for We want to get all the children of the workers

united into a strong organization . We want

to fight, all of us together! The older men and

women workers in the Workers Party ; the young

A communist paper for little folks .

Junior Section . Young Workers’ League of ~ merica .

The Young Comrade, official organ of the

“LEGAL” ORGANIZATIONS

active Communist who was a delegate to the Bridgman convention . Minor’s

treachery during the war which would have resulted in his execution but

for the influence exercised in his behalf is well known . The aim of this

organization is to place the ideals of Communism before the youth of this

country in a most subtle manner so that when they attain maturity they

will be thorough Communists ready for the work of moving toward the

overthrow by violence of the Government under which they now live . This

is an outgrowth of the Young People’s Communist League and the Young

People’s Socialist League. It was recently reorganized for “legal” propaganda

purposes by the Executive Committee of the Workers’ party. The

installation of the various circles is in charge of the national secretary,

Oliver Carlson, alias E. Connolly, alias Edwards . The purpose of the

League is to educate the young workers to understand their position in

capitalist society, to show them the stupidity of trying to climb higher,

and to map out a course of action for their emancipation .

Among the organizers are a number of well-known Reds, members of

the Communist party of America . Walter Bronstrup, Mrs . Margaret Prevey,

Mrs. Sadie Amter, Max Kaminsky and D . E. Early are active in the organization

. Something of the work of this organization was told in a previous

chapter of this chronicle .

Associated with the Young Workers’ League is a new organization,

functioning as a legal branch, under the direct influence of the Communist

party of America, and known as the Famine Scout Clubs . Not only is it

easy to raise money for the Communists through the appeal of the children

thus drawn into the movement, but it is also excellent training in Communism

for them and a medium through which the radical propaganda can

be circulated.

The Famine Scout Club movement was the brilliant thought of Rose

Pastor Stokes, one of the delegates to the underground convention of the

Communist party of America which was raided at Bridgman, Mich., and

an active Communist since the American beginning . The name selected

would appeal to those interested in the excellent Boy Scout and Girl Scout

organizations and at the same time it would offer an excellent beginning for

planting the seeds of Communism in the minds of the young while raising

money for Communist purposes . Mrs. Stokes traveled all over the country

organizing these Famine Scout Clubs. The membership is not yet large,

but enough young people have become interested to form another group

of nuclei for radical propaganda. But membership is not one of the prime

desires of Communists ; the chief feature is to have as many nuclei as

possible . For this reason clubs are organized with few members through

which appeals are made to the public to aid the famine sufferers in Russia .

But the money collected goes to the Russian Red Cross, which, although

associated in organization with the International Red Cross, is solely an

organ of the Communist Soviet Government of Russia.

The American Committee for Russian Famine Relief was organized

by Walter W. Liggett at the instigation of John G . Ohsol, a member of the

Russian Red Cross, which is officially a part of the Soviet Government in

[99]

REDS IN AMERICA

Moscow, former associate of the L . C. A. K. Martens, Bolshevist “ambassador”

to the United States . He desired to extend Russian relief work in

order to reach elements in the United States who would not contribute to

the avowedly sovietized Russian Red Cross Society . A contract was entered

into between the Russian Red Cross Society with Dr . David Dubrowsky,

Ohsol and Dr. Michael Michailovsky’, as parties of the first part, and the

American Committee for Russian Famine Relief, by A . W. Ricker, Liggett

and James H. McGill as parties of the second part . This contract was in

essence an underwriting contract upon the part of the Russian Red Cross

for the support of the American Committee for Russian Famine Relief .

This underwriting contract was not generally known and certainly

the character of the three Russians were unknown to the majority of per .

sons lending their names to the support of the committee . The only

public indication appearing in connection with the Russian Red Cross was

that on the letter head of the American Committee, where was printed in

small type this statement : “Distributing Through Russian Red Cross Under

American Supervision .”

The activities of the organization were first directed to holding public

meetings for the purpose of raising funds for Russian relief work, but they

quickly took on a political character severely criticising the United States

and praising Russia under the Communists. Isaac McBride, formerly a

close associate of Martens and an active friend of Dubrowsky, early in 1922

addressed a meeting in Chicago which opened with cheers for Lenin,

Trotsky and the Soviet Government of Russia as well as for the Communist

party of America . In Milwaukee a meeting developed into a political

gathering for recognition of the Soviet Government by this country . In

Minneapolis a resolution was passed calling upon the United States Government

to establish at once trade relations with the present Russian Government.

McBride stated : “We are going to milk the bourgeoisie of this country

and they will help us to keep up the struggle against themselves .” Mr.

Ricker, one of the parties to the underwriting agreement, said that his

sympathies and those of the committee were entirely with the Soviet regime .

McBride also said that the American Committee was formed after it was

realized that certain organizations, openly recognized as having Soviet leanings,

could not perform the same work. He said :

“A number who were previously connected with the Advisory Council

have been eliminated for fear that their presence might be looked upon

with suspicion by the general public . One of those eliminated is Louis

Post, former Assistant Secretary of Labor .”

The activities of the Russian Red Cross in the United States first

became apparent in 1921 when Dubrowsky, Michailovsky and Ohsol formed

their committee for carrying on the work . Charles Recht, legal representa

Dr. Michael Michailovsky is identified in the New York State Medical Directory as

having an office at No. 18 East 41st Street, New York City. He graduated from some

Rcuisastiiaonn Uannidv ertshiet yN eiwn Ymoerdki cAicnae dienm y1 8o9f7 ,M eidsi cai nmeem,b earn do fi st hlei sAtmeedri caasn vMiesdiitcianlg Adsesro–

matologist and urologist to the Sydenham Hospital.

i

[1001

“LEGAL” ORGANIZATIONS

tive of the Soviet interests in this country, said that the Russian Red Cross

was one of the two recognized Soviet relief organizations in New York in

September, 1921 . The personnel of the committee of three Russians was

the significant feature of the scheme to those who knew something of the

inside of the Communist party’s work here .

Dubrowsky had been a member of the staff of Martens and had been

carried on the latter’s payroll at $50 a week. After Marten’s departure

Dubrowsky was recognized in radical circles as the unof ficial representative

of the Soviet Government . He was particularly active in connection with

the Jewish Public Committee, and was the instigator of the plan to transmit

to persons in Russia sums of money from their relatives in the United

States. The significance of this scheme was noticed in view of the exchange

value placed upon the ruble by Dubrowsky . When the exchange rate

was not less than 4000 rubles to the American dollar, Dubrowsky was

allowing but 250 rubles to the dollar, and charging $10 for transmission

for money by cable and $1 by mail . Dubrowsky’s activities along this

line were squelched by the Federal Government .

Ohsol was first called to the attention of the public by Senator Watson

of Indiana, in 1919, when he was employed by the Federal Trade Commission

. He was charged with being at that time a pronounced Socialist

of the most virulent type . Ohsol was also a member of Marten’s staff,

looking after a large part of the latter’s commercial work . He is a

conspicuous Bolshevik propagandist . Michailovsky is a representative of

the Commissariat of Public Health, an official unit of the Russian Socialist

Federated Soviet Republic .

Strenuous efforts have been made to impress upon the American public

that the Russian Red Cross is not affiliated with, or supervised by,

the Russian Soviet Republic . This, however, is proved by an examination

of the ordinances of the Soviet republic and the by-laws of the Russian

Red Cross itself. On August 7, 1918, “the Soviet of the Commissaries of

the People” issued an ordinance signed by Lenin as manager of the affairs

of the people, and by the secretary of the Soviets, dealing with the Russian

Red Cross Society which says specifically, “The Russian Red Cross Society

is under the high protection of the central institutions of the republic .”

This ordinance also orders the reorganization of the society to effect, among

other things, the “immediate adoption of all possible measures for the

purpose of attracting to the number of the members of the society the

largest possible number of proletarian institutions, organizations and associations.”

It was the Russian Red Cross workers in the famine districts of Russia,

under the direction of the Soviet government, who gathered small children,

suffering from hunger, into rooms decorated with the old symbols of the

Russian religion, and commanded these starving children to pray to their

ikons for food . When no food appeared in answer to their prayers they

were told to pray to the Soviets for food . The children did so and the

doors flew open as if in answer to their prayers and plentiful food appeared .

The by-laws of the Russian Red Cross Society, which were adopted

[1011

REDS IN AMERICA

at a general conference held in Moscow on Nov . 20, 1921, contain the

following statements :

“Paragraph 3-The society shall co-operate with the military, naval

and civil medico-sanitary institutions of the Russian Socialist Federated

Soviet Republic, conforming their activities to the instructions of the latter .”

In paragraph five of these by-laws appears the statement as to who

may become members of the Russian Red Cross Society. It reads as follows :

“Proletarian organizations may become members of the society, for

instance, Workers’ Unions, factory and shop committees, medical aid societies

and citizens enjoying active and passive suffrage, in accordance with

the constitution of the Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic.”

It will thus be seen that only citizens of the Russian Socialist Federated

Soviet Republic may become members of the Russian Red Cross. The

officials of the Russian Red Cross are well known Communists, including

Litvinov, head of the foreign propaganda department of the Russian Soviet

government. When Secretary Hoover officially warned the American public

against contributing to these various Russian relief bodies the Russian

Red Cross and the Friends of Soviet Russia became very busy cleaning their

books and records . The Russian Red Cross had issued a blank with the

initials upon it “R . S. F. S. R.” standing for Russian Socialist Federated

Soviet Republic . These blanks were quickly destroyed in order that the

connection of the organization with the Soviet government might not be

disclosed. The same policy was followed by the Friends of Soviet Russia .

In view of this it is interesting to note, in conclusion, the recent pronouncement

of the executive committee of the Third International :

“We talk in two languages, that which we talk to the bourgeoisie we

fool them with, that which we talk to the world proletariat is the truth .

Our problem is the world revolution . We are going towards it . And everything

is directed to this end .”

[1021

CHAPTER SIX

RELIEF DRIVES; THE AGRARIAN PROGRAM

Millions of American dollars have been poured into Russia, ostensibly

for the relief of famine sufferers . It is now known that little of this money,

except such as was sent through the channels of the American Relief Administration,

the official organization directed by Herbert Hoover, Secretary

of Commerce in the Cabinet of President Harding, was used primarily to

aid the famine sufferers . It went first to the Communist Soviet Government

in Moscow where its disposition was determined . There was the Red Army to

feed, clothe and equip ; and the multitude of officials in Moscow to be

cared for. It is known that occasionally some of the American-contributed

funds went to famine relief, but it is also known that much of it never

reached any famine sufferer .

One of the most pretentious “drives”, which was intended to secure

thirty million dollars for the Russian Communists, was that launched in

1922 by Captain Paxton Hibben, acting for the Russian Red Cross, an

integral part of the Soviet Government in Moscow . This “drive” was

directly under the supervision of the Soviet regime . Captain Hibben is a

Princeton graduate, received a Master’s degree at Harvard, and studied law

for a year at the same University . He is an ex-diplomat, ex-soldier, is a

member of various clubs, and has connections which enable him to enter

the homes of many loyal American citizens. His plea was based upon the

suffering of the children of Russia, and appealed to the well-known generosity

of Americans toward people in dire distress

1

Capt. Hibben came to New York from Moscow where he had perfected

his plans for this great relief drive with the Soviet authorities . The

American people, Capt. Hibben knew, could not close their ears to an

appeal to save innocent children from starving . The American Relief Administration,

which was, as has been said, the only organization through

which relief could be sent directly to the famine areas without giving the

Soviet authorities an opportunity to take as much as might be needed to

I

to record the following. Capt . Hibben has for some time held a commission as Captain

in the Army of the United States, Officers Reserve Corps, attached to the artillery

of the Third Army Reserve Corps . Many representations as to his suitability for

holding this commission have been made to the proper officials of the War Department,

but apparently it was not possible to secure suitable action . In May, 1923,

Capt. Hibben applied for promotion to a majority, and shortly after, the Secretary

of War appointed a board of three reserve officers to determine his fitness for retention

or promotion. Capt. Hibben appeared personally before this board Oct 1923, to testify “in regard to certain documents and papers in the possession of. t1h9e,

War Department .” The whole matter is still pending at this writing.

In view of these facts concerning the activities of Capt . Hibben it will not be amiss

[1031

REDS IN AMERICA

keep the Red Army well supplied and to satisfy the needs of numberless

Soviet officials, was utterly ignored in Capt . Hibben’s scheme to raise funds

and supplies to be distributed under the supervision of the red Moscow authorities.

Capt . Hibben, besides being Chairman of the American Committee

for Relief of Russian children, was secretary of the mission in America of

the Russian Red Cross, which, as was shown in a previous chapter, is a

part of the Soviet government in Moscow both by its own by-laws and by

the laws of the Communist regime now in control of Russia .

Captain Hibben was employed by the Russian Red Cross in March,

1922, taking the place of V . V. Chikoff as secretary of that organization .

In a circular widely distributed by the Friends of Soviet Russia, with

which he later became officially connected, Hibben is quoted in praising

the present government of Russia, saying that they “have fought the

good fight” . A part of this statement of Hibben’s reads as follows :

“What I am interested in, and what we are all interested in, I take it,

is those people over there who have fought the good fight ; who have

existed for four years in the face of an enemy world . . . I don’t want to see

them lose that fight for lack of food of which you and I have plenty . . . and if

millions of workers all over this country want to take up the job of feeding

the starving of Russia, when the supplies of the American Relief Administration

are exhausted, as workers, to help the workers of the only Government

of workers, by workers, for workers in the world, it is nobody’s

business to interfere.”

This would indicate that Hibben suspicioned that the supplies furnished

through the Friends of Soviet Russia and through the Russian Red Cross

were going first to the Soviet authorities so that they might not “lose that

fight for the lack of food,” although what was left might find its way eventually

to the famine sufferers . And he intimated in this statement that the

American Relief Administration, under the direction of Secretary Hoover,

was about to . cease its actual work of feeding the real sufferers in the famine

districts of Russia. Naturally, if the Hoover organization ceased functioning

there would be a better chance for the Soviet organization with which

Hibben was connected to raise funds in this country .

On July 1, 1922, Hibben sailed for Berlin on the steamship Homeric

to be present as a delegate from the Russian Red Cross in America to the

International Convention of the International Workers’ Famine Relief Committee

which was to open July 9 and which was convened at the initiative

of the Supreme Central Executive Committee for Famine Relief. It was

called by the foreign representative of this committee, Nicholas Krestinsky,

former plenipotentiary representative of the Soviet Government in Germany .

But Hibben arrived in Berlin too late for this convention . He did, however,

have a number of talks with Tchitcherin and made the statement that

he had conveyed information between Tchitcherin and L . C. A. K. Martens,

the Bolshevist “ambassador” to the United States whose activities in aid

of the Communist party of America led to his departure . On July 19,

Hibben left Berlin for Moscow, where he said he was to act as a representative

of the Society of American Relief for the Children of Russia, of

RELIEF DRIVES ; THE AGRARIAN PROGRAM

which he was a director, and where he achieved much publicity .

Hibben’s work was fulsomely praised in the Moscow Izvestia, the Soviet

official organ, of August 11, 1922, which printed an interview with him

in which he said that the American Relief Administration would drop its

work in Russia and then relief would all have to be done through the Russian

Red Cross. He also spoke of his relations with Dr . David H . Dubrowsky

whose activities here in behalf of the Communists have already been

told. He mentioned the fact that there were in Moscow at that time four

members of the national committee of the American Committee of Relief

for Russian Children, Rev . John Haynes Holmes, Frank P. Walsh, Dr . M.

Michailovsky, and John G . Ohsol. The records of Holmes, Michailovsky

and Ohsol in activities connected with the Communist regime have been

told in previous chapters . Frank P. Walsh returned from Moscow by way

of Montreal and immediately launched a campaign of bitter criticism

against the United States Government for failure to recognize the present

Russian Government, and spread propaganda as to the wonderful progress

made in that country under the Communist regime . He later became chief

counsel for the Bridgman conspirators at an enormous fee . The Izvestia

article says in part :

“In our interview with Captain Hibben he declared that Americans

are very much interested in the welfare of Russian children, and that children

who became orphans in consequence of the war and famine can count

on thousands of friends in the United States who will help them through

the American Committee of Relief for Russian Children, which is now under

the charge of Mary Lena Wilson . The activities of the American Relief

Administration developed to such a degree that many people forget

the existence of other organizations in America and other countries which

also carry on famine relief work in the Volga region .”

Then, quoting Hibben, it says :

“The Russian Red Cross deserves all praise for its remarkable work

done with the perfectly insignificant sum at its disposal, getting the public

of foreign countries interested in the relief of Russian sufferers . The

American Relief Administration will, sooner or later, stop activities in

Russia and will leave the country . But the work of the Russian Red Cross,

of course, will continue and try to cure the wounds of the Russian people

caused by the famine and the blockade . . During the period October,

1921, to June, 1922, the Russian Red Cross in America shipped food

supplies, clothing and medicine worth $342,895 which were contributed

in the United States and Canada . The collection of money and other kinds

of distribution is still going on . I have just received a cablegram from Dr .

Dubrowsky, who is head of the Russian Red Cross in America and is just

back from a trip to Mexico ; his cablegram says that Mexico shipped 10,000

sacks of corn and 5,000 sacks of rice and a shipment of medicine to the

Russian Red Cross to be distributed among the starving . This shipment

is the second one from Mexico as a result of Dr . Dubrowsky’s efforts .”

It will be interesting to note here by way of parenthesis that the Mexican

officials had no illusions as to the disposition of these shipments . They

(105]

REDS IN AMERICA

were admittedly for the Red Army of Russia because, as E . Plutarcho

Calles, premier in the Mexican cabinet, said : “We are working toward the

same end,” viz ., the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, and that Russia had the

better opportunity because she did not have the United States hanging over

her head like the Damoclean sword. These are almost, if not quite, the

exact words of Calles to Dubrowsky . The references to the “Damoclean

sword” is Calles’s picture to the Russian emissary .

Hibben’s praise of the Russian Red Cross in America, of which he was

at the time secretary, in “getting the public of foreign countries interested,”

has a double significance ; for it is a part of the work of all agencies of the

Soviet Government, as officially prescribed, to disseminate Communist

propaganda on all possible occasions . Hibben went on, in the Izvestia

interview, to describe a new plan for subtle propaganda by means of “Red

Cross” shops to be established in the United States to show how industrious

the Russian people are under the Communist rule and at the same time to

raise money for the Soviet relief movement . He is quoted as saying :

“In the United States the Russian Red Cross intends to maintain its

own existence quite independently and not to spend for administration a

single copek out of the amount collected for famine relief in Russia . Necessary

means for the realization of this intention will be given by a long

row of Red Cross shops in important cities of the United States in which

home made articles will be sold for the benefit of the orphans, victims of

war and famine in Russia. This enterprise will be not only a new source

of funds for relief work but will give to Russian home industry a new

market, for through these shops America will be given an opportunity to

get acquainted with articles made under such circumstances . Right now I am

dealing with the President of the Centroyuz (the Central Executive Committee

of the Russian Soviet), Comrade Khinchuck, about methods to realize this

plan in fact . WE ALSO ARE ANXIOUS TO ARRANGE A TRIP OF

RUSSIAN DRAMATICAL ACTORS TO THE UNITED STATES, TOGETHER

WITH MUSICIANS AND ARTISTS, who will under the auspices

of the Russian Red Cross help to collect means for the relief of Russia

AND AT THE SAME TIME WILL PROVE TO THE AMERICAN PUBLIC

THE HIGH STANDARD OF RUSSIAN ART REACHED DURING A

TIME OF REVOLUTION.”

It is interesting to note that there are constantly offered for sale in

this country by the Friends of Soviet Russia, literature and supplies to

raise money for Russian relief . On circulars the public is urged to “buy

books, pamphlets, pictures, postals, leaflets, posters,” and the order blank

on which this appeal is made lists busts of Lenin for $3 and of Trotsky

for $2, which are said to be replicas of the work of Claire Sheridan . Books

like “Communism and Christianity,” by Bishop William Montgomery

Brown, are also offered for sale in this appeal, as well as writings of John

Reed, Albert Rhys Williams and Isaac McBride . Communist magazines

and Red buttons are on the same list .

Hibben’s activities in behalf of Soviet Russia make it interesting

to note that his experience has been vast and varied . His brilliance

[1061

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RELIEF DRIVES ; THE AGRARIAN PROGRAM

of mind has never been questioned . His scholarship, while at college,

qualified him for Phi Beta Kappa, but he was not admitted . During

the war in Europe his anti-British and pro-German sentiments made it

seem advisable that he be not used for certain purposes in France . The

authorities have documents showing that he was paid propagandist for the

Greek Royalists before the United States entered the war .

He has frequently referred slightingly to the United States Government

and criticised it severely for its stand in regard to Communist Russia, this

at a time when that same Russian Government was directly using every

means at its command to effect the overthrow of the United States by armed

rebellion. Hibben had a troublous career while he was in the diplomatic

service of the United States, which covered practically seven years in Russia,

Mexico, Colombia, Holland, Luxemburg and Chile .

Hibben has stated that he was always “passionately French” in his

sympathies but that did not prevent him from challenging a French correspondent

to a duel in Athens on one occasion early in the European War

when a Frenchman made a scene in a hotel room where Hibben was entertaining

a German correspondent and his wife at luncheon. The duel was

fought with no injuries on either side. He was a great admirer of John Reed,

the brilliant Harvard anarchist, later a Communist, and whose spectacular

career was cut short by his death in Moscow . A year after Reed’s death

Hibben was in Moscow, and in October, 1921, he was photographed

placing a wreath on Reed’s grave . Reed’s widow, Mrs. Louise Bryant,

was later associated with Hibben in his pro-Russian work.

Through his connection with the Russian Red Cross, Hibben’s plan

received the endorsement of the Friends of Soviet Russia and the Workers’

party, both Communist “legal” branches . It is interesting here to note

that the latter organization was in desperate straits because of the raid at

Bridgman, Mich., in August, 1922, when William F . Dunne, the party’s

candidate for the governorship of New York, was arrested with a number

of other Worker’s party men for attendance at the illegal convention .

Official orders issued by C. E. Ruthenberg, Executive Secretary of the

Workers’ party of America, called for immediate and effective aid from all

members of the party because “we are in the midst of a great campaign of

self-defence .” He urged all foreign-born to become citizens, “not for patriotic

reasons but in order to draw them into the political life of the United

States.” These official orders were sent out from the “national office” on

September 14, and announced that a Labor Defense Council would be organized

at once and that it was necessary to raise “tens of thousands of

dollars” . Frank P . Walsh was retained and conducted the defense of the

Bridgman prisoners . Robert M. Buck, editor of New Majority, official

organ of the Chicago Federation of Labor, was chairman of the Labor

Defense Council just referred to, and Sam T. Hammersmark, one of

William Z . Foster’s right-hand men who was active in the steel strike

and the recent convention of the Trade Union Educational League, was secretary-

treasurer of the newly formed organization . The appeal was addressed

to “District Organizers, Federation Secretaries, Local Secretaries, District

[1071

REDS IN AMERdCA

Executive Committees, Federation -Executive Committees and Local Executive

Committees,” and read :

“Comrades : For your guidance the following statement of our policy

and immediate plan of action has been formulated by the Central Executive

Committee .

“We are in the midst of a great campaign of self-defense by the working

masses against the ruthless capitalist offensive and the Central Executive

Committee instructs all party units to put the following into action .

“1. Today our major campaign is to be directed against Governmental

authorities who are attacking us rather than against the yellow socialists

and trade union bureaucrats . The immediate struggles of the workers are

becoming more tense and taking on wider scope . We must develop to the

highest point the resistance of the workers to the brutal attacks of governmental

authorities on the fundamental rights of the workers . The situation

necessitates our following a policy which will draw into the conflict

the great mass of the workers regardless of political differences.

“2. We must energetically propagate the idea among the workers that the

onslaught on the Communists and militants is a part of the attack launched

against the working-class . Our activities in the strikes are the basis for

this attack .

“3. Our main slogans in this campaign should be `Workers, Fight For

Unrestricted Right to Organize, Strike and Picket . Defend These Rights

By means of All the Political and Industrial Power at -Your Command.’

Our members must urge the workers to disobey the Strike Injunction and

to carry on the strike in defiance of the injunction .

“Our rallying cries are

“‘Down with Government by Injunctions!’

“‘Down with the usurped power of the courts!’

“‘Down with the use of armed force against the workers!’

“4. It is our task to organize the workers to demand and to attempt

to take the rights of the much vaunted American democracy . The Communists

and all militant workers are part of the working class, therefore,

the Communists and all militants must also have the unrestricted right

of free speech, press and assemblage .

“5. We must fight energetically to secure for all the foreign-born

workers equal civil and economic rights . We must wage an intensive campaign

for removing restrictions on citizenship and against the anti-alien

laws . We must demand that the foreign-born workers have unrestricted

right to work . We must work diligently for the development of the solidarity

of the native and foreign-born workers . The party must make the

following organization steps toward carrying out this program of agitation

and action .

“(A) Our Federations should wage a vigorous campaign to have the

foreign-born workers become citizens . Not for patriotic reasons but to

draw them into the political life of the United States .

“(B) Our Federations should wage a vigorous campaign to have the

foreign-born workers join the labor unions .

11081

RELIEF DRIVES ; THE AGRARIAN PROGRAM

“6. We must persistently propagate the idea in the unions and among

the workers generally of independent political action by the workers and

the need of a working-class political party .

“Fraternally yours,

“C. E. RUTHENBERG,

“Executive Secretary .”

That the raid of the Michigan authorities on the illegal, underground

convention of the Communist party of America at Bridgman upset the

plans of the Workers’ party as well as those of the Communists, was evident

from another appeal, also sent out by Ruthenberg on September 14, 1922 .

It was difficult to conduct a political campaign when the party’s candidates

were under arrest for conspiracy to overthrow the Government by armed

force ; and in this case the head of the principal ticket, that of New York

State, was caught at Bridgman . William F. Dunne, candidate for governor

of New York on the Workers’ ticket, could hardly appeal for any votes outside

his traitorous party while in jail or out on bail facing such a charge .

This second appeal was addressed “To All Branches, District Organizers

and Federation Secretaries,” and read as follows :

“Comrades : The National Convention of the party, which was to have

been held in Chicago, August 28th, will be held in New York City beginning

on December 25th.

“The immediate reason for the postponement of the convention was, as

you know, the arrest of the executive secretary, a number of district organizers

and other party workers as part of the campaign of terrorism which

the capitalists are waging against the workers in connection with the

great strike battles which have shaken the country during recent months .

“The first decision was to postpone the National Convention for two

weeks, in the hope that those suffering under the persecution of the ruling

class could be quickly released and take their places in the ranks of ‘the

party.

“The party, however, finds itself face to face with this situation :

“During the next month or two we must mobilize all our forces for

defense work. We must raise tens of thousands of dollars for bail so

that all our comrades can be freed and carry on their party work during

the period in which their cases are pending . Only six weeks remain before the

November elections . We must nominate candidates and carry on campaigns

wherever possible.

“The present industrial struggles will be over by December, the lessons

of this struggle will be clear and we will be able to base our new policies

upon the developments which this struggle has brought to the American

labor movement . The period from now on to December will be a period

of preparation . The convention must and will be a greater demonstration

of strength to our party. Details about the convention such as agents,

delegations, finances, etc., will be forwarded later .

[109]

REDS IN AMERICA

“Let us take up immediate tasks of the party with enthusiasm and

courage. Let us build more strongly than ever during the coming months,

and make the December convention a demonstration of the power of our

movement.

“Fraternally yours,

“C. E. Ruthenberg,

“Executive Secretary .”

Details of the plans for the Labor Defense Council were also announced

on the same date by Ruthenberg . This announcement stated that the Central

Executive Committee of the Workers’ party initiated this plan and would

carry out the work, but city central committees and branches were instructed

to organize local labor defence councils, to function under the national

organization, and to invite other working class organizations to send delegates

to the local councils . But in order that it might appear to be a spontaneous

movement of all workers, instead of a carefully engineered scheme

by the Communistic Workers’ party, the organizers were cautioned to send

these invitations “in the name of the provisional committee as a provisional

committee of the Labor Defence Council and NOT [capitals are Ruthenberg’s]

in the name of the Workers’ party .” The instructions specified :

“The local Defence Council should at once begin a compaign of agitation

and money raising. It should hold public meetings, send speakers to

the unions, have resolutions introduced in the unions and in every way

possible stir up the workers to the need of a united stand against the

capitalist attack.”

A part of the plans of the drive of Captain Hibben for funds and

supplies was directed at the small farmer and farm workers, who are already

being assiduously cultivated by the Communist party of America .

Captain Hibben’s idea was that the farmers had excellent crops, but a poor

market, in 1922, and that, therefore, they would be ready to contribute

out of their surplus products to feed the Russians. This appeal was started

by the Communist-controlled Friends of Soviet Russia and with the launching

of the new drive by the Hibben organization the small farmers and

their hired help were flooded with carefully prepared propaganda designed

to appeal to their hearts for suffering humanity and at the same time convey

to them unsound ideas regarding “capitalist” society .

The Communist party’s agrarian program which is now being put into

effect throughout the United States and which is admittedly a program

which will require time and patience to carry out to its fulfilment, is one

of the most cleverly prepared and thought-out programs thus far produced .

In its preparation is shown surprising appreciation of the psychology,

conditions and sympathies of the small farmer and farmhand . The program

contains many pages of carefully prepared statistics, maps and charts,

showing “population-distribution,” “jobs of those engaged in agriculture,”

“farm wages and farm income,” “farms and farm tenure,” “comparison of

East and West,” “crops-production, distribution, consumption,” “the agricultural

press,” “farmers’ organizations in the United States,” “the negro

farmer,” “farm propaganda,” etc . ; maps showing yields, in million bushels,

[1101

RELIEF DRIVES ; THE AGRARIAN PROGRAM

of corn, wheat and oats ; primary markets, export markets, cotton area ;

farm organizations and agrarian press circulation .

Following out the program of the Communist party of America students

have been “planted” in various agricultural schools in the country, whose

duty is to become proficient as farm laborers primarily . They are also

supposed to inculcate as much of the Communist doctrine in their fellow

students as may be done without creating trouble ; but that is not their

first duty as students . After having been prepared at the agricultural

schools these students are sent to various parts of the country as county

agents to seek employment as farm hands, which is easily found, owing to

the shortage of farm labor in these days . Then their real work for the

party begins . They are organizers and propagandists, first, last and all

the time. They form nuclei wherever they are-two or three companions

being enough at any one place. This movement, according to the plans

of the Communists, will have the ground prepared by the time the great

general strike comes and the Communists themselves will be able to supply

the necessary food for the fighters on the side of the proletariat .

Notes among the pages of the statistics contain such sentences as these :

“The concentration of industry in the Eastern half of the United States

makes a comparison from an agrarian point of view important because

it seems to me the city proletariat will approach revolt more rapidly where

concentrated and would, therefore, become more dependent upon the immediate

farms than upon those at great distances .”

“True proletarian organizations among farm laborers are possible in

a limited way only where large numbers of workers are employed together

as they are during harvest in the wheat and fruit lands of the West . These

harvest workers are entirely distinct in type from the great mass of farm

laborers . The `harvest stiff’ migrates from farm to farm with numbers

of his fellows specializing in only one farm operation . He comes from

the city and drifts back to it for the winter . He is more nearly of the

city. The farm laborer is an all-round farmer . His point of view is more

like that of his employer ; he is paid by the month, eats with the boss, and

he is isolated from other workers. All these combined make wide-spread

organizations among this strata of the agrarian population impracticable

if not impossible under a system of capitalist agriculture .”

The program opens with a division of the United States into sections

in which the Communists are working . This portion of the program reads :

“The American problem is not composite ; it consists of several distinct

problems . This is true because of the differences in historical backgrounds

and developments which have followed separate courses, determined

mainly by geographical conditions .

“The United States should be divided into four geographical divisions

. and each section studied separately. First, its reaction to the

common capitalist pressure. Second, the particular policy and programs

which will reach the individual farmers peculiar to that section-teach

him that in resisting capitalist exploitation his interests join those of the

city proletariat .

REDS IN AMERICA

“Studied from the point of view of the Proletarian Revolution the

following chapters of statistical references will show that four geographical

sections have a relative importance as agrarian units of the problem.

“Least in importance is the West . It is the Siberia of America. This

great area, thinly populated, thousands of miles from the great industrial

centers of the country, is too remote to figure decisively in an Industrial

Proletarian Revolution .

“Next in importance comes the New England section . Agriculturally

it is not self-supporting . It imports 75 per cent of its food supplies, but

this section is important above the West as a unit in the agrarian problem

because New England farms adjoin the great industrial section of the

country .

“The South ranks above the West and New England for two reasons ;

first, it is distinctly an agricultural community, whose markets are within

easy reach of the great industrial centers ; and second, because it involves

race problems. Some of the state populations in this section are half

negroes . These descendants of the slaves and the poorer whites are competing

for the crusts under the lash of the Landlord System .

“This competition has sharpened the race antagonism between those

members of the same exploited class, whether skilled or unskilled laborers

or farmers .

“This condition must be considered in the program for Southern

farmers. It holds a menace to the proletarian revolution which will be

seized by the bourgeoisie .

“Above all the rest comes the great producing empire stretching from

the middle Atlantic and including the Middle West, producing more food

per man than any other country in the world . Here industry is concentrated .

Here the city proletariat and agrarian are but a few hours apart . This

section must be won over to the side of the city proletarian . All others

are secondary to the vital importance of this section as a factor in the

success of the proletarian revolution.”

It is explained that the statistical material used in preparing this

report containing the “agrarian program” has been compiled from the

latest available sources, Government, state and corporation figures being

used . After many pages of interesting statistics the report takes up the

question of farm propaganda of different radical organizations, as follows :

“The Non-Partisan League is an, organization of farmers in the West

North Central States . They have gained control of the State government

of North Dakota and several State offices in other States ; also congressional

representatives from North Dakota .

“Their propaganda teaches the farmer to `Fight the Capitalist’ but

is spoiled by holding the Non-Partisan League legislative program as the

cure-all. The following is quoted from a summary of a history of the

League which was issued recently by them :

64

the people should rule and that the ballot offers the remedy for economic

and political wrongs .’

(1121

‘It is a typically American institution dedicated to the principle that

RELIEF DRIVES’ ; THE AGRARIAN PROGRAM

“As a matter of -fact, the actions of the Non-Partisan League are more

direct than their policies indicate . There is a Left and Right struggle

within the League at present . Connections with the Left elements should

be made and they should continue inside the organization. Some of their

farm papers have a wide circulation ; if controlled they could reach out

into more important agricultural sections .

“The I. W. W. has based its farm propaganda on the mistaken assumption

that agrarian conditions in the wheat States are typical ; that the

migratory `harvest stiff’ is the typical farm laborer.

“In the most developed regions the same relations prevail upon the

farms as are found in other industries . . . . The farm hand has become

a migratory laborer, possessing all the characteristics of his industrial

brother.

“As the migratory workers specialize in only one farm operation,

spend only a portion of their time on the farms and drift back to the cities

in the winter, it seems obvious that they are not typically farm laborers .

“The Socialist party farm propaganda was concerned principally in

getting votes. Some of their leaflets were unscientific enough to use modern

methods and machinery as a warning :

“`Mr. Farmer: The great machine is invading your field of labor. The

combine is coming your way . With it comes the big machine drawing

thirty-two ploughs with its seeder and harrower, the steam harvester and

thresher of the capitalists . With them are leagued the railroads and the

mills . In a few more years the capitalists will have you hunting a job

as a day laborer because you cannot compete with the corporation which

combines capital, the land, the railroads, mills, elevators and farm machinery

that does the work of forty horses and eighty men at the same time .’

“Combined farming should’ not be used as a bugbear ; it is a desired

end. Neither should the level farms of the Middle West where thirty gangploughs

can be used be looked upon as typical . A thirty-gang outfit could

hardly turn around in the average farm field. On the other hand, the

`steam thresher of the capitalists’ which they mention is universally used

wherever cereals are grown ; operated generally by a neighborhood farmer

as a side line . Farm propaganda should at least be edited by farmers .”

Particularly interesting in this report is “an outline of policy” which

was adopted and is now being followed out by the agents and the Communist

party under direction from the agrarian section of the party . It

reads as follows :

“1 . Emphasize the necessity for work among the largest element of

the agrarian mass-the small farmers .

“2. Use the common interest in the struggle against capitalism which

exists between the small farmer and the proletariat as a wedge to separate

them as a class from the capitalist and petty capitalist elements .

“3. Use the farm organizations of the small farmers as a field for

propaganda, teaching them to strike rather than arbitrate .

“4. Organize the agrarian proletariat wherever possible to further the

work of preparation and separation of the agrarian elements . .

[1131

REDS IN AMERICA

“5 . Recognize the literal necessity for the city proletariat to give up

some of its members to agrarian work .

“I believe that proletarians in any occupation will react uniformly

to a proletarian revolution . That is, they will support the interests of their

class . Therefore, the agrarian proletariat can be expected to support the

revolution of the city proletariat .

“An agrarian policy must recognize, however, that conditions today

prevent the organization of the true farm proletariat . Nothing short of

revolution will bring them together as a class.

“The policy must be directed to a preparation of the ground by propaganda

to clarify the interests of the several strata within the agrarian

population.

“When the city proletariat overthrow the bourgeoisie, the agrarian

population should begin a gradual process of reorganization ; first, the true

farm proletariat must be organized into Soviets ; this will be strengthened

by later addition of the more oppressed semi-proletarians : gradually the

small farmers will begin to drift over until only those are left whose interests

are directly opposed to the proletariat .

“This process will be completed rapidly and without friction only if

the agrarian policy during the pre-revolutionary stages is directed mainly to

work among that element which makes up more than sixty per cent of the

total farm population-the small farmer .

“The proletarian and semi-proletarian elements in the farm population

are comparatively small . No practical agrarian policy can direct itself to

these small unorganized elements as its dominant purpose . These elements

will of necessity support the proletarian revolution .

“On the contrary, a practical policy must be dominated by the purpose

to guide the largest exploited elements of the agrarian the small

farmers. These are organized ; and their organizations are formed to resist

capitalist pressure. These farmers must be taught the direct issue between

themselves as a class and the bourgeoisie.

“While their interests are not entirely those . of the proletarian class,

in so far as they are the same they must be united with the proletarian .

“From a revolutionary point of view it must be recognized that as a

whole the farm population is generations behind . The overthrow of the

bourgeoisie will bring the agrarians in one jump to the necessity of considering

the reorganization of the very basis of their existence, that is, the

small farm unit-a farm operated by the farm family and one farm laborer .

The combination of these farm units is a development which will follow the

revolution ; will come, as it should, gradually as a result of the separation

of the agrarian population according to their class interests . Wherever

big farms exist the confiscation of these lands by the farm proletariat for

the state must be the first step .

“The organization of agriculture should be much more rapid in America

than in any other country, because of the wide-spread knowledge of the

advantages of modern machinery applied to the efficient unit of acres .

“Communism cannot be preached to this small farmer element before

[114]

RELIEF DRIVES ; THE AGRARIAN PROGRAM

the revolution ; and only by demonstration after the revolution . But whatever

unity of interest exists with the proletarian must be taught ; and the

use of economic weapons such as food strikes be advocated in their organizations

as the only effective means to gain anything from the bourgeoisie .

“This policy will be effective only when well-grounded Communists

can be spared from the ranks of the city proletariat actually to live and

work among the farmers .”

The program now in effect called for a budget of $35,000 . It included

as outlined in this report, the organization of a “legal Agrarian Bureau” ;

buying or establishing a farm weekly paper ; training of county agents ;

an inventory of all radicals in the agrarian population ; and regular conferences

of agrarian leaders. In elaborating the subject of training of

county agents, the report says :

“Believing that it is easier to make farmers than to make Communists,

well-grounded young Communists who are physically strong and understand

the situation they volunteer to enter, should begin training at once.

Training will consist of four months intensive practical work on special

farms under the direction of the bureau . This will be followed by a winter’s

course in a scientific agricultural college . After this the county agent will

be placed in an important agricultural section. He then becomes the outpost

in three lines of work : distribution of propaganda, source of informa .

tion, agrarian party organizer .”

It was decided to start ten young men at once on this course of training.

They must be self-supporting until they enter their scientific training in

college, and $300 each was allotted for this college work. It is interesting

to know that the “intensive practical work” is now being done on one farm

in Connecticut, one in the South and others in the Middle West .

L1151

CHAPTER SEVEN

AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION

At the suggestion of Felix Frankfurter of Harvard, the American Civil

Liberties Union decided to ask William Allen White to serve on the national

committee of that organization . Frankfurter, William Z . Foster, who was

seated as fraternal delegate to the unlawful Communist convention at Bridgman,

Mich. ; Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Crystal Eastman, Roger N . Baldwin,

Morris Hillquit, Scott Nearing and many other radicals, some of them Communists,

are members of the national committee of this organization ; and

White’s defiance of his friend, Governor Allen, in the 1922 coal strike

troubles in Kansas was the recommendation for White’s availibility as a

committeeman.

e

The American Civil Liberties Union is definitely linked with Communism

through the system of interlocking directorates, so successfully

used by the Communist party of America in penetrating into every possible

organization with a view to getting control so that when the time comes

for the great general strike which, they believe and hope, will lead to the

overthrow of the United States Government by violence, they will already

have these bodies definitely aligned with them. The party has several members

in the American Civil Liberties Union and the constant activities of

that body are proving of great moral and financial benefit to the Communists.

Rose Pastor Stokes, who was a delegate to the illegal Bridgman convention,

was one of those reported present at the meeting of the Executive

Committee of the American Civil Liberties Union, on August 28, 1922, at

the Union’s headquarters in New York, although she was not a member of

the committee, when the decision was reached, after discussion of White’s

desirability as a member of the National Committee, to elect him to the

Committee if, upon inquiry, it was learned that he would accept. Among

the others at this meeting were Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Robert Morss Lovett,

then president of the Federated Press League, the connection of which with

the Communist party has been shown

to the Communist leader, Bruce Rogers, in Los Angeles, to canvass the

motion picture colony, giving the names of several prominent movie people

who “are with us,” and who “helped us before and will do it again” ; Norman

M. Thomas, Walter Nelles, B . W. Huebsch, the well-known publisher,

and Roger N. Baldwin, the “slacker” during the war who served a sentence

in prison and who is one of the active heads of the organization .

At this same time meeting of the Executive Committee it was also decided

to arrange a meeting for Senator Borah on the amnesty question and

[1171

in a previous chapter. Lovett wrote

REDS IN AMERICA

to supply funds for the meeting. This is not the first time that Senator

Borah’s name has appeared in the minutes of the meetings of the American

Civil Liberties Union, for he has asked this radical organization to prepare

bills for him to introduce in the Senate of the United States . The

minutes of a meeting of the Executive Committee, on October 3, 1921, record

that Senator Borah asked, through Albert DeSilver (among whose other

activities was that of being treasurer of the I .W.W. Defense Fund) that the

Union draft bills repealing title 12 of the Espionage Act, under which the

postal authorities still censored the mail . Included also were to be amendments

to that section of the obscenity statute which would eliminate the

words “tending to murder, arson and assassination” under the “indecent”

definition . The minutes of the following meeting, on October 10, show that

DeSilver reported that the two bills had been prepared and forwarded to

the Senator . In the minutes of the April 17, 1922 meeting, we read : “The

material for Senator Borah has been submitted to him and it is expected

he will make his speech to the Senate in a comparatively few days .” On

May 1 it was reported Senator Borah was still contemplating his speech .

Complaint has frequently been made that the American Civil Liberties

Union is never exercised about predicaments in which poor men, who are

not radicals, find themselves . Their interests and activities are always .

without exception, in behalf of lawbreakers of the radical criminal class .

A survey of the National Committee of this Union shows at once that practically

the entire membership is made up of radicals of one stripe or another

. They solicit funds from every class, exactly as do the Communists,

to be devoted to the defence or other assistance of criminals, never to aid

a man who steals a loaf of bread for himself or his hungry family or who

commits a crime of this nature . Of course in soliciting funds from the

public it does not always admit that the money is to be thus used ; many

people contribute with the hazy idea of uplifting the downtrodden . This

Union busily sought aid for those of its own members and others who,

caught in the Bridgman raid, were actually engaged in a criminal conspiracy

against the United States Government .

That the people who are directing the functions of the American

Civil Liberties Union have been looked upon for some time as not only

radicals but also in some cases as Bolsheviks is well known . Felix Frankfurter,

one of the shining lights of the Union, as has been seen, once drew

down upon himself a most scathing arraignment when he, as counsel for

President Wilson’s Mediation Commission in the Mooney case, had the

temerity to attempt to interest Theodore Roosevelt in the work he was doing .

Ex-President Roosevelt’s Americanism has never been questioned by friend

or foe ; his loyalty to Harvard, where Frankfurter has long been teaching,

was famous among the students and alumni, and he bluntly compared Frankfurter

to Trotsky and found little difference.

Allusion is here made to Roosevelt’s letter to Frankfurter, quoted in

a previous chapter, because of the former President’s expression of opinion

in regard to the I. W. W., the Mooney and Billings cases, and similar individuals

and organizations ; in the cases mentioned the American Civil Liber-

(118]

Reverend Charles\ M. LathroA’Executive Secretary of the WDepartment”

of Social Service of . the National f ptscopal urc

comm°uOnuirs tgsovernment particularly in the arrest of the alleged .-in Michigan °seems -to take the position that it is a

cringe -to he a- communist: I’ cannot help but be reminded of

the original communists who were the first converts to the Christian faith .

ajtseol yre atchtei oInmarpyerial Government of Rome at that time was _ . As an American citizen and speaking for

myself, I want to “take- my stand on the basic right for anybodlL

in the United States to be a communist who wishes to

be one .”

isii7theIfthe Roman Government in the early days of Christianity had taken the sane attitude . the entire Apostolic College would- have- been arrested, Saint Peter . Saint John and the restof them . They would have been in the same position as Mr. Foster, Mr. Rothenberg and the others are to-day . Forntoutn

11

type of super-being, but he makes the typical Jesus-mistake

of refusing to admit that there are obstacles in the path of

such a world. There an governments, policemen, capitalists,

politicians, articles, navies, gunmen, the state . To the Jesusthinker

these court for nothing. It is necessary only to be

noble and to save other. soars for-nobility. It is not necessary

to think out plans for meeting the opposition, for there

is no opposition to nobility. It is not necessary to think

about what might happen if millions of the poor suddenly

e against the rich ; and the rich turned machine guns on

them. It is not necessary to think about what to do with

men who try toassassinate the leaden of a free and frsternatworld,

as they who sought to oeeassinete Lenin .

The Jesus-thinkers, sore )only for the nobility and purity

of their owe, scale . ‘they are ethical. ,Bat doe, a doctor

dream of ethics when he is cutting some rotten flesh out of

the side of a sick man? Does a drowning swimmer think of

nobility and purity when he is caught by an undertdw? He

The

Jesus-Thinkers

By Michael Gold

J

he was not a verbose, tricky journalist, a successful par,

,an, a cuuninF exploiter of labor, or even a politician, and

for this w6]nast respect him . For his age Jesus was undoubtedly

an innocent and beautiful

is beat ip the emotions of the animal Man; .

for that, as we love Shelley and Whitafan . We have all of

us his tender child-hunger in ourveins, that m ake. u s dream

of a simple and gentle world, where there is no strife, where

all is mild and fraternal, and where men are as little children.

It is a beautiful weakness to try to live in that world

now..- -It is a cowardice, too, and must be extirpated from . Inks only p£ objective things, of the force of the waves . He ‘s soul with a terrible knife if one is to become a

of his ems form . . The doctor thinks scientiRcally~when

The

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spirit

fusion, ineffectiveness, and de p

of Jesus, His legend in one’s blood, lensr in th- g perform in ’06’

. g an operation . There is a science in human

Exactly as

must learn to break ” /

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Father of Jesus, and e-

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Rev. Harry F . Ward of the American Civil Liberties Union expresses his

opinion of the laid upon the Communist Convention at Bridgman in the Jan . 1923

issue of the Social Service L{vlletilt of the _Methodist Federation for Social Service .

.A similar expression from Rev . Charles M. Lathrop, executive secretary of the Department

of Social Service of the National Council of the Episcopal Church, says : “1

want to make my stand on the basic right for anybody in the United States to be a

communist who wishes to be one .”

i

s

A page from `lax Eastman’s Liberator, Sept . 1922, showing title, “The Jesus-

Thinkers” by Michael Gold . Among other things, Gold says : “The legend of Lenin

more beautiful to me than the legend of Jesus . 5 0a The Russian Bolsheviks

will leave the world a better place than Jesus left it .”

AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION

ties Union was particularly active, in an effort to prevent the criminals

from paying the penalties imposed by the courts of the country for the

crimes committed. It was also exercised over the predicaments of Communists

in various parts of the country who were sentenced under the antisyndicalist

laws of different States ; and it is not infrequent to find notation

in the minutes of their meetings that appeal to the Supreme Court of the

United States will be taken in an effort to save the radicals convicted of

conspiracy to overthrow by violence the Government of the United States .

The activities of the Union, however, do not stop with trying to aid

Communists and other radicals and criminals after they have been convicted

of crimes, but it conducts political campaigns in various States in

an effort to bring about the repeal of laws enacted to protect the Government

from conspiracies directed from Moscow, and it provides money

for the Communists with which the anti-American fight may be conducted .

The minutes of the Executive Committee meeting held May 8, 1922, show

the following entry :

“An application from the National Defense Committee for a loan of

$500 for ninety days was noted, and was referred to Mr . Baldwin to negotiate

on his personal responsibility with the general approval of the

Committee .”

It is interesting to note that this National Defense Committee is wholly

Communist, controlled from Moscow, one of the many “legal” organizations

doing the work of the secret Communist party of America . Its membership

is entirely of Communists, most, if not all, of them in attendance on the

illegal, underground Communist convention at Bridgman . This committee

was made up of Max Bedacht, J. E. Ferguson, L. E. Katterfield, Edgar

Owens and C. E. Rutherberg . And this is the organization for which the

American Civil Liberties Union authorized the negotiation of a loan “with

the full approval” of the Executive Committee .

The chairman of the American Civil Liberties Union is Harry F . Ward,

the preacher whose utterances in the Methodist Textbook on radicalism

caused a scandal . He was formerly connected with the Boston School of

Theology, is a teacher of Christian Ethics at Union Theological Seminary

and has been a leading factor in the Interchurch World Movement and the

Federated Council of Churches of Christ in America . His sympathy and

cooperation with Socialists, I . W. W., radical and other anti-American

movements have been notable . He was a pacifist during the war, and practically

all of his associates in the organization have records as pacifists and

defeatists in those troublesome days, some of whom were imprisoned for

their refusal to fight when the United States was at war or for endeavoring

to bring about the defeat of this country by actively L~idirtg the_ enemy .

Ward’s activities are best illustrated by citing -3-istter .idhichh- given

out by the American Civil Liberties Union in April, 1922, and-which was

addressed to Congressman Martin B. Madden, cl aiitnan of the House ;Ap.

propriations Committee. In this, he attempted

Madden for the purpose of securing a cut in

for the use of . that executive branch of the Gbvernment`”which haw most

to I irriffuenee-Coagre$f-tanthe_ appropriations iuieSded

[119]

REDS IN AMERICA

to do with the suppression of revolutionary radicalism and emphasizing

the specious claim that at that time radicalism was on the wane . Ward’s

letter contained the following

“Radical activities in the United States have greatly decreased since

1919. . The underground propaganda . . . is obviously that

conducted by the Communists in the United States . The fact that propaganda

is underground is due entirely to the repressive measures directed against it .

The Soviet government is not responsible for this propaganda . It

is a part of the international, revolutionary, working-class movement affiliated

with one or another of the international bodies which express its

programs and purposes .”

As has been stated, the American Civil Liberties Union, a part of the

open, legal machinery of the Communist party of America, and of which

Ward is an official, is the central organization for the defense of radicals

and Communists. Unquestionably, its files contain large quantities of

information concerning the radical movement, as to gather such information

is a part of its appointed function . In 1922, every independent investigating

agency in the United States had arrived at an opinion quite the opposite

from that expressed in this letter to Congressman Madden . The conclusion is

forced that Ward’s opinion was formulated as a result of a desire to cripple

the defense mechanism of the Government in its fight against revolution

either by violence or legislation, and to protect the activities of those who

were his associates .

Ward’s statement as to responsibility for Communist propaganda in

this country sounds puerile in view of the recent controversy between

Secretary of State Charles E . Hughes and Steklov (1923), the speech of

Senator Lodge in the Senate (Jan. 1924), or the Senatorial investigation

into Moscow propaganda in the United States (1924) . It stamps him as

one whose assumed leadership is defective in that he is either unacquainted

with the conditions which he assumes to know most about or in that he has

a conscious objective in misinterpretation of facts .

The American Civil Liberties Union owes its existence to the notorious

pacifist organizations of war-time fame, which were presumably financed by

German agents in this country working desperately, and for a time

successfully, to keep the United States from entering the war . To be sure,

in its present form it has existed only since January 12, 1920, when it was

formed as an outgrowth and with the merging of various organizations

which were developed during the World War, dating from October, 1914,

and the members’of which were pacifists, defeatists, German agents, radicals

of many h;u-eCsoh3mu1ists, I. W. W. and Socialists . Among the organizations

included in

Leagrie to Limit Arritaments, Emergency Peace Federation, First American

tike merger were such pacifist bodies as the American

Ca

rencefor Derxioeracy and Terms of Peace, People’s Freedom Union,

People’s Council

foi<-1~hnesty for Political- Prisoners, Civil Liberties Bureau, National Civil

of America, American Union Against Militarism, League

[1201

AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION

Liberties Bureau, American Neutral Conference Committee, and Legal First

Aid Bureau.

Of these-and there were others of less importance but with equally

impressive names designed to fool patriotic Americans and lend aid to the

enemy-the Emergency Peace Federation was organized in Chicago in October,

1914, by Rosika Schwimmer, an Austrian Jewess by birth, of Ford

Peace Ship fame, who is now in the United States on a lecture tour, and

Louis P. Lochner, a Socialist of German descent and sympathies, who is now

the Berlin representative of the Federated Press regarded by the Communist

party as its official publicity organization . Two months later the American

League to Limit Armaments was organized in New York by the same persons,

for the purpose of combating militarism and the spreading of the

militaristic spirit in the United States, obviously an effort to prevent this

Government from entering the war against Germany .

Associated with these pro-German agents in the organization of these

anti-American bodies were ; Mrs. Patrick Lawrence of England, Jane

Addams, Rev. John H. Holmes, David Starr Jordan, Dr. Jacques Loeb, Dr .

George W. Nasmyth, George F. Peabody, Oswald G . Villard, Morris Hillquit

(Hilkowicz), Hamilton Holt, Elsie Parsons, Lillian D . Wald, Rabbi Stephen

S. Wise and L . Hollingsworth Wood .

The gradual evolution of the various anti-war and other subversive

organizations into the American Civil Liberties Union brought quick results

. Radicals of every stripe found a haven in this body, each where

he could help his particular friends who were in trouble because of infractions

of the laws of the country . Soon after the formation of the Union

we find the names of Amos Pinchot, brother of Governor Gifford Pinchot

of Pennsylvania, as vice-chairman, and Scott Nearing and Max Eastman on

the Executive Committee . And in the two years of its existence it, has been

used by all radicals to fight the existing Government of the United States .

The rallying cry of “free speech and free press” brought many well-intentioned

people into its ranks and hundreds of others to place their names

on the lists of contributors . The difference between free speech and the

conspiracy to overthrow the Government is not drawn by the leaders of the

movement. Freedom to them means the license of treason and sedition . Zacharia

Chaffee, colleague at Harvard of Felix Frankfurter, writes, preaches

and presumably teaches that there should be no law against anarchy or

sedition .

The directors of the American Civil Liberties Union hold that citizenship

papers should not be refused an alien because of his radicalism, no

matter of what degree . They profess to believe that no persons should

be refused admission to the United States, especially radicals, and that

aliens should not be deported for expression of opinion or for membership

in radical or even revolutionary organizations, even if they aim at the

destruction of the Government and social system of the United States.

The methods to be employed in securing civil liberties by this Union,

they contend, is through maintaining an aggressive policy. Thin can be

REDS IN AMERICA

obtained by unions of organized labor, farmers, radical and liberal movements,

free speech demonstrations (as they interpret free speech), publicity

through circulars and posters, but more particularly through personal

influence with editors or subordinates on reputable newspapers, which is

also their chief means of spreading subversive propaganda, and legal defence

work . Thus the Union creates in the minds of Communists, Anarchists

and all classes of radicals the idea that it is improper for anyone to interfere

with their activities aimed at the destruction of American institutions .

The activities of this organization are extensive . It assists any radical

movement through publications of high standing in order to influence

public sympathy toward the radical organizations, furnishing attorneys

for radical criminals, conscientious objectors and radical or foreign spies,

“bores from within” in churches, religious and labor organizations, Women’s

Clubs, schools and colleges and the American Federation of Labor,

in order to spread ;, radical ideas . The union maintains a staff of speakers,

investigators and lawyers who are working in all sections of the country .

Lawyers are furnished on short notice wherever a radical criminal gets into

trouble. A press clipping service is maintained which keeps the organization

in close touch with every radical criminal or group of radical criminals

in trouble and immediate financial aid, publicity and counsel is offered .

Aiding in this service are some 800 cooperating lawyers, and more than a

thousand correspondents and investigators, representing 450 weekly labor,

farmer and liberal papers with 420 speakers and writers .

The American Civil Liberties Union was particularly active in aiding the

Communists caught in the Bridgman, Mich ., raid. It was active in behalf of

trouble makers in connection with, and prominently identified with the coal

and railroad strikes, the Amalgamated Textile Worker’s strike in Passaic,

N. J., the National Committee for organizing Iron and Steel Workers in

Duquesne, Pa., the Socialist party at Mt . Vernon, N .Y., and in fighting the

State Supreme Court’s rulings on free speech during 1920, and the Sacco-

Vanzetti defense in 1921 . An office is maintained in Washington with the

Federated Press organization to handle matter requiring direct contact with

the Government . A special drive was engineered and directed by the Union

seeking amnesty for so-called “political” and industrial prisoners, people

who had been duly convicted of crime against the laws of the country .

The organization established branch offices and bodies were formed under

other names . It maintains separate funds such as an “amnesty fund” and

an “I. W. W. Publicity Fund .”

In addition to the regular services already furnished, an extra program

was put forth upon which special efforts were devoted. This program

included : amnesty for 150 “political prisoners” of whom 103 were

members of the I. W. W. ; test meetings as a basis for getting laws before

the courts on the question of free speech ; a special campaign against the

American Legion and the Ku Klux Klan ; completing studies on injunctions

and advising tactics for labor organizations ; a campaign in schools and

colleges for “academic freedom” ; and further development of the National

Bill Fund to reach all defendants in “civil liberty” cases . The policies of

(1221

AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION

the organization are determined by the National Committee and the carrying

out of them is left to the Executive Committee which meets weekly .

Rose Pastor Stokes, a delegate at the illegal Communist convention at

Bridgman, is in close contact and at times sits with this executive committee.

The Harvard Liberal Club, the I . W. W., the World War Veterans and

many local “defense leagues” and “civil liberty” organizations are affiliated

with the union . The directors of the union, who are members of the exec,

utive committee, are Roger N. Baldwin and Albert DeSilver. Baldwin has

stated, in setting forth the purposes and principles of the Union, that “the

advocacy of murder, unaccompanied by any act, is within the legitimate

scope of free speech.” And in telling the position of the members of the

organization, he says :

“All of them believe in the right of persons to advocate the overthrow

of government by force and violence . We want to, also, look like patriots

in everything we do. We want to get a lot of good flags, talk a good deal

about the Constitution and what our forefathers wanted to make of this

country, and to show that we are the fellows that really stand for the spirit

of our institutions.”

It should not be forgotten that Baldwin refused to fight for the United

States during the war and was sentenced and served time for “slacking .”

The above was the advice given by Baldwin to Louis P . Lochner, representative

of the communistic Federated Press in Berlin, in reference to the

methods to be employed in carrying out the propaganda of the People’s

Council which was organized to imitate in this country the Workmen’s and

Soldiers’ Councils of Soviet Russia . And it is evident that these people

see no crime in the advocacy of crime alone, even when that crime reaches

the stage of treason and sedition .

The following paragraphs from the 1920 Lusk Committee report concerning

the American Civil Liberties Union, will prove interesting at this

point :

“An examination, however, of the propaganda and agitation which has

been carried on in favor of the forceful overthrow of this Government shows

that it does not consist of a mere expression of opinion, but invariably

advocates measures for its effectuation . In other words, the representatives

of revolutionary Socialists, Communists, Anarchists and other groups, state

that by doing certain acts this Government may be overthrown and in each

instance the agitator urges his hearers or his readers to commit those acts .

It is a well settled principle of law that any reasonable man is responsible

for the logical and reasonable consequences of his acts and utterances .

“While the Constitution of the State of New York guarantees the right

of free speech it also contains the warning that the citizen may exercise it

`being responsible for the abuse of that right.’ The effect of the activities

of the American Civil Liberties Union is to create in the minds of the illinformed

people the impression that it is un-American to interfere with

the activities of those who seek to destroy American institutions . They

seek to influence legislators and executives to repeal or veto any act calcu-

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REDS IN AMERICA

lated to protect the State or the Federal Government from the attacks of

agitators .

“It is interesting to note that the anxiety of the American Civil Liberties

Union is shown only where the abuse of free speech is called in question

because of attacks upon property or Government . The committee does not

find anything in their literature which seeks to prevent a man from being

punished because of libel or slander or because of licentious or immoral

speech or writing . These writings or utterances are penalized under our

institutions because they are deemed to be abuses of the right of free speech

and that they will tend to destroy the reputation of an individual or they

will tend to corrupt public morals . If the principles set forth in the

`Statement of Civil Liberty’ . . . were carried into effect, libel, slander

and immoral or lewd writings and speech could not be punished .”

After some further analysis this report says :

“THE AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION, IN THE LAST

ANALYSIS, IS A SUPPORTER OF ALL SUBVERSIVE MOVEMENTS,

AND ITS PROPAGANDA IS DETRIMENTAL TO THE INTERESTS OF

THE STATE. IT ATTEMPTS NOT ONLY TO PROTECT CRIME BUT

TO ENCOURAGE ATTACKS UPON OUR INSTITUTIONS IN EVERY

FORM.”

The union is closely identified with groups in practically every

city in the country known as “parlor Bolsheviki.” Speakers are furnished

for these dilettante radicals whose influence would amount to little but

for the fact that they can be counted upon for financial contributions to

any movement that promises them a thrill . It has been said that many

idle men and women become identified with this parlor Bolshevik movement

through emotionalism and because it gives them something to think about .

Whatever the reason, the Communists and the Civil Liberties Union agitators

make use of these groups for financial aid and as means of spreading propaganda..

Just at present the Workers’ party of America is receiving the attention

of the American Civil Liberties Union, and through that organization

the aid of the parlor Bolsheviki . The Workers’ party being the “legal

expression” in politics of the Communist party of America, and its standardbearer

in New York, William F . Dunne, being charged with criminal conspiracy

for his participation in the illegal Bridgman Communist’convention,

the party is having a hard row to hoe. Among other attempted activities

at this time is an, appeal for funds from any source.

The Workers’ party as a branch of the Communist party, has access

to the “sucker lists” of people who have contributed to the finances of

the party in various cities, and, besides has “sucker lists” of its own which

are shared with the Communists . The most remarkable feature of these

lists is the number of names of prominent people upon them . For instance,

the list for Philadelphia, which the Workers’ party has for use on the

ground that the people have contributed to the funds of the Workers’

party (and of course the information is dutifully passed on to the Communists)

contains approximately two hundred names, almost all of them

[124]

AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION

well-known people. The name of Mrs. Gifford Pinchot, wife of the Governor,

of Pennsylvania, is the seventh name on the list, which also contains the

names of at least six members of the well-known and wealthy Biddle family .

Ii is not intended even to insinuate that these people knew that they were

contributing, if they did contribute, to the finances of an organization the

chief aim of which was the overthrow by violence of the United States Government;

they have undoubtedly contributed frequently to causes which they

were told were for the uplift of the downtrodden or the bettering of the

conditions of the working class . Thousands of Americans in other cities

have, by contributing to similar funds, placed their names on similar lists .

W. W. Weinstone, executive secretary of the Workers’ party of America

in New York, was in hiding for some months after the Bridgman Convention

was raided, and this had embarrassed the party, especially with

Dunne, the leader, in jail, or out on bond . However, Weinstone, who is

a known Communist, still sent out orders for the campaign from his hidingplace.

The party had difficulties in obtaining signatures to get the candidates

on the ballot, as the membership, dismayed by the publicity attending

the connection of the party with the illegal Communist party, was unwilling

to furnish the signatures to the petitions . They were, therefore, compelled

to pay men to do this work and, by order of E . Lindgren, who was held by

the State of New York for extradition to Michigan charged with having

participated in the illegal Bridgman Communist Convention, were asking

members for funds to get the paid solicitors busy. This is where the “sucker

lists” prove their worth . The apprehension felt by Weinstone, in his hiding

place, was indicated by the following letter which he sent out under date

of September 25, 1922 :

“To All Branches of the Workers’ Party Local, Greater New York .

“Dear Comrades: Our party organization, for obvious reasons, has

thus far failed to function effectively in the campaign . So far as getting

signatures on the petitions is concerned we have fallen down miserably .

“This means that if we depend upon our party membership to get sufficient

signatures to place our candidates on the ballot, our party will not

be on the ballot . If we do not get on the ballot, it will be a great blow to us .

“We must under all circumstances get a place on the ballot for our

party. [The italics are Weinstone’s .] And since we shall not be on the

ballot, if we depend upon the party membership we are compelled to pay

people who will get signatures for us .

“A few thousand dollars is necessary immediately . We must raise

that money at all costs . The City Central Committee passed a motion to

the effect that every branch must contribue a sum of money for the campaign

equal to fifty cents per member . If a branch has thirty members it must

send in to the Local Office, $15 ; if it has forty members it must give $20,

ate., etc.

REDS IN AMERICA

“Comrades-this matter cannot be delayed .

“Hurry Comrades-by October 6th the Local must raise one thousand

dollars for the campaign . Send in the money immediately .

“Let us get on the ballot and begin a real campaign .

“Fraternally,

“W. W. Weinstone,

“Executive Secretary .

“P. S.-Branch Organizers . The leaflets for the Ratification Meeting of

Sept . 29th are ready. Come down and get them. Get some comrades to

distribute them .”

The Communist International at Moscow had originally planned to

have the Communist party of America make every effort to secure the election

to Congress and to other offices of persons friendly toward Soviet

Russia, and for this purpose promised to give the organization in this

country a quarter of a million dollars for a campaign fund . But the

inaction of candidates in whom they had placed confidence and the casual

activities of others, made the Moscow Reds, plotting on the internal

politics of the United States and with an organ to carry out their plots,

lose confidence and they decided to withhold this fund at least until “the

goods have been delivered .”

Information reached the Communists of America that Moscow officials

were particularly indignant at the action of Senator France, of Maryland,

in introducing legislation to have the United States transfer six steamers

to Poland and the Moscow people said that this action showed that

Russia could not depend upon such friends . When the Communist International

was informed of this state of affairs it abandoned its original plan

and instructed the party here to exert all its efforts in using the elections

for propaganda purposes . The Communist International, however, did

appropriate $30,000 for the conduct of the election campaign by the Communist

party through the Workers’ party of America .

CHAPTER EIGHT

THE INDUSTRIAL PROGRAM

The plan elaborated by the Communists for the purpose of gaining a

foothold among the workingmen of various industries includes the formation

of a series of “nuclei” or groups each consisting of ten members with

a leader, who are pledged to the support of the revolutionary program . Only

the leader knows the members of his own group or nucleus, and a limited

number of other leaders . By this method it was hoped that by gradual extension

of the numbers of nuclei through propaganda, further insinuations

of revolutionary thought would result until finally a sufficient minority

would be under control to influence the passive thought and actions of the

majority . For it must be remembered that the ultimate influences behind

the world revolutionary movement are by a developed instinct, specialists

in minority rule.

There are but few groups of workingmen in the United States, either

generally speaking or in a single industry that do not contain the germs

of Communism in the form of nuclei . In many places the work of propaganda

is being carried on more and more openly with little organized

opposition, either from the workmen or the individual employers, where

in previous years attempts of this sort were regarded as illegal and carried

out in an underground manner. Dissatisfaction of any sort is a productive

fertilizer for the growth of the seed of Communistic propaganda . Planted

in the form of nuclei, Communists under direct orders of the party leaders

take especial advantage of strikes to carry ignorant passions to open violence

and to win adherents to their cause.

There are but few strikes of any magnitude in which this dire influence

is not felt . It was especially apparent in the New England Textile strike

of 1922, and later in the coal and railroad strikes of the same year . The

history of these attempts to utilize a big strike for the production of disorder

is best illustrated by giving a short account of the coal strike . What.

ever may be said about the ultimate causes of the 1922 coal strike, and certainly

the actions of the United Mine Workers and its officials were not

above criticism, Communist leaders saw therein an opportunity to

further their program . Agents were sent into the Pennsylvania field, and

very soon here and there nuclei were organized . Through their leaders the

nuclei were put into touch with those groups which had been in existence for

a longer period . Most, if not all of the members were enrolled in the United

Mine Workers and through their locals naturally exerted a good deal of

influence in the policies of the Union as a whole, bearing in mind that a

[1271

9

REDS IN AMERICA

well-directed, secretly organized minority can always control to a greater

or less extent the policies of a presumably democratic organization .

The gradual amalgamation of union and non-union workers in each

line of industry into a -single organization, first in cities, then in States and

then in the entire country, is the first general step which is now being

taken. Then will come, according to the schedule prepared by Moscow

and American communists, the amalgamation of all workers of all industries,

first in cities, then in States and then in the entire country . When

this is accomplished the stage will be set for the great general strike, if

it cannot be developed from a local disturbance before that time . The communists

plan this as the first general direct move toward the overthrow of

the Government by force of arms .

Many more steps have been taken toward this goal than the general

public realizes. Communists attended, as members of the Maintenance

of Way Union of the railroad group, the convention of that body in

Detroit on the 5th of October, 1922, and showed their victorious hand

when for the first time they were able to force a resolution through calling

for the amalgamation of all rail workers . William Z . Foster, out of

jail under bond for his participation in the “illegal” Communist party

convention at Bridgman, Mich ., was active at this meeting of the Main.

tenance of Way Union . An Associated Press despatch from Detroit under

date of October 5, tells the story :

“The Maintenance of Way Union, in convention here, went on record

today as favoring a union of the chief railroad workers’ organizations

as a step toward more concerted action in matters relating to labor .

A resolution instructing officers of the brotherhood to `prepare for the

amalgamation of the unions’ was adopted after several hours of heated

debate in which friends of President E . F. Grable charged that the proposal

was put forward by `a radical group’ .

“One speaker declared that it was evident that `representatives of Soviet

Russia or the Industrial Workers of the World are secretly sitting in

the convention hall’ . The affairs of the convention, this speaker said, apparently

were temporarily in the hands of William Z. Foster, `who is

known wherever labor is organized as an ultra-radical’ .

“Foster attended one of the sessions on Tuesday without credentials

and has since been barred from the floor .”

This is the fight that all American workers, in unions and out, are

fighting in their own ranks. Unfortunately, before they or the American

people appreciated the seriousness of the situation or understood the designs

the Communist regime in Moscow, through the Communist party of

America, had on the United States Government and its institutions, the

Communists had succeeded in planting many members in the different industries,

in the unions and among the non-union workers, and had such a

foothold that they could not be eliminated. The sane, loyal American

members of the Maintenance of Way Union have just discovered the ex

tent to which their organization is dominated by the Communists .

Besides the active Communists “planted” in the labor organizations

[1281

THE INDUSTRIAL PROGRAM

or converted to Communism by the missionaries thus included in the membership,

there are a number of active “legal” bodies aiding in this work

of aligning all labor for the united front “preparatory to the General

Strike .” Among these are the Society for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia,

the Workers’ Party of America and the Friends of Soviet Russia, which are

the most important . When it is understood that these organizations are in

fact one and the same as the Communist party of America, it is easily

seen that this is an important means of agitation which is legally utilized

under the innocent guises of technical, famine or other kinds of relief for

Russia . In a recent report by the Central Bureau of the Society for

Technical Aid to Soviet Russia, sent to the communist authorities in

Moscow, it is shown that the influence of this organization is rapidly expanding

throughout the United States and Canada . A branch has also been

established in Panama .

In this report it is stated that the Society for Technical Aid to Soviet

Russia had collected in 1922, $620,000 in this country for its work in behalf

of the Communist movement here and in Russia . In fact, because of the

comparative poverty of the rest of the world, the United States is very

largely financing the ruling group in Russia, whose only American policy

is the destruction by force of the Government of the United States . Of

the $620,000 collected here on behalf of this seemingly excellent charitable

movement $10,000 passed immediately into the coffers of the Communist

party ‘of America . The rest was variously expended, a considerable sum

going in gold to the Communist circle in Moscow . The balance is variously

used in buying tools for Russia and in promoting industries in that

country, in financing movements and spreading propaganda in this country .

This sum was collected in less than six months, and sustains the hope of

the Communists that more than $1,000,000 a year can be counted on from

this source alone in the United States .

An as an example of the thoroughness with which the work of the

Communists in industries is done, correspondence in April, 1922, between

James P . Cannon, national chairman of the Workers’ party of America,

and T. R. Sullivan of St . Louis, one of the delegates to the Bridgman convention

of the Communist party, may be cited . This correspondence referred

to the work of the communists in the southern Illinois coal fields,

the scene of the Herrin massacre . Under date of April 17 Cannon wrote

to “Dear Comrade Bob” asking for “a little report on the activities you

are. carrying on in the coal fields, stating just what is being done, and

whether the work is being turned into account for organization purposes

of the W. P.” (Workers’ party) . Sullivan is also requested to “write

something for the

in your district .”

To this letter from the leader of one Communist organization, Sullivan,

as a Communist leader, replied on April 22, in a letter which throws no

little light on the miners’ strike and shows something of the strength of

the Communists in the ranks of the coal miners. This letter reads :

1129]

Worker about the Workers’ party activities in this strike

REDS IN AMERICA

“Dear Comrade : In compliance with your request for a little report

on the work being done in the Illinois coal fields, I would say that to date

as a result of meetings which I had in Southern Illinois, together with

consultations with other comrades active in the mine workers, the following

program has been formulated and adopted and is now in progress of being

put into effect by means of the organization of caucuses inside of many

local unions. The program is first, that all members of the Workers’

party shall give their fullest and heartiest support to the aggressive carrying

on of the miners’ strike. Second, that we stand for no split or dual unions

and are pledged to give our undivided support to fighting any such tendency

in the mine workers’ organization . Third, that we stand solidly for the

basis for state agreement and will fight uncompromisingly any move for

separate state agreements. Fourth, that we support in every way possible

the demand for a special national convention to reinstate Alex Howatt and

the Kansas miners .

“We are carrying on a systematic organized campaign, for the purpose

of carrying this program into effect, throughout the Southern Illinois coal

fields, active work is being done along these lines in Zeigler, Christopher,

Herrin, Valler, Johnston City, Collinsville, Bellville, W . Frankfort, Weaver,

O’Fallon, Sesser, Royalton, Buckner, Benton, Staunton, Livingston, Maryville

and other towns in Southern Illinois Coal Fields .

“Our plan is to carry on this work of organizing these Left Wing

caucuses and to circulate especially among those in these caucuses our

party literature. This to be followed up with personal talks and where

possible with mass meetings. This work, I believe is most fundamental

and in a short time will result in our securing large numbers of the most

intelligent and aggressive members of the United Mine Workers into the

ranks of the Workers’ party .

“Needless to say, some of the work which we are doing in the way of

building a machine inside the United Mine Workers cannot be given

publicity without bringing down upon our, as yet, incomplete organization

the attacks of the powerful reactionary machine . I can say, howevler, that

We have good reason to believe that by next winter we will have a very strong

position in the U . M . W. of A., District 12. We are off with a splendid

start on this work and there is going to be no let up until we have

thoroughly entrenched ourselves .”

This correspondence is but a sample of what is going on daily

throughout the United States between men whose work is to lay the

foundation for the overthrow of the United States Government . It was

selected solely because of its part in the recent coal strike and shows,

from their own records, what the Communists did to bring about the

massacre at Herrin .

Among the documents abandoned at Bridgman, Mich ., when the Communist

convention was raided by the Michigan authorities and the delegates

fled or were arrested, were copies of two reports to Moscow on the

work done by the organization in industry in the United States . These

reports cover the entire country, show the part taken by the Communists

[130]

THE INDUSTRIAL PROGRAM

in the agitation ostensibly in behalf of Sacco and Vanzetti, but more

importantly to serve as a medium for creating unrest and hostility toward

the Government, and prove the statements frequently made that the Communists

are working inside the labor unions toward the end of overthrowing

the United States Government by force . Erasures in the copies

of these reports indicate that an effort was made to prevent by any chance

the public learning that Foster’s Trade Union Educational League and the

United Labor Council were controlled by the Communists.

The first of these reports reads

“The periodic reports received from our comrades show great activity

in the industrial field . Our comrades have taken leading parts in constructive

movements ; at all times placing the labor movement as a whole

above sects, party policies or theories . We are well represented at the

United Mine Workers’ Convention and the Railroad Telegraphers’ Convention,

doing our share of the preliminary spade work which must be

done before broader fighting organizations can be developed .

“We have organized the [Trade Union]. Educational League, which

has already established a Bureau of Railroad Workers and which is preparing

to enter other industries, particularly among the steel, packing

and building trades workers . As a step toward the unification of independent

unions we have made the [United Labor] Council of New York

and vicinity a live body and organized the [United Labor] Council of

America, which initiated a convention of all independent unions to be held

in New York in the first week in January, when a permanent federation

will be formed. Under our leadership the United Labor Council, in conjunction

with the American Labor Alliance, Workers’ League and other

organizations cooperated with defence organizations, agitating .the cases of

Sacco and Vanzetti. Our comrades in unions throughout the country have

led the movements for the introduction of the shop delegate system, affiliation

with the Red Trade International, Relief of Soviet Russia, Defense of

Communists and other class conscious workers and have done much to

make the unions face the problem of unemployment as a class issue . In

Chicago we have made the Voice of Labor an industrial organ . Everywhere

we support the labor press, urging unions to stand with the Federated Press .

NEW YORK

“Active in the United Hat and Cap Makers’ campaign to revive the

Needle Trades Workers’ Alliance for all unions in the industry, numbering

400,000 workers. Opposition by President Schlesinger of the I .L.G.W.U.

“Active in cloakmakers’ strike .

“Active in Locals 22 and 25 where we faced expulsion by the machine .

“Propaganda to turn the I . W. W. toward the Red Trade International

and at the same time seeking to overcome sterile dualism.

“Initiating amalgamation of five shoe workers’ unions, in conjunction

with our comrades in the United Labor Council .

“Practically control knit goods workers’ union .

REDS IN AMERICA

“Active among Foodstuff Workers, Public Service Organizations and

Office Workers.

“Important contacts with ex-soldiers .

“After a long period of hard work we have gained some success in

directing union activity through the Unemployment Council.

“International Ladies’ Garment Workers’ Union, nineteen members in

four locals . Industry not well organized. `Open Shop’ quite extensive

in dressmaking line.

“Arranged a conference in Needle Trades for reviving Needle Trades’

Alliance .

CHICAGO

“Amalgamated Clothing Workers, seventy members in eleven locals .

Industry 100 per cent . organized . Many skilled workers unemployed .

One local of 12,000 being won over to shop delegates system . Opposed

bosses’ scheme to turn over plant management to workers as a means of

strengthening speeding up shop benefit system . Faced expulsion for opposition

to machine. Verblen expelled without fair trial . In some locals

the officials refused to hold meetings from May to August. Under pres.

sure from us they finally resigned and our comrades took their places .

“Railroad workers, 50 members in four locals, 70 per cent . unemployed

. Dual unions inactive . One Big Union dead . We have commenced

our Trade Union Educational League Railroad Bureau here as the

only means of dealing with so large an industry .

“Similarly in the Building Trades, where we have forty-two members

in thirteen locals in six trades. We lead the rank and file movement

against the Landis award, and are using the R . & F . committees to make

for united action of crafts and scattered locals . Very strong in five carpenters’

locals .

“We have foreign language comrades in ten steel plants and are faced

with a great educational problem, the same as among the railroad workers

already referred to, and among the stockyard workers, where we also have

the problem of dualism to contend with.

“Among the printers we are working with some success for a closer

affiliation of trades .

“Among the machinists we successfully resisted a split when there

was a move to take a faction over to the Amalgamated Metal Workers .

“At the Illinois State Federation of Labor Convention (Oct. 17-22,

1921), we led successful fights for resolutions endorsing Friends of Soviet

Russia, planning support of Mooney, Debs, Larkin, Gitlow and other class

war prisoners, planning action for a shorter day and union relief work

for unemployed, recognition for Soviet Government of Russia, planning

united action by all crafts in building trades to oppose Landis award.

[1321

THE INDUSTRIAL PROGRAM

BOSTON AND NEW ENGLAND

“As far back as July we led movement to unite a score of shoe workers’

unions, including some scab unions . The job promises to be successful .

Also planning shop delegate system .

BALTIMORE

“International Ladies’ Garment Workers, twenty-five members in Ladies’

Waist Makers’ Union . Active in strike committees . Twenty-three members

in Cloak Makers’ Local .

“Amalgamated Clothing Workers, eight members .

“Also members in Painters, Butchers and Bakers, Journeyman Tailors,

American Tobacco Workers, United Cloth Hat and Cap Workers, German

Barbers, Jewish Barbers and I . W. W. locals.

“Campaign among independent unions to send delegates to convention

called by United Labor Council.

CLEVELAND, TOLEDO

“Active Unemployment Council .

“Active in United Mine Workers, International Ladies’ Garment

Workers, Painters, Carpenters, Bricklayers, Needle Trades, Food Stuff

Workers, Electricians, Pattern Makers, Machinists, Moulders .

DETROIT

“Active in International Association of Machinists, I . W. W., Journeyman

Tailors, Amalgamated Metal Workers, Carpenters’ Union, Painters .

“Delegates to Federation of Labor .

ST . LOUIS

“Active in United Mine Workers, Building Trades, Rank and File

Committee .

CALIFORNIA

Building Trades, San Francisco and District . Forced Building Trades

Council to support general strike made necessary by open shop drive .

Found Rank and File Committees in building and other trades . Led one

of the greatest fights ever made by organized labor, although open shop

won. Opposed dualism which sprang up following defeat and as a reaction

against bureaucratic betrayals .

SEATTLE

“Formed committee of 100 from Central Labor Council in order to

prevent use of Seattle

the labor leaders .

“The committee of 100 leads a real anti-capitalist movement among

organized workers, and has working captains in the following trades :

Machinists, boilermakers, shipwrights, building laborers, office employees,

[133]

Union Record, for furthering financial schemes of

REDS IN AMERICA

foundry employees, iron molders, painters, dyers, cleaners, pressers, blacksmiths,

building service employees, auto drivers, lady barbers, metal polishers,

auto mechanics, city fire fighters, ship-yard riggers and fasteners,

news writers, union waiters, bakers and confection workers, barbers, carpenters,

sign painters, laundry workers, Typographical Union, tailors, musicians,

bakery sales girls’ local .

BUFFALO

“Bridge construction workers, needle trades .

PITTSBURGH

“Difficulty in making entry into steel workers .

MINNEAPOLIS, ST . PAUL, DULUTH

“Minneapolis-Railroads, 6 members ; machine shops, 2 members ;

building trades, 3 members .

“St. Paul-Packing houses, 2 ; railroad shops, 4 ; machine shops, 2 ;

garment industries, 2 .

“Duluth-Some in iron ore and logging .”

This report in Moscow could not fail to give the Red ringleaders

there a comprehensive idea of the extent to which the work has been

moving forward in the United States . It is evident that the preliminary

work of “planting” representatives of the Communist party membership

in the trades and industries has been thorough . It must be borne in mind

that the establishment of these “nuclei” is for a definite purpose : to

spread propaganda by word of mouth looking to the organization of Communist

groups in every industry and gradually to get control of the workers

in those industries . Once that is accomplished it will be easy, they believe,

to make active Communists of all the workers, then to seize the industries .

and when the general strike comes to turn all these workers against the

Government in armed insurrection .

In the second report found at Bridgman, which does not go so much

into detail as to membership in various industries, it is shown that forty

per cent . of the active Communists are members of unions and are working

as instructed to advance the cause of Communism . The remaining sixty

per cent . are working among non-union workers . Difficulties are encountered

because of the fact that some of their members cannot speak English . This

report also gives some of their plans for the future. It reads :

“In judging the accomplishment of the party in the labor union

field there must be taken into consideration not only the period of amalgamation

and controversy which seriously interfered with the carrying on

of this work, but also the fact that at least 60 per cent. of our members are

not members of labor unions . That from the forty per cent . who are

members of labor unions, about one-third belong to unions outside of the

American Federation of Labor, and that even of those who do belong to

labor unions,, there are a considerable number who cannot be used to

[134)

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Bishop William M . Brown of Galion, Ohio . member of the House of Bishops

of the Protestant Episcopal Church, resigned as Fifth Bishop of Arkansas to become

a self-styled “Episcopus in partibus Bolshevikium et Infidelium .” The cover of his

book. “Communism and Christianism .” Checks given by Bishop Brown to C . E.

Ruthenberg, executive secretary of the Communist Party of America and to Joseph

Lang, alias Joseph Pogany the Hungarian Revolutionist who is now the party “boss”

sent from \loscow .

THE INDUSTRIAL PROGRAM

carry our message to the workers in their various respective organizations

due to the difficulties of language.

“The, results so far show that it has been especially difficult to get the

foreign comrades to participate in this form of activity even in cases

where methods were used to make it specially suitable for them to take

part in nuclei work .

“Those at present active in nuclei work are primarily English, Jewish,

and German, and here and there Finnish comrades. From the other nationalities

there are very few who participate in this work.

“In addition to the foregoing tremendous difficulties, there must also

be taken into account the general state of affairs in this country where the

bulk of the revolutionists are not within the labor unions, but are outside,

either not organized and unwilling to join the existing labor unions, or

organized in dual `model’ unions .

“We have, therefore, a situation where the bulk of the revolutionary

element in this country, Communists, sympathizers, anarchists and Socialists,

are not part of the organized labor movement . As a result of this fact,

the influence of the few thousand revolutionists who are organized in the

Communist party of America is very limited . To this may be added the

fact that in many industries labor organizations have hardly taken root,

and in others there exist certain conditions which make it impossible to

organize the workers without making gigantic efforts with a big apparatus

and an enormous treasury behind it. Many of our members are in these

industries, working as laborers, which generally makes them ineligible to

membership in the American Federation of Labor.

“The only feasible method suitable to the situation in the party was

the establishment of the machinery for industrial work which at the beginning

would function along the lines of the party . Later attempts

were made to centralize the already established party nuclei along trade

lines so as to coordinate the work in the various labor unions .

“The coordination of this work has been made extremely difficult

through the underground [illegal] organization, and many opportu .

nities have been lost through lack of connections or through the impossibility

of reaching the comrades in proper time with the proper advice .

“Taking all these difficulties into consideration, the work accomplished

so far bespeaks the correctness of the policy pursued by the party and the

tremendous possibilities for the party by concentrating further upon this

part of the party activities .

“The progress made in the various districts, as reported by the district

industrial organizers, the reports not being very complete, are as

follows

“District I, (Boston headquarters) . Nuclei in needle trades, cigar

makers, building trades, shoe workers, textile workers and railroad shop

crafts.

“The nuclei lack centralization and have been largely organized by

the individual efforts of comrades in those unions. The industrial depart-

[1351

REDS IN AMERICA

ment in the district has not been functioning . The total number of those

organized in these trades does not exceed one hundred .”

The conditions in the other eleven districts into which the United

States is divided by the Communist party were then similarly analyzed, and

the report continues :

“At best the prospects of our influencing the labor movement are

mainly in the predominantly Jewish organizations like the International

Ladies’ Garment Workers, Amalgamated Clothing Workers, Hat, Cap and

Millinery Workers, etc .

“There is a splendid chance for our propaganda, and a strong revolutionary

element, and there are strong nuclei among the textile workers ; also

the United Mine Workers .

“Among the shoe workers there are great possibilities for our work.

Also among the automobile workers . There is also a good possibility for

strongly entrenching ourselves in the machinist organizations and we have

some good working groups in that organization . The prospects, however,

of obtaining decisive influence in that organization are remote .

“Our activities in the I . W.

number of Eastern cities .

“In the building trades we have strong groups in Chicago, New York,

San Francisco and also other large centers . The more radical elements,

especially among the painters and paper hangers, as well as the carpenters,

are joining us in our work.

“In the independent unions we have been especially successful among

the Amalgamated Food Workers, the Metal Workers, Textile Workers, and

Automobile Workers .

“Our exact influence, however, in the I. W. W. and the independent

unions, cannot be definitely known for lack of reports.”

The Workers’ party of America in September, 1922, sent an appeal to

all members announcing the designation of October, 1922, as a “red month”

in which active recruiting must be done for the party . This party boasts

of being the only revolutionary political party existing legally in the

United States, and in this drive for membership let down the bars so that

it would be less difficult for radicals to qualify for membership. The

appeal showed very clearly the real nature and plans of the organization

which is permitted to function openly and legally, and to have candidates

for office on the ballot in New York State . The appeal was sent to all

radical papers with instructions to print it on Oct. 1 . The appeal to the

second district, New York, read in part as follows :

“Proletarians of all countries-unite!

“Join the ranks of the Workers’ Party of America!

“Manifesto of the District Committee of the Second District Russian

Federation Workers’ Party of America.

“The District Committee, Second District, Russian Federation, Workers’

Party of America, which includes the States of New York, New Jersey and

Connecticut, has designated October as a red month, a month of recruiting

[1361

W. have led to their liquidation in a

THE INDUSTRIAL PROGRAM

new members . The District Committee Appeals to all conscious workers

of the Russian Colony to become acquainted with the program of the

Workers’ Party and join its ranks . The Workers’ Party of America is the

only revolutionary party existing legally in the United States . It numbers

in its ranks the most forward, conscious element of the working class,

distinguished by self-denial and preparedness for battle .

“During the month of October every conscious worker or group of

same can, without unnecessary difficulties or formalities, join our ranks .

We call to ourselves only those who are ready to sacrifice themselves

in the interests of the working class .

“JOIN THEN THE RANKS OF THE WORKERS’ PARTY!

STRENGTHEN AND HELP THAT PARTY, WHICH WILL LEAD THE

WORKING CLASS OF AMERICA TO COMPLETE LIBERATION FROM

THE CAPITALIST YOKE, AND THE ESTABLISHMENT OF A

WORKERS’ REPUBLIC IN THE FORM OF A SOVIET GOVERNMENT .”

“For more detailed information apply to I . Yanishevskaya, 208 East

Twelfth St., New York City.”

The name and address given were those of the secretary of the Russian

Federation of the Workers’ party . He was also an employee of the All-

Russian Jewish Relief Committee, “Idgeskom .”

In an official bulletin issued by the Central Executive Committee of the

Communist party of America shortly before the Bridgman convention the

following instructions were given to all members, which shows conclusively

that the entire industrial movement is controlled by the secret, illegal,

directing branch of the party . All members were cautioned to read the

bulletin carefully and to see to it that the instructions were carried out to

the letter at once. After stating that the party has launched on enlarged

work, it had this to sqy under the head of “Industrial Activities” :

“The proper conduct of this line of activities is dependent upon the

alertness and understanding of our forces, and must be controlled and

guided by No. 1 [illegal] . The same principle applies here as was laid

down before, that all decisions as to policies and fundamental principles,

as well as tactics, are to be decided upon by No . 1 before being carried

out in No. 2 [legal.]

“We must organize nuclei of members of No . 2, and work as a unit

within these nuclei, and become a live factor in all these activities ; but at

all times keep our own forces intact . We must endeavor to create left wing

militant groups within the labor organizations, in which we must also become

the leading factor.

“The majority of our members must be on all important committees .

All organizers must be chosen from our ranks, such as Sub-District Industrial

Organizers, organizers for industries, trades and local unions .

“All nuclei connections of No . One must be kept separately through

the various units, and be held in readiness to be called at any time by the

organizers .

[137]

REDS IN AMERICA

“All reports to the lower units connecting No . One with these activities

must be given verbally, and not appear in writing or in print .

“In cases where new nuclei of No . Two are organized and a member

of No. One cannot be placed as organizer, a member of No . One must be

assigned to keep all connections of his membership ; his connection in

turn must be recorded with the District Industrial Organizer .”

With the knowledge of methods and plans of the Communists it is

easy to see the parts they have played in the strikes in industry that marked

the year 1922. It has already been shown that they played leading parts

in the railroad and coal strikes, and it is known that they were particularly

active in the textile strikes in New England. Agents were sent from

various parts of the country to each of the New England cities where the

strikes were declared, reporting regularly to the higher officials of the

Communist party and were directed in their work by the Central Executive

Committee of the party. The American Federation of Labor fell into a

simple trap set for it by the Communists, either knowingly or in childlike

innocence, when it pledged $2000 a week to support the strikers .

Typical of these agents was one Joseph Kowalski, a Pole and an alien .

Kowalski had been deported a short time after the sailing of the Buford for

participation in Communist enterprises and giving vent to seditious utterances.

In December, 1921, he returned to America under a false passport,

and quickly came in contact with leaders of the Communist party in this

country . Kowalski was active both in the New England Textile and the

coal strikes, making frequent trips from New York, where he made his headquarters,

to centers in New England and Pennsylvania . It is a matter of

record that following the beginning of the coal strike until his arrest in

August, Kowalski had himself organized over 2,000 striking miners in nuclei

of ten members each, and through them violence was promoted and the policies

of the unions and their members influenced. Kowalski was only one of

many such agents .

Kowalski’s arrest led to his proper identification and a clue to his

activities while abroad . It was established that at least part of the time,

he had been influential and highly placed member of the Che-ka, or the

Commission for the Suppression of Counter-Revolution of the Russian Soviet

Government, and as such responsible for the continued detention in jail of

seven American citizens. He was convicted of violation of the Deportation

Act and sentenced to Atlanta Penitentiary for one year and to be again

deported.

As an example of the cleverness with which the Communists work,

the textile strikes are illuminating. It was pretended that intense rivalry

existed between the Amalgamated Textile Workers and the United Textile

Workers. Both were conducting strikes on similar lines, but they contended

that they were not only in no way connected but were actually

hostile to each other . Undoubtedly many of the rank and file of the

organizations believed this . But the leaders knew the fact, that both were

[1381

THE INDUSTRIAL PROGRAM

absolutely controlled by the Red Trade Union International, a Communist

organization of Moscow with active agents in this country.

This organization has the same principles as all Communist bodies, aiming

at the taking over by the workers of all industries and the establishment

of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat after all organized government has

been overthrown by force of arms . Naturally, only the leaders of the

`”rival” textile organizations knew of the relationship between the two as

this and the overlordship of the Red Trade Union International was kept a

profound secret .

[139]

CHAPTER NINE

THE STAGE AND THE MOVIES

The Communist party of America was quick to see the excellence of

the stage and the screen as mediums through which Communist propaganda

could be fed to the public without contravention of the laws . As soon as

the report on this phase of extending radicalism to the general public was

explained to the high Communist authorities in Moscow a plan was agreed

upon to enlist the movies and the stage for this purpose, and Moscow

stood ready to spend whatever money was necessary to further such a movement.

Charles Recht, the highest Soviet representative of Communist Russia

in America today, took up with Will H . Hays, as head of the Motion Picture

industry in the United States, the matter of producing radical films to cost

$8,000,000, the money to be furnished from Moscow. It is impossible to

state exactly how much of this $8,000,000, was raised in the United States

and sent to Moscow, but it is safe to say that three-quarters of the amount

came from the pockets of citizens of this country, and the chief purpose

for which it was solicited was the destruction by force of this Government .

Publicity attending this proposal resulted in the failure of the scheme to

flood the United States with propaganda films ; the Recht scheme fell

through. :

Unfortunately for the loyal American members of the labor unions

of this country the Communists have linked labor with Communism in

the film service that is supplied to motion picture houses throughout the

country . In addition to this general service, a special class of films is

being used at union and non-union workers’ meetings, picnics and other

gatherings. These pictures are especially designed to create dissatisfaction

among the workers by showing exaggerated pictures of life among the rich

and the contrast of life among the very poor . In urging the use of these

pictures the Communists point out the fact that messages may be conveyed

to the public by means of the screen which would not be permitted

by law to be spoken from a public platform .

Many prominent “movie favorites,” men and women, as well as stars

of the legitimate stage are involved, knowingly or unknowingly, in this

plan to sow the seed of Communism through entertainment for the public .

Isadora Duncan, the dancer, who expressed vitriolic indignation when it

was suggested that she, or her new Russian husband, might be tainted

with Communism, when they were held up for brief investigation at Ellis

Island, is quoted far and wide in Communist newspapers and magazines,

published in many languages, in her expression of favor for the Russian

[141]

REDS IN AMERICA

Communistic regime . It can be found in big, black type in these Communist

publications as follows :

“The martyrdom which Russia is suffering will be as fruitful for

posterity as the martyrdom of the Nazarene .”

She has never denied having made the statement, as far as is known ;

she has preached Red Communism in this country, and she numbers among

her intimate friends many Communists both in America and in Europe . Yet

she was indignant when the suggestion was made that she, or her husband,

might be a Communist .

In this connection it is interesting to note that all artists-actors,

singers, dancers and the like-coming to the United States from Russia

are obliged to secure permission from the Soviet authorities before they are

permitted to leave Russia. This includes all, including the Moscow Art

Theatre Company, whether of Russian origin or of any nationality . This

permission is granted only if the artists agree in writing to three conditions

which are included in the contract which enables them to leave Russia .

These three conditions are :

1 .-The artists agree not to conduct propaganda while in the United

States against the Soviet regime . Special preference is shown those who

agree to conduct propaganda for the Soviets .

2.-They agree to deduct from their earnings for the benefit of the

Soviet State twenty-five or thirty-three per cent of their earnings while in

this country . (There are evidently two forms of contract .)

3.-They agree to return to Russia at the expiration of their leave .

In order to justify these demands and in order that certain artists will

not be alarmed at thus signing away their receipts to the Soviets, the Soviet

Government has appointed a “special committee” which supervises the trips

and instructions to the artist . This committee consists of reliable members

of the Communist party, but for the purpose of distracting the attention

of the capitalist nations from the Committee, all official papers are signed

by Krassin . It is believed that the money thus collected goes to the International

Propaganda Bureau in Berlin, which regularly sends funds to the

Communist party of America to aid it in its fight against the Government of

the United States. It may be stated authoritatively, at any rate, that a

goodly portion of this money, collected from lovers of opera, the stage

and dancing in the United States, is used for propaganda of the Communist

movement . The artists are “remitted” the amount of their “taxes”, according

to the contract, if they disseminate communist propaganda in the

United States .

Some of the artists coming from Russia are opposed to the Communists,

but they are not allowed to leave the country at all unless they agree to the

terms set forth above. In order to control them and divert their attention

from the real purpose of their trip, and to conceal from them the use of

the money they contribute to the Communist coffers, the “Special Committee”

hides behind the name of the Central Famine Relief Committee . The supervision

of such artists and money is turned over to innocent-appearing Soviet

organizations in various countries, such as, for instance, the Russian Red

[1421

THE STAGE AND THE MOVIES

Cross in the United States. Incidentally, it should be mentioned here that,

according to official statements by Soviet authorities, the danger of famine

in Russia is past ; crops have been excellent, and there is no starvation due

to famine. In fact grain is now being exported to central European

countries . This authoritative information should be sufficient answer to

the hysterical pleas to the American public to “Save Starving Russia .”

The connection between the tours of Russian actors and artists and the

Soviet ring in Moscow is shown in the certificate furnished the Russian

Red Cross representative by the Communist authorities, which reads as

follows

“R. S . F. S. R. (Russian Socialist Federated Soviet Republic) Central

Famine Relief Committee . Special committee for the Organization of

Artists’ Tours and Art Exhibits, of the People’s Commissariat for Education

.

“Dated at Moscow, , 192-, No.-.

“The Special Committee for foreign artistic tours and art exhibits

hereby certifies that the Representative of the Russian Red Cross in America

is granted the right to be an Agent of the Special Committee for arranging

in America appearances of Russian artists and for the organizing of art

exhibits .

“The Representative of the Russian Red Cross in America is authorized

to conduct, in the name of the Special Committee, negotiations with impresarios

regarding the conditions under which artists will appear and will

conclude in its name, contracts with the impresario-promoters with the

sanction of the Special Committee in each particular case, ‘in accordance

with instructions given to the Russian Red Cross .

“The Representative of the Russian Red Cross is obliged to render

to Russian artists aid

of a violation of the contract on the part of the impresario .

“(Signed) B . KRASSIN,

“Acting Chairman of the Special Committee .”

Early in the movement the Communist ring in Moscow awoke to the

fact that the American people were profligate with money spent on foreign

theatrical and operatic talent . It took but a short time for them to begin

the organization of companies to be sent on tour in the United States in

order to get some more of that easy money for Moscow . It has already

been noted that a part of the plans of Captain Paxton Hibbon, as set forth

in an interview in the Moscow Izvestia, official organ for the Communists

in the Soviet regime in Russia, to raise money for Russia was by arranging

“a trip of Russian actors to the United States, together with musicians and

artists who will under the auspices of the Russian Red Cross [which is controlled

by the Red Government of Russia] help to collect means for the

relief of Russia and at the same time will prove to the American public

the high standard of Russian art reached during a time of revolution .”

The spoken word, however, even singing and dancing, do not carry

Communistic propaganda as far or as adroitly as do the films, which accounts

for the fact that the Communists are devoting more attention to the

[1431

in the judicial defense of their interests in the event

REDS IN AMERICA

films than to the legitimate stage . To be sure, the stage brings in a steady,

reliable income which the Moscow ring greatly needs and so this feature

of the work is continued. Every “artist” sent over from Russia under contract

with the Soviet Government allots a definite portion of earnings to

the Government as is specified in the contracts. And the people of the

United States who patronize these performers may be assured that they are

seeing the best there is in Russia ; for there is abundant and reliable evidence

that instead of a “high standard of Russian art reached during a time of

revolution,” the stage and all the arts in Russia have fallen into the lowest

state of degradation reached in any country in modern times . With the

theatres patronized exclusively by the peasants and workers the stage has

been brought down to a new low level . The drama is now almost entirely

lewd and suggestive beyond anything ever seen in any country before .

Inasmuch as some controversy has arisen over the documented facts

stated above, concerning the relations between the Soviet government and

the Moscow Art Theatre, other evidence which clearly substantiates these

official statements, is presented in the following . During the winter of

1921-1922, Mr . Morris Gest successfully initiated “Russian” dramatic propaganda

in this country by presenting the Chauve-Souris at the Century

Theatre in New York. On August 28, 1922, most of the New York morning

papers carried announcements to the effect that Morris Gest and F . Ray

Comstock were bringing “Europe’s foremost theatrical organization, the

Moscow Art Theatre” for a limited engagement to begin in January, 1923 .

These articles comprised about a column and a half respectively in The

New York Times and The Herald and were identical in language and of a

style easily recognized as written by a press-agent . In the course of a lurid

description of the histrionic abilities of the Moscow Art Theatre group,

this press-agent release said, italicized for emphasis :

“Permission of the Soviet government has been obtained for the American

tour under unusual circumstances . The company has a leave of ab-e

sence from Moscow for seven months from next January . But under the

conditions of this leave of absence it must return to its home stage in time

to celebrate the silver jubilee of its founding in the early autumn of 1923 .

[As a matter of fact this troop is still in the United States (Jan . 1924) .]

“The culmination of the negotiations in Mr . Gest’s invitation and the

Moscow Art Theatre’s acceptance marks the completion of one of the most

intricate, prolonged and costly parleys in the annals of the contemporary

theatre. Ever since last February, when Mr . Gest made the first overtures

to Moscow, following the enormous success which Balieff’s Chauve-Souris

had scored, the cables have been kept busy. Thousands of words have

passed in both directions, and in June, Nikolai Rumiantseff, business manager

of the theatre, arrived in New York to conduct negotiations in person .”

The Moscow Art Theatre evidently started for America promptly.

Cyril Brown, special correspondent of The New York Times at Berlin,

cabled his paper under a date of Sept . 2, the following :

“The Moscow Art Theatre Argonauts will sail on their own ship from

[144]

THE STAGE AND THE MOVIES

Soviet Russia on Sept. 10 with the intent to tour America and display Russian

art, under a pledge to refrain from all Bolshevistic propaganda or any

other political activity, under the management of Morris Gest. The Soviet

government has placed a special ship at the Art Theatre’s disposal for

transportation of scenery, properties and personnel from Petrograd to

Stettin, Germany.

“The Soviet was forced to tender shipping because the railroad service

is such that special trains could not be spared to transport the Art Theatre

with its elaborate bag and baggage .

“Water transportation for the troup from Petrograd to Danzig costs

333,000,000 Soviet rubles .

“It took a lot of red tape before the Soviet government gave permission

for the Art Theatre’s journey to America . . . . “

The advance guard of the Moscow Art Theatre landed in New York on

the last day of 1922, according to The New York Times of the following

morning. The party included Sergei Barthenson, designated as the manager .

A release by The American Defense Society, comprising the substance of

the documentary evidence above given, had some days previously been

broadcasted to the American press, and it had caused vigorous denials and

protestations of disbelief on the part of many interested persons notwithstanding

its authoritative character . Upon landing, a reporter asked Berthenson:

“`It is said that 33% of the profits from the American tour will go to

the Soviet government .’

“‘That is not true,’ said Mr . Berthenson . `The proceeds o f the first

five performances will go to the Russian Relief Association, which is like

the American organization now working in Russia. It will be devoted to

feeding and clothing destitute Russian people and especially the children .

We do not pay any state tax to the government nor have we consulted the

Soviet in any way before coming to the United States .”

The players themselves landed Jan . 4, 1923 . In the large party at the

dock to greet the new arrivals was Sergei Rachmaninoff, the pianist, and

“Boris Anisfeld, who has done many of the scenic settings at the Metropolitan

Opera House .” When Constantin Stanislavsky, “one of the two

founders of the famous cooperative organization” was told that their entrance

to this country had been protested by The American Defense Society

on the ground that support of the Moscow Art Theatre would contribute

either directly or indirectly to the support of Communist propaganda in

this country, he said through an interpreter, shaking his head :

“‘It is not so. We have no connection with the Soviet government .”‘

The next reel in this “Russian” theatrical scenario is given by The New

York World, September 15, 1922 . The article follows a “double head” and

is itself “double leaded,” thereby placing the information it contains in the

important or “must” class . The caption reads : “KAHN BACKS RUSSIAN

ART THEATRES HERE .” “METROPOLITAN OPERA CHAIRMAN

[1451

REDS IN AMERICA

ALSO HELPED BRING BALIEFF’S CHAUVE-SOURIS TO AMERICA .”

The body of the article follows :

“Otto H . Kahn, Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Metropolitan

Opera Company and liberal patron of the arts with many millions

is the silent figure, sometimes called `angel,’ back of the Russian Art Theatre

movements in America, The World learned from authoritative sources yesterday.

Mr. Kahn, when questioned as to his cooperation with Morris Gest

of Comstock-Gest admitted he was instrumental in the New York presentation

of Balieff’s Chauve-Souris and that he was sponsoring the coming visit

of the Moscow Art Theatre Company to America .

“The financier, one of the best known patrons of the arts, did not go

into figures regarding his support of Mr . Gest, but was enthusiastic in his

praise of the producer who brought to this country new and striking organizations

. . . . “

The same issue of The World contained a special dispatch from London

in which it is stated that “Feodor Chaliapin, famous Russian baritone-bass,

who sails for New York, Oct . 25th, and who is to fulfil a contract with the

Metropolitan Opera Company, to-day said he is to receive 30% more than

Caruso ever got from the Metropolitan for the same number of performances

. His contract is for a minimum of fifteen appearances .

“Chaliapin told The World representative he intended to go into the

movies while in America and would play the leading part in a novel scenario

in which he is collaborating with Maxim Gorky .” The World, in comment

following, places Chaliapin’s salary at $4,000 for each appearance

at the Metropolitan .

The busy Mr . Gest then returns from Europe again in a gray topper

and will neither affirm nor deny cabled reports to the effect that he would

bring to America Lady Diana Manners or Eleonora Duse. He did say,

however, according to The Times of August 16th, 1923 that “he had now

got his parents with seven brothers and sisters living in Berlin, after spend .

ing four years in getting them safely out of Odessa . They will remain in

the German capital, he added, until his mother’s health has been completely

restored. Then he will bring his family to America.”

Meanwhile, it is announced from Moscow through the medium of The

Times, June 29, 1923, that “the ex-Imperial ballet of Petrograd will give

a season in New York next winter, with full cast of two hundred artists

from the Petrograd schools and a selection of its unparalleled costumes

and decorations . Ivan Vassilivich Ekskosovich, Director of the State Thea .

tre, Petrograd, informed The New York Times to-day that authorization

had just been received for an American tour, which, unlike the Art Theatre,

will be unpreceded by performances in Europe .”

After reciting the difficulties which beset the company during the trying

days of the revolution when “bullets flew in streets outside, though stage

and dressing rooms were in arctic cold through lack of fuel,” nothing

daunted, these Russian stage-folk of the Petrograd State Theatre, “carried

on its business as usual .” Then the story continues

{146]

THE STAGE AND THE MOVIES

“Now there has been formed a mixed company with the State to run

the Petrograd State Theatre in Russia and abroad .”

The Labor Film Service was the name of an organization, as usual

using “labor” as a medium of appeal, formed for the express purpose of

presenting radical films for exhibition before American audiences . The

field director of this organization was, from the start, J. D. Cannon, of

Seattle, Washington, a radical leader who had been active in iron and steel

workers’ strikes and an official of the Mine, Mill and Smelters’ organization

. Cannon carefully canvassed the United States, selling stock in the

Labor Film Service at $10 a share, chiefly to members of labor unions,

with the argument that he was going to present films to counteract the

capitalist films being shown which placed labor in a false and undignified

position . He made no secrecy of presenting radical films, although to

the union members he did not admit that he was working for Communism .

He announced that the pictures presented by his company would be propaganda

in behalf of radical and labor unions, motion pictures describing

what he called the terrible conditions existing among the working classes

in the United States . The pictures were designed to stir up antagonism

and hatred between workmen and their employers.

One of the first pictures presented was The Contrast, by John W. Slaton,

a well-known radical of Pittsburgh . One of the pictures in this masterpiece

portrayed a child taking food from a garbage can besides a dog belonging

to some rich person, and was entitled “To be seen in any great city-it

costs $10 a day to feed this dog .” The advertising matter concerning this

picture proclaimed :

“The girl in this picture will be seen coming around a street corner,

seeking something to eat from a garbage can, acting as though she feared

detection . Then a maid will be seen carefully leading this pedigreed dog

into an elegantly furnished dining-room to partake of a tempting chicken

dinner, but already surfeited he declines to eat .”

Cannon harped on his desire to present “the truth” to the public through

the medium of these pictures, and The Contrast may be cited as an example

of his idea of the truth . It was also advertised that the following suggestive

questions would be shown on the screen in connection with this picture :

“There were no labor unions in Egypt during many centuries . Why

did that nation lose her civilization two thousand years ago?”

“There have been no strikes in China for six thousand years . Does

that account for her long death-like sleep and submerged millions?”

“In view of these facts, what would happen in America if the labor

movement would be crushed?”

“If it is dangerous, therefore wrong, for labor to organize and strike,

is it not equally wrong for capital to organize and raise prices?”

“If wage workers should not organize solidly, why should lawyers,

doctors, business men and ministers organize?”

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REDS IN AMERICA

Another graphic bit of screen advertising shown during the progress

of the picture reads :

“The next scene will be thought-compelling, It will show a worker’s

dining-room table with empty dishes . The wife enters from kitchen, babe

in arms, little girl clinging to mother’s skirts, and she will say : `Mamma,

I am hungry.’ The mother will bid them all to sit at the table and wait for

papa, with whose coming she expects food . He enters, but is empty handed.

When the mother sees this her head bows, tears start, the babe is pressed

tightly to her breast . The father throws his coat aside, looks at the empty

table and hungry family, reads the splendid extract from the Declaration

of Independence, folds his arms and shakes his head .”

The American Federation of Labor made a report on Cannon in 1921

ion

Federation of Miners, and when he came East he was appointed organizer

for the Metalliferous Miners of which Charles Moyer was the head . “Just

previous to his arrival,” the report continued, “the late John Mitchell

was having a series of conferences with the mine owners for the purpose

of getting recognition for the organization . The mine owners had practically

agreed to recognition of the union when Cannon began making

speeches advocating action along the lines of the Western Federation of

Miners, with the result that the mine owners backed up on the Mitchell

proposition and not only refused recognition, but decided to give any organization

that might be formed a fight .

“In the territory of which Mr . Cannon was in charge, comprising the

States of New York and New Jersey, there were more than 40,000 men engaged

in this industry . He has been very active in all radical movements ;

has talked syndicalism aid approved Sovietism . He has taken sides with

secessionists against the legitimate trade union organization, and has been

very close to Morris Hillquit and Sydney Hillman and groups of similar

stripe. He is now selling stock for the Labor Film Service Company, an

organization in which Hillquit is interested .”

In one of his letters sent to labor unions throught the country Cannon

stated that his company had secured another picture,

upon Upton Sinclair’s novel, which he said had been made five years before .

“It was produced,” he wrote, “before the evil influence now so evident in

the moving picture world got such a hold on industry . We are going to

revise the picture and bring it up to date .” This process, it developed,

was to make the scenes depicted by Sinclair appear to be true pictures of

today. An attempt was made to publish

with this company, but the New York police authorities refused to

grant it a permit . It was plainly evident that a part of the work proposed

was to take moving pictures of any situation reflecting against the Government

in its treatment of workers in the enforcement of law and order, and

then display them at radical meetings for the purpose of inciting class feeling.

Another of Cannon’s letters, this one addressed to a radical in Oak .

land, Calif ., contained the following informative paragraph :

which it was pointed out that he had been a member of the WesternThe Jungle, baseda Labor Film Magazine in connection

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THE STAGE AND THE MOVIES

“Our enterprise bears the endorsement of such prominent leaders as

Norman Thomas, Rabbi Judah L. Magnes, Scott Nearing, Louis Waldman,

I. M. Sackin, etc . We also have endorsement of the Central Federated

Union, United Hebrew Trades, Italian Chamber of Commerce and other

labor organizations.”

Robert C . Deming, director of the Connecticut Board of Education,

came into possession of some literature of the Labor Film Service as far

back as 1920, and in referring to it made use of the expression that “Lenin

and Trotsky are not short of agents in this country.” It is also known that

a motion picture producer, Guy Hedlund, of Hadlyme, Conn ., had at that

time been approached with an offer to go to Germany for the purpose of

developing film publicity. This offer, it is understood, was refused,

as it was evident that this propaganda was intended to aid the radicals .

The film, The Contrast, was probably the most successful picture

presented by this company . It was shown, sometimes publicly and at other

times secretly, in practically every important city in the country . Its connection

with the Moscow Communists was plainly demonstrated, although

not for public information, at a meeting of the Chicago Federation of the

Friends of Soviet Russia, a Communist branch -organization, at No . 220

West Oak Street, on March 2, 1922 . At that time a representative of the

Labor Film Company was present soliciting business for this film for use

by the Friends of Soviet Russia . Moritz J . Loeb, of the Friends of Soviet

Russia, took occasion to state that this body was not only a relief organization

but its members were really friends of Soviet Russia and used their

influence to promote the efforts of that regime to secure recognition . He

said specifically that the real function of the Friends of Soviet Russia was

to bring pressure on the capitalist governments, especially the United

States, in order to force them to recognize Soviet Russia officially .

Loeb, who was then secretary of the Chicago organization of the Friends

of Soviet Russia, said that the film could be used for propaganda purposes

and shown in regular motion picture houses, and that through this propaganda

many sympathizers could be reached who would not be willing to

sit through or even attend a lecture on the subject . The representative of

the Labor Film Service assured those in attendance upon this meeting that

the film had been made in a most radical manner, showing things that a

speaker could not

The Cooperative League of America, the American branch of an in .

ternational organization which has in its membership a number of Communists

and radicals of other hues, officially indorsed the Labor Film

Service and urged all persons interested in the cooperative or trade union

movements to patronize it . It is interesting to note that labor union officials,

Communists and “parlor bolshevists” were also interested in this organization.

The Communists are never asleep on matters that can be turned to their

advantage. When Orphans of the Storm, one of D. W. Griffith’s great

plays, was produced, the Communists discovered that it might be utilized

give utterance to on a public platform .

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as excellent propaganda for their cause . Accordingly the word was sent

out for all Communists to “Press-agent the film as much as possible and

this was done. This is not meant to reflect, even by inference, that Mr .

Griffith was interested in aiding the Communists, but the Communists believed

that he was aiding them and appreciated it .

The attitude of the Communists is best explained by indicating the

“atmosphere” of the plot as shown by one of the captions. This read :

“Danton, the Lincoln of the French Revolution!” The film was afterwards

suppressed in France .

The success, much of it under cover, of the Labor Film Service Company,

although after a year or more it proved a failure, resulted in other

efforts to enter the radical film field . In California the Mission Pictures

Corporation was organized and a Mrs. Clews, prominently identified with

the Teachers’ Council movement in Los Angeles, approached a number of

the wealthy radicals of that city and Pasadena asking support for this

company, which had been recently formed, and the first picture of which

was Science of God. This company at that time was preparing to start

work on another radical picture to be called Robinson Crusoe, a Social

Pioneer.

Bruce Rogers, the notorious West Coast .Communist, who was in Southern

California collecting funds for the Communist party of America and

the Federated Press League, sold a film scenario to Lasky . The real author

of this scenario, it is said, was in. Alaska, but Rogers disposed of the picture

and enjoyed the proceeds .

In the Communist files are found mention of Charlie Chaplin, Will

Rogers, Norma Talmadge, Lila Lee, Allan Hollabar, Charles Ray, Percival

T. Gerson, Rob Wagner, Eric Von Stroheim, Joseph Schenck, William C .

de Mille and others connected with the motion picture industry . Some

of them are known to be in hearty sympathy with Communism and to be

close friends of Communists, to whose cause they have contributed largely .

When William Z. Foster, the salaried industrial director of the Communist

Party of America, was in Los Angeles shortly before the party

convention at Bridgman, Mich.,, which he attended as a delegate, he was

the guest of honor at a reception given by Charlie Chaplin, the film comedian

at which were present many radical members of the “movie” colony at

Hollywood and a number of parlor bolsheviks. Among them were William

C. de Mille and Rob Wagner. On this occasion Chaplin is said to

have told Foster that neither he nor any of the stars associated with him

had any use for Will Hays . “We are against any kind of censorship,”

the comedian said, “particularly Presbyterian censorship.”

At this reception the great importance of motion pictures with their

educational and propagandist appeal for the cause of the labor’ movement

and the Communist revolution was openly discussed and several instances

were cited of the introduction of radical ideas into motion pictures and on

the legitimate stage . Mrs. Kate Crane Gartz, a wealthy Pasadena society

woman who has many friends among the radicals, told those present at the

reception that she had recently been approached by a scenario writbr

[1501

THE STAGE AND THE MOVIES

named “Hocheimer,” and asked for a large sum of money to put radical

Communist propaganda into scenarios “to do the greatest possible good

to the cause.” Mrs. Gartz was one of those who gave letters of introduction

to Charlie Chaplin appealing for funds to aid the strikers, to Comrade

Plotkin, an organizer for the Garment Workers’ Union in the East, when he

was sent by the Communists to agitate among the railroad strikers in

Southern California.

As an instance of radical propaganda finding its way onto the legitimate

stage the Communists call attention to The Fool, which was tried out

at the Majestic Theatre in Los Angeles, preparatory to placing it on Broadway.

Richard Bennett took the principle role: that of a minister of the

Gospel who undertakes to settle a strike, forces the company to accept the

strikers’ terms, resulting in the loss of millions to the company, and does

a number of impossible things in defiance of the present social system .

The Fool is said to have traits of Jesus Christ as well as of Dostoevsky’s Idiot.

Since Hauptmann’s Die Weber, the drama depicting the revolt of striking

weavers in Silesia, it is said that no stronger radical labor propaganda has

been produced for the stage . One of the most effective scenes in The Fool,

it is reported, is one showing a Polish labor agitator in a fiery soapbox

speech against the ten-hour day and for better working conditions and

higher wages .

Foster, who is one of the Trustees of the Garland Foundation, told

Charlie Chaplin and Mrs. Gartz on his visit to Los Angeles, that the Garland

fund could be depended upon to be used in aiding any of the radicals

who got into trouble with the authorities . But Foster was especially prolific

with promises to the effect that there would be many uses for the funds

promised by the eccentric New England Harvard youth . Foster said the

Federated Press was to get $100,000 and a number of Communist workers

on the Coast were promised salaries .

Bruce Rogers was the money-getter for the Communists, to whom

Robert Morss Lovett, Harvard ’92, as president of the Federated Press

League, wrote urging him to see and collect money from William C. de

Mille, Allan Hollabar, and Eric Von Stroheim whose pro-Germanism made

him a prominent figure during the war ; Dr. Percival T. Gerson, Will

Rogers, Charles Ray and Charlie Chaplin . Lovett said in this letter, which

was quoted in an earlier chapter, that he had written these men, that “they

helped us before and will do it again,” and assured Rogers that “these men

are with us.” It may be of interest to “movie fans” to know that William

C. de Mille married a daughter of Henry George and has been very active

in single-tax movements .

It has been known for a long time that Charlie Chaplin has been interested

in radical movements and a heavy contributor to radical funds, much

of which found its way into Communist channels . He and Lila Lee, a Famous-

Player star; and Raymond Griffith, playwright, motion picture producer

and actor, were among the guests of Mrs. Gartz and Prince Hopkins

at the now famous dinner given in honor of Upton Sinclair, when there was

a gathering of radicals of every known hue, on April 5, 1922 . Among the

[1517

REDS IN AMERICA

speakers on this momentous occasion was the redoubtable Chaplin, who

told with great gusto of his pride in having given District Attorney Woolwine,

of Los Angeles, what he called “a good lesson regarding the real

meaning of syndicalist ideas .” Chaplin said that he had visited Woolwine

in his office and discussed with him the subject of criminal syndicalism .

He asked Woolwine to show him one of “those terrible, cut-thoat murderous

I . W. W.’s, whereupon one of the I . W. W. prisoners was brought

from the jail for his edification. Chaplin said that he and the district attorney

questioned the prisoner and

and enthusiasm of the clean cut young radical .”

It was in August, 1922, that Charles Recht, the New York lawyer who

defended Ludwig C. A. K. Martens and succeeded him as head of the Soviet

Russian Government representation in this country, conducted negotiations

as was stated earlier in this chapter, with Will Hays, as head of the motion

picture industry in the United States, regarding the order Recht received

from the Moscow Government to purchase films to cost $8,000,000 . These

films were to be made in the United States and to be entirely for propaganda

purposes . They were to be anti-Christian, anti-capitalistic, and to

show the great advantage of Communism over the present state of affairs

in the rest of the world.

Recht sailed for Europe early in September, 1922, with an appointment

to meet Norma Talmadge, the film star, and her husband Joseph

Schenck, a motion picture producer, on Sept. 25, at the Hotel Breslin

in Berlin whence they were to go to Moscow to conclude the negotiations

for an extensive picture propaganda campaign . Schenck and his wife, it

is understood, failed to get to Moscow because they could not get satisfactory

guarantees for their personal safety . Will Hays may not have had

the slightest idea of what Recht was deliberately aiming at during the negotiations

the two had and when the proposal was publicly exposed the

deal fell through.

The Friends of Soviet Russia undertook some time ago a nation-wide

motion picture campaign to aid in obtaining American gold for the Soviet

Government to handle under the guise of relief funds . These pictures

were taken in Russia and were manifestly propaganda films . Censors in

various parts of the country so cut the films, however, that they were at

last reduced to nothing but lantern slides. Automobiles were furnished to

take exhibitors of these slides from one city to another in order to get as

extensive publicity for the propaganda as possible .

Early in 1922 a number of prominent New York people allowed their

names to be used as patrons and patronesses of a “Russian Fair and Cos .

tume Ball,” given by the American Committee for Relief of Russian

Children, under the impression that they were really lending aid to famine

sufferers . They did not know that their efforts were being given to aid

in the perpetuation, through the force of the Red Army, of the present

regime in Russia before any thought was given to the starving children .

The names of some of the most prominent writers, artists and some society

women misled by plausible appearances, were sandwiched in with the

[1523

•”were much impressed by the intelligence

THE STAGE AND THE MOVIES

names of Scott Nearing, Charlie Chaplin and Constance and Norma Talmadge .

In connection with the efforts to disseminate Communist propaganda

by means of public amusement should be mentioned renewed activity on

the part of the Communists to capture the youth of the world for Communism.

In a circular “about the session of the Bureau of the Communist

Youth International,” marked “strictly confidential!” found in the mass

of documents captured by the Michigan State authorities when they raided

the illegal Communist convention at Bridgman, the Executive Committee of

the Communist Youth International in Moscow gave specific instructions

that the Communists of all the countries of the globe must make a special

drive to get at the young children who are gathered in such organizations

as the Catholic youth unions, the Y . M. C. A. organizations and the Boy

Scouts. This document was in German .

In passing, it should be mentioned that the Bridgman raid was the

greatest blow sustained by the Communist party of America, and therefore

by all radicals, in the history of the United States . The Michigan authorities

caught seventeen of these men actually conspiring ;to overthrow the

United States Government by force, found the records of every delegate to

the convention, the financial statements of the party, “sucker lists” of many

cities, written instructions to the Communists from the directing circle in

Moscow of which Lenin and Trotsky are the active principals, and almost

countless documents which prove the conspiracy and the guilt of every person

in attendance .

The document pertaining to capturing the youth of the world for

Communism confesses that these organizations of youngsters constitute the

“greatest obstacle to the development of Communist youth organizations,”

and so should serve to keep loyal citizens of all countries firmly behind

such bodies . In one part of this circular ‘it says :

“There are four big groups of such unions [referring to organizations

which `count big masses of young workers among their members’ and

which must be combated `with great energy’]

“1.-The Catholic youth unions (mainly in Latin countries and their

colonies) .

_

I

“2.-The Protestant youth unions ( . . . in Central Europe and

Scandinavia) .

“3.-The Young Men’s Christian Association (in the Anglo-Saxon countries)

.

“4.-The Boy Scouts .”

The full text of this circular, intended as a guide book, or hand-book

to be used by those bent on debauching the youth of the world with

Communism, runs to upwards of ten thousand words . With the strict confidence

enjoined by the Communist organization issuing it broken by the

officials bent upon the enforcement of the law, this document now constitutes

a challenge to loyal parents and Americans of maturity to lend aid and

support to every move that strengthens these organizations of youth whose

(1531

REDS IN AMERICA

influence among young workers is so great that the world-wide Communist

organization fears them and must outline a campaign of battle to alienate

them from ideas of religion and patriotism .

[154]

CHAPTER TEN

ARMY, NAVY, AND THE GOVERNMENT

In the conspiracy to overthrow the Government of the United States

by “armed insurrection” the Communist party of America, coached specifically

by the Communist International of Moscow, aims first to undermine

the military force of this country, including Army, Navy and local police

organizations . The handling of the local situations is left ‘to the Communists

of the various cities, but the question of the Army and Navy is squarely

before the national organization . The illegal Bridgman convention was ‘to

have considered this feature of the Communist work, but as the conspirators

were rudely interrupted by the Michigan authorities they did not get

to this . part of the convention program . However, certain documents found

by the authorities, after the raid show plainly what the plans were.

It should be mentioned here that the celebrated Boston police strike,

before the Communist party of America was organized, was a part of the

Communist movement in this country . It was engineered by the Left Wing

of the Socialists, which had seceded from the Socialist party and was

awaiting the coming of organized Communism to the United States . These

Left Wing Socialists, who later joined the Communist party, boasted of

their success in precipitating the police strike and they v, ere officially credited

with this manifestation of their strength both at Moscow and by the Communist

party of America, when the question of amalgamation came up .

The incident has been cited more than once by the Communists as evidence

of the ease with which the police can be handled when the great general

strike comes which is to result in the overthrow of the Government .

Two distinct lines of attack, based upon the success of the Communist

organization in Russia when the Russian Government was overthrown,

are being used in the Army and Navy of the United States . These lines

of attack were dictated by the Moscow officials to be put in practice in

the United States . The orders, issued from Moscow, are on record . They

are subtle, as are all the methods of the Communists when subtlety is

necessary, but the plans and the working out-of the program are known to

the high officials in the Army and Navy departments of the Government .

First, all ideas of pacifism are to be encouraged . This includes

the use of civil organizations devoted to pacifism, disarmament, “no more

war” days, and any movement which will tend to reduce the military forces

in size and ability . In all such civil organizations the Communists are

interested and in many of them they appear as members, sometimes under

the disguise of reputable citizens, in others openly as revolutionary workers .

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REDS IN AMERICA

This is aided by propaganda, printed and circulated by word of mouth by

Communists within the ranks of the Army and Navy, full of references to

the “horrors” and “cruelty” of war, with many citations, some real and

others imaginary, of hardships suffered by soldiers- The life led by the

officers is always pictured as one of ease and luxury, while the ranks are

driven to a dog’s life by these officers, so falsely painted .

The second method is more difficult and more subtle, involving ‘the

enlistment of men in Army and Navy for the creation of .nuclei of Communism.

Great care is used in selecting the men for these important posts

for the dissemination of disloyal and treasonous ideas and theories, for the

work must be handled with the greatest

to make converts to the cause of Communism within the ranks of the soldiers

and sailors, so that when the great occasion comes the men will revolt by

companies, battalions and regiments, as they did in Russia . The’

of Russia is always cited as to what may be accomplished if the preliminary

work is well done by the men to whom it has been entrusted.

The Secretaries of War and Navy, in the cabinet of the President of

the United States, are aware of the efforts which are being made by the

Communists to undermine the fighting forces of the nation and to make

them either ready to turn their weapons on their officers or to disintegrate

in the face of danger. Both of these tactics were employed by the Communists

in destroying the Russian army and navy as weapons of .the Government,

and with that experience in mind and always kept in the thoughts

of whomever can be found to listen, the Communists are patiently .but

persistently working within the forces of the United States . Secretary of

War John W . Weeks, in 1922, after pointing out that army training has

always been conducted with a view to “teaching loyalty, love of country

and a spirit of sacrifice,” said :

“The War Department has been aware that the Communist program has

stressed the breeding of disloyalty among the Army and Navy personnel

as well as among citizens at large . Though all opposition to the military

establishment is not occasioned by such influences, undoubtedly many loyal

Americans have lent their support to movements inspired by radical organizers.”

In view of the situation in the Near East at present, it is interesting

to note that secret instructions were sent out early in 1922 by the Bureau of

Western European Secretariat of Propaganda under instructions of the

Third Communist International . The United States is subordinate to this

western European bureau, and the instructions were received by the Communist

party to be used here substituting the United States for England or

France where the names of those countries were used . These secret instructions

were largely devoted to work -in the Army and Navy establish .

ments of all “capitalist” countries, because although Russia has a welltrained,

well-equipped, well-clothed and well-fed , Red Army of approximately

a million men, the Communist parties of other countries “possess but a

trifling number of weapons,” so read the instructions, and “one must come

f1561

finesse. The duty of these men isexample

ARMY, NAVY AND THE GOVERNMENT

to the conclusion that the military organization of the Communist International

lacks the forces which it could lead to a decisive battle with

capitalism, without which, of course, it is impossible to obtain a victory

over capital, and the World-Wide Soviet Republic .” The secret instructions

continue :

“Such a condition of affairs has long since prompted -the necessity

of devoting attention to the army and navy of the capitalistic States, and –

by increased and intense work utilizing the experience of .the decomposition

of the Russian White Guard Army, to attain such a condition of

affairs -that in the ranks of the capitalistic armies there would be Red sections

which would de-compose the Army as a whole and turn their bayonets

against the capitalistic class. This was considered by both the Second and

Third Congress of the Communist International in compiling the thesis on

propaganda and work, but unfortunately the work in this respect gave absolutely

no results . This must not stop the active Communist forces from continuing

the work commenced in this region. But, to the contrary, particularly

now, the phantom of impending capitalistic wars is hovering before

the world and the armies and navies of the capitalistic States, manned by

compulsory, obligatory, or voluntary enlistment are almost entirely consisting

of the most anti-militaristic youths inclined to adopt the Communistic

idea .

“The work and organization in this section must be placed at the

head of all the future work of the Communist International and its members,

and all its strength and means must be devoted to it .

“The principal attention in the first place must be devoted to the

personnel of the Navy, where the soil is particularly fertile for active

Communist propaganda and work, particularly in the English and French

navies. It is necessary to work under the following general conditions :

“1.–A11 sailors, by the manner and nature of their lives, are devoid

of nationalist ideology, and they, as a matter of fact, are internationalists .

“2.-The conditions of service of sailors on submarines, cruisers and

in general on ships which make distant trips are extremely difficult ; they

enjoy very little rest, their maintenance is very unsatisfactory, and the

service is very dangerous to life .

“3.-The war did not bring to sailors the moral satisfaction and peace

which they were expecting, but to the contrary, it is bringing on the coming

monstrous war on the seas.

“In the final summary one should not forget that sailors are least

of all subject to subordination and are very much inclined to insubordination

and disorders. In this respect the example of the Great

October Revolution [Bolshevist] where an honorable part was played by

the Kronstadt and Baltic Fleets, and the German Revolution, where the

principal participants were sailors, are convincing facts . On the basis

of all this the Bureau and the Russian branches of the Communist parties

must strive to create in all the principal ports special nuclei of organizers

and agitators who must strive with all their efforts to get into contact with

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the personnel of naval vessels, to organize among them nuclei with their

own people in them, and to distribute energetically special literature . The

nuclei on the ships must maintain a permanent contact in accor -lance

with the movements of the ships with the port organizations of the Communist

party and the latter must regularly maintain the contact among

themselves and inform one another of the movement of ships, countersigns

and conditions of entry. The port nuclei must not limit themselves to the

establishment of contact and the transmittal of literature, but must strive

also to the bringing together of the crews of ships and the proletarian

population of the ports and to the generalizing of their ideology, remembering

always that the fishermen principally are the source for the supplying

of the personnel of the fleet and that their influence can reflect very much

on the attitude of the sailors now and particularly during possible mobilizations.

Simultaneously the work already commenced in the occupied territory

(on the Rhine, Upper Silesia and Constantinople) among the territorial

armies of the Entente must continue to grow and to spread into the

detachments already in England, France, etc., proper .

“At the present moment it must bear in mind the youths which are

entering the Army on the latest drafts, among whom there is a particularly

favorable soil for Communist agitation and the propaganda o f pacifist

ideas . In this respect it is necessary to give the French, German and English

Communist parties full initiative in the sense of determining the tactics and

program of agitation obligating them to conform their work to local conditions.

With this it is necessary to point out that their agitators should

strive to utilize as often as possible the thousand and one little details of

the daily life of the soldier in order to undermine his obedience to the

officers, the bourgeois discipline and his duties in defending the bourgeois

peace. Along with this there must be conducted on a broad scale an increased

propaganda of pacifist ideas, ideas of disarmament and to prove

that it is only for their own benefit that the capitalists and bourgeoisie

create big armies and are preparing for their own game new conflicts of

peoples when they wish to live in peace.

“The general slogan : Only if the proletariat be master in every country

will the cause for new conflicts disappear.”

This secret document was signed by Zinoviev, chairman of the Central

Committee of the Third International ; Katayama, the Japanese Communist

who was in charge of the propaganda section in Moscow ; and Arngold,

the secretary . It was dated in Moscow in December, 1921, and the official

copy reached the United States by courier early in 1922. The Communist

party of America, obedient to the “iron discipline” of the Third International

of Moscow, became active along the lines laid out in the secret instructions.

The results were soon apparent to the officers of the Army and Navy

and in course of time the higher officers of both military establishments

recognized the symptoms . Then it was that Secretary Weeks made the statement

quoted above, and Secretary of the Navy Denby issued the following

orders to the entire service :

“1. My attention has been called to the fact that there is a sinister

[1581

ARMY, NAVY AND THE GOVERNMENT

propaganda by societies having their origin in foreign countries to undermine

the morale of the Navy and to insinuate into its personnel elements

o f disloyalty and disorder .

“2. I have the most profound confidence in the loyalty and devotion

of commissioned and enlisted men of the United States naval forces . I

have no fear that men in any considerable number may at any time, anywhere,

be seduced from their allegiance to their country’s flag . It is not,

therefore, through any thought or suggestion that the United States Navy

is in the slightest danger from this propaganda that I issue this warning .

“3. I fear only that some few of our men may be induced innocently

at first, when on shore, to join societies having for their purpose the advancement

of ideas contrary to our form of government, or which may result

in lawlessness . There are, of course, in a personnel as large as that

of the Navy, some discontented men, and in the hearts of discontented men

false doctrines find ready acceptance .

“4. I am trying by this warning to save a few individuals who might

otherwise affiliate themselves with societies teaching those things which

cannot be tolerated in an organization sworn to uphold the constitution

of the United States and to obey all lawful orders. Should there be any

such men in the Navy today, it is almost certain that if they do not disentangle

themselves from affiliation with such organizations, they will ultimately

be detected .

“5. I am trying to lessen the number of prisoners in naval prisons.

I could not hope to show leniency, however, to any man who, in combination,

or alone, in violation of his oath, committed acts of disloyalty to his

country.

“6. Because I have been one of you I know that all men have their

periods of unhappiness-of imagined ill-treatment, homesickness and discontent

. Such periods come to civilians as well as to men in the naval

service. They are a part of life. We must not let them lead us into such

folly as desertion or resistance to lawful authority nor particularly into

revolt by word or deed against a form of government that has proven in

the main a government of liberty and justice.

“7 . The world is full of false thought today. I would save that service

of which our country is so proud, and of which I happen to be at the

moment the head, from the hurtful influence of improper theories of government,

or false dreams of a better State to be created by anarchy and violence .

I would go far to save any one man from the consequences of misdeeds,

whether such consequences take the form of physical punishment or only

of the deep remorse which must ever follow him through life . So I appeal

to the officers and men of the service to be ever in alert in guarding themselves

ashore and afloat from the preaching of sovietism, communism and

anarchy

(Signed) “Edwin Denby

“Secretary of the Navy .”

11591

REDS IN AMERICA

It was only three months after the secret instructions from Moscow

quoted above arrived in the United States, brought by Dr. Leo S. Reichel,

member of the Communist party and of the Central Bureau of the Society

for Technical Aid to Soviet Russia, and therefore a courier to be trusted

with so important a document, that Secretary Denby found it necessary to

issue his warning, and Secretary Weeks to issue his statement regarding

radicalism in the Army. It is easy to read between the lines that these instructions

had been put into action promptly by the Communists and that

the effect had already been felt in the Navy. Loyal Navy officials have been

particularly watchful since the captain of an American ship in Pacific

waters adopted the Soviet idea of permitting the crew to decide what port

to make for a holiday ashore . That occurred but a few years ago and the

captain was quickly relieved of his responsibilities at that post .

Military authorities are loath to speak of sudden dismissals from the

service in recent months of men who were acting as Communist agents in

the ranks of the Army and Navy . It was thought best to dismiss them without

“making a noise about it” instead of court-martialing the men and sentencing

them to prison which would be furnishing material for the Communists

in stirring up other soldiers and sailors to resentment and rebellion .

By skilfully used propaganda and personal intercourse the Communists

succeeded in planting the seeds of Communism in the minds of many of the

American soldiers who saw service in Russia during the war and after the

armistice on the German frontier and in Germany . Officers were shocked

at the Communistic ideas inoculated in the minds of troops who had served

in such organizations on their return to the United States . It is not believed

possible that all such seeds have been exterminated, but much has been done

toward wiping out the evil in both branches of the military establishment .

All of which has made the Communists more determined to push their work

with greater vigor.

Whenever police or soldiers are called out on strike duty the Communists

become very active in trying to alienate them from their duty . Clever

talkers are sent into the strike district to talk with soldiers and police whenever

possible ; “under cover” men they are sometimes called, for they do

not let it be known that they are connected with the Communist party or

any radical movement . They present their arguments, skilfully prepared,

solely with the view of making the soldiers forget their duty or sympathize

with the law violators to such an extent that they will be remiss in their

duty, and thus morale is undermined . These carefully selected men

never appear among the strikers, never address strike meetings, and to all

appearances they are not particularly interested in the strike except from

a humanitarian point of view .

Another group of Communist workers are also on duty at all strikes

where soldiers are sent to keep the peace . This second group devotes itself

to keeping the strikers agitated by speech and circulars and posters distributed

among the strikers. They address secret or open meetings of the

strikers, urging them to stand firm in their hostility toward the employers

and in general adding fuel to the fire by class hatred. A third group d&

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[1601

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Leaflets distributed by the Central Executive Committee of the Communist

party of America . Labor disturbances or conflicts of any kind always bring out

similar circulars suited to the occasion . In the center, an appeal to the members of

the militia on guard over property during the coal strike in Pennsylvania .

ARMY, NAVY AND THE GOVERNMENT

votes itself entirely to the soldiers, placing in their hands appeals printed

by the Communists urging them not to oppose the strikers. One such appeal

reads :

“SOLDIERS! SOLDIERS!

“Do not shoot your brothers, the railway and mine workers!

“They are not your enemies! Today they are fighting in order to ob .

tain a scrap of bread for their families . They are useful citizens ; workers

who have produced millions of dollars’ worth of wealth for the war profiteers.

Many of them fought on Flanders Field. They are now trying to

collect some of that democracy and freedom they were promised, just the

same as thousands of ex-service men are fighting for the bonus that war

profiteers are opposing because it would compel them to disgorge some of

the loot stolen from the workers of this country .

“Soldiers! Whether you are in the United States Army or the militias

of the various States, do not shoot at the strikers! You did not enlist to

engage in the infamous occupation of strike-breakers and scab herders .

Refuse to do it! Do not help the profiteers take the last crumb from the

mouths of the helpless women and children of the working class .

“Remember this, the workers are never your enemies!

“Soon you may be in their ranks and you would not want to be crushed

by armed force!

“Perhaps even now, in some other part of the country, your father or

your brother may be in the ranks of the strikers! Would you want them

to be murdered because they ask a mere existence?

“It is not treason to refuse to become an assassin of the workers!

“Central Executive Committee of the Communist party of America,

“J. Davis,

“Executive Secretary.”

In

written with the approval of the Central Committee of the Communist

party of America, devoted to the need of constantly stirring up trouble

and in efforts to make everyone dissatisfied with the existing state of

affairs. In this article appears the following sentence : “In soldiers’ organizations

the bonus issue may be injected to alienate them from the Government”.

While the bonus question was before Congress the Communists

prepared to use the bonus issue for its own ends, whichever way the

question was decided. If it were passed by Congress the Communists were

prepared to launch an attack on the granting of a bonus on the grounds

that it was a move by capitalism to add more taxes to the poor working man ;

if defeated it was to be used to show that capitalism was refusing the

soldier “his just reward .”

In another Communist paper is an editorial declaring that the desertions

from the United States Army were at the rate of “one every forty

minutes .” This editorial says : “The deserters are to be congratulated .

It would have been better still if they had shown the same intelligence

Truth, a communist paper, of August 4, 1922, is found an article

[161]

REDS IN AMERICA

before they ever entered the army, but perhaps it is just as well that they

learned their lesson by bitter experience . They know now what jackasses

they were . They will not be caught in the trap again .”

Among former soldiers, men who served in the Army during the European

War and have since been demobilized, the Communists are working

hard, with many agents . The American Legion as a whole has loyally withstood

the efforts to win them over to the cause of Communism, and the

organization is unalterably aligned against them. But it is true that

secretly the Communists have many representatives in the ranks of this

loyal organization and the fight will have to be kept up continually to

prevent increases . Knowing that this fight is well-nigh hopeless the

Communists have devoted their attention more particularly to the World War

Veterans, an organization which is Communistic in principles and which

is openly supported by the Communist party . Indeed, among the documents

seized at Bridgman were official reports of the World War Veterans

which showed a close working arrangement between the two bodies . It is

generally accepted that the World War Veterans is one of the “legal”

expressions of the Communist party.

The

War Veterans of Montana, is as Communistic as the official organs of the

Communist party of America and boasts of its connection with Communist

movements. It prints with pride a letter of commendation from the Secretary

of the “International of Former Combatants,” in France . It supports

all amnesty and pacifist movements, attacks capital in every issue,

and is a part of a national group of similar papers backing the World War

Veterans and the Workers’ party of America preaching the same doctrine .

As an example of the kind of information conveyed in these papers, to the

exclusion of news of opposite character, three short items from a single

issue are presented herewith :

“A report from Helsingfors stated the French battleship Curacao

which was the flagship of the English Baltic Fleet, with a base at Helsingfors,

has returned home, after a minor explosion which produced some

damage. Our correspondent, however, learns that there is a report in

Finnish military circles to the effect that the Cause for sending the Curacao

home was not an explosion but a mutiny among the crew on board, who

refused to operate against the fleet of the Russian Workers’ Republic of

Kronstadt . As the mutiny threatened to spread to other ships, the battleship

was sent home.”

“Reports from Tilsit are that the crew of the French squadron at

Libau raised the Red flag . The crews of the warships demanded of their

officers to be returned to France immediately . The French vessels were

immediately sent home and an English squadron steamed in to occupy their

positions at the port of Libau .”

“According to a Soviet wireless message, mentioned in Avanti of May

4, General d’Anselme admitted in a conversation with representatives of

the Odessa Soviet that the Bolshevik propaganda had `demoralized’ 60 per

cent of his soldiers .”

Soldier-Worker, of Butte, Montana, official organ of the World

[ 162]

ARMY, NAVY AND THE GOVERNMENT

Not content with using every possible effort to demoralize the Army

and Navy of the United States, the Communists have been recruiting for a

Red Army of America . Regular recruiting officers are sent out with literature,

enlistment blanks and programs for the purpose of enrolling men to

fight in the Red army in this country . This work, naturally, has to be kept

entirely secret, and because of that fact practically nothing has been

printed or known publicly of this part of the movement . It is impossible

to say how far this illegal movement has gone . But it is known that the

Communists have discussed a certain location in an Eastern State as a

suitable site for the gathering and hiding of arms and ammunition to

have ready when the time comes for the armed insurrection .

While the American troops were occupying portions of Germany after

the armistice they were flooded with propaganda from Communist parties

of Europe itttended to incite them to insurrection and to plant the seed

of Communism to be brought back to the Army in the United States . One

such bit of propaganda, which was furnished by a former soldier, who

brought it back with him from Europe, signed by the “Communist party of

Germany,” reads as follows :

“American soldiers, do you know why you are here?

“Thousands of miles across the sea are your homes, your friends,

your job and your future life . Your family is waiting for your return,

your mother or your wife, or maybe your sweetheart is anxiously waiting to

become your wife .

“Why can’t you go back now?

“Why did you come here, in the first place?

“Your motive was an honest one, an honorable one . You came to

Europe to risk your life for democracy, to destroy the beast of militarism,

and make the world a better place to live in . You fought bravely and you

won. Perhaps the German working people could not have made their

revolution and thrown off the Kaiser if you had not delivered such deadly

blows at the Kaiser’s military machine. You never had anything against

the German people-only against the military clique . We know that and

appreciate it .

“You have accomplished your object . Now you are lying about camp

and waiting. You want to go home.

“You are not here to help us complete our revolution, but to prevent

it . Your Government and all of the Allied governments are supporting

the same scoundrels who helped the Kaiser throughout the war-the Ebert-

Scheidemann Government. The real German revolutionists, the working

class, are fighting against the Ebert-Scheidemann Government, because the

Ebert-Scheidemann Government helped the Kaiser and will always fight

against the right.

“Yet your Government is recognizing them and dealing with them, and

doing everything it can against the real German revolutionists, the Spartacus

people, as they are called, who have always fought against the Kaiser

and have rotted in the Kaiser’s prisons and been shot by the Kaiser’s firing

squads during the war.

[ 1 63]

REDS IN AMERICA

“Your officers won’t let you talk to the people around you for fear

that you may learn the facts about the revolution .

“They make you drill five to six hours a day for fear that if you

have time to think you may figure out for yourself why you are here .

“You are being kept in Europe to prevent the rule of the working

people.

“You know that the working people always get the bad end of it

from the capitalists. Some of the American boys who have been demobilized

have gone back home to ask for their jobs again . The bosses are

welcoming the men as `heroes’ and then giving them back their old jobsbut

paying them starvation wages, around a dollar and a half a day .

The longer they keep you here, the better able they will he to cheat you out

of a job or cheat you on low pay when you get back .

“You came to Europe for democracy, but you are being kept here

for the big bankers of Wall Street and of Paris and London and Berlin .

You are being kept here to prevent the German revolution from overthrowing

the junkers and bankers who supported the Kaiser, and you may be

kept here to shoot down French working-men who rebel for real liberty,

and you may be sent to England to fight there some more years as strikebreakers

against the English working-people who are now trying to get

the liberty they fought so long and bravely for . Or, you may be sent to

Ireland to shoot to death the new Irish Republic .

“You came for democracy, but

As a part of the drive conducted by the Communist party of America

against the Army and Navy recruiting for the military establishments, the

party circulated a letter said to have been written by a prisoner in Atlanta

penitentiary to Eugene V . Debs, after his release . The name of the writer

is not given and it is not known why he is in prison, although the circular

says that “it is from a man who served a term of years in the Navy and has

been rewarded for his patriotism by a long prison sentence.” The circular

also states that “it is a fine bourgeois reformation they get at this walled-ininferno

.” After quoting the letter in full the circular adds two paragraphs

intended to check enlistments. They read :

“This man who served the best years of his life in the United States

Navy and is now in penitentiary warns young men not to be deceived by

the fraudulent and alluring advertisements posted on city billboards and

to steer clear of the Navy if they do not wish to enter deliberately upon a

period of slavery under tyrannical rules after having signed away their

rights as citizens, including the right to make a complaint .

“The warning voice of the imprisoned marine whose eyes are now

opened and who would save other young men from sharing in his lamentable

experience is well worthy of serious consideration .”

The letter from the prisoner, which it is boasted was smuggled illegally

out of the prison, is full of the complaints frequently heard in Army posts

and among enlisted men in the Navy who have been punished for infractions

of regulations. It recites punishments for offences which are known

to everyone who knows anything about military discipline and the necessity

[1641

you are not being kept here for it .”

ARMY, NAVY AND THE GOVERNMENT

for it . It contains no charge of anything except what is caused by chafing

under discipline and resentment at punishment for violating the rules . One

paragraph, however, says

“The struggle of the oppressed will be won in time and then your

name shall be a household word to the new generation .”

The Communists have planted their agents in Government circles, in

departments in Washington, in bureaus in other cities, with the intention

of organizing nuclei of Communism wherever possible and of securing

information as to what the Government is doing . One of the pledges exacted

of Communists, in accordance with regulations adopted by the party

in convention, is that no Communist shall accept a Government position

“except under Civil Service.” At first it was ruled that no Communist

should work for the Government in any capacity under any circumstances,

but this was modified when the leaders sought to obtain information of

Government activities from loyal employees . The safeguard of Civil Service

regulations, they believe, will protect Communists in Government employ

because if any attempt is made to dismiss them they can raise the cry of

“free speech” and have sufficient fanatical support in Congress to save them

their jobs.

It is safe to say that not a department in Washington is entirely free

from Communists . These men have been “planted” deliberately and spreading

of propaganda is a part of their duty to the Communist party . In some

of the departments there have been several known Communists at various

times who were protected by their superiors in their positions . The most

notorious example of high Government officials protecting radicals and encouraging

them by word and deed was when Louis F . Post was Assistant

Secretary of Labor . Post’s radical activities won strong approval from

the Communist party officially .

The Communist idea of government and the theory upon which the

Communists demand the destruction of the Government of the United States,

is brought out in the thesis on the Relations of Number One and Number

Two (the illegal and legal branches of the Communist party) adopted at

the convention at Bridgman before it was raided by the Michigan authorities.

This thesis, which when adopted becomes a part of the regulations

of the party, and which was adopted just before the raid, reads like a

textbook, as follows :

“1 . Government is force organized by one class to keep another in

subjection . When the subject class becomes conscious of the oppression

under which it labors it organizes to overthrow the class in power . This

struggle, of necessity, develops into a struggle of force against force-of

the armed force of the oppressed class against the armed force of the class

in power-the Government .

“2. This being an accepted phenomenon based on historical fact, it

is the task of the Communists to prepare and organize the working class

for this struggle against the master class, the capitalists, and against their

organized Army force, the Government .

[165]

“3. The great mass of the working class can be consciously organized

for this task. Weighed with the burden of false education, prejudice and

terrorism of the master class and the Government, they cannot be formed

into organizations, consciously under the control of the Communists .

“4. It is the function of the Communists therefore, as a most conscious,

militant, revolutionary section of the working class, to organize

themselves into a party and by means of this party prepare the rest of the

working class for the struggle against the capitalist system and the Government.

“5. The nature of the struggle-the overthrow of one class by another-

makes it impossible, as history has shown, for a party with this

program to carry on its most essential work in the open . The conflict

with the Government is so open and so frequent that the revolutionary organization

working openly would be disrupted and ground to pieces by the

superior force of the State. The Communists, therefore, are compelled to

function as an underground party-the Communist party .

“6. Work in the underground limits activities, is very cumbersome

and does not suffice for the overthrow of the capitalist system . The Communist

party is obliged to penetrate all existing working class and semiworking

class organizations to reach the masses, using these organizations

as tools and auxiliaries of the Communist party . One of these organs is

the open political party, consisting of revolutionary workers, not all of

whom are real Communists. The program of this party, by its very nature,

is restricted, in that it must adapt itself to the laws of the country .

“7. This labor party can by no means replace the real Communist

party. On the contrary, the underground party must be built ever stronger

and firmer . It must guide and control the Labor party, through the influence

of its membership, through its official organs and all other means of

propaganda at its disposal .

“8. To perform its function as the directing and controlling body

the Communist party must be made up of only the best, the most advanced,

the most trusted, tried and intelligent section of the working class . It must

exercise a rigid discipline, removing from its ranks all who merely comprehend

the principles of Communism but fail to carry on the work of the

party. Not understanding alone, but activity, willingness to sacrifice and

to do every kind of dangerous work must determine membership in the

Communist party .

“9. The tasks of the Communist party and all the organizations that

it creates must be clearly defined, in order that all may serve their purpose

without conflict and waste or duplication of effort . The specific functions

of each party may vary at different stages of the development of the class

struggle . At the present preparatory period undoubtedly a large part of

the work can be done in many parts of the country openly, leaving for the

underground party functions which, though limited in quantity nevertheless

are of extreme importance, without which no real Communist movement

can be conceived of.

“10. The main task of the Communist party is to organize unre-

REDS IN AMERICA

[1661

ARMY, NAVY AND THE GOVERNMENT

stricted Communist education and propaganda, thus insuring that the full

Communist message is made clear at all times . The Communist party

must carry on all such work as cannot be done openly ; it must build and

support the Labor party and other open organizations and direct their

activities .

“11. The Communist party must at least once a month issue its

organs, dealing theoretically and analytically with all the problems of the

class struggle and of the party. It shall give direction to and formulate the

slogans for the work of all its open organizations . The attitude of the

Communist party to its open organizations and especially the Labor party

shall be a favorable and encouraging one . It must, however, always point

out the deficiencies in the activities of the Labor party. The Communist

party shall devise ways and means of reaching the membership of the Labor

party with its illegal organ in order to further their education . The Communist

party must also issue all such literature as cannot be published

legally

“12. The Communist party must issue leaflets dealing with, the

struggles of the workers in a realistic manner, so that the masses will

perceive that the Communist party understands the struggle, but it is

unable to work openly because of the nature of its organization .

“13. The Communist party must constantly make recruits to its

ranks from the membership of the Labor party, labor unions and other

working class organizations. It is one of the main tasks of the Communist

party to develop and strengthen its organization .

“14. The groups of the Communist party must meet regularly at

least once a month .

“15. The Communist party is the section of the Communist International

in this country and is the only body capable of stating the official

position of the Communist International .

“16. The task of the Labor party is to participate directly in the everyday

struggles of the workers, endeavoring to develop the struggles for immediate

needs into revolutionary mass struggles . It must conduct open propaganda

and education, participate in the elections, issue papers and leaflets on

the basis of immediate demands, bringing the masses more and more to

the Communist position . As far as possible all editors of the Labor party

organs must be members of the Communist party .

“17. Through the Labor party membership the Communist party permeates

all existing working class organizations acting as nuclei within the

organization . In the labor unions the Labor party must form a left wing

acting as nucleus and taking the leadership in it .

“18. The Communist party shall endeavor to establish the same discipline,

wage scale and regulations for all officials of the Labor party

and its open organizations as prevail in the Communist party . It must

always be remembered that the real revolutionary party-the American

section of the Communist International-is the Communist party of America,

end that the Labor party is but an instrument which it uses the better

to carry out the work among the masses. Only through membership in

[ 1 67 ]

REDS IN AMERICA

the American section of the Communist International the Communist

party of America-can the American workers become members of the

Communist International.

“19. As organs of the Communist party the Labor party and other

open organizations must be under its direction and control . The discipline

of the Communist party is supreme for Communist party members . The

convention of the Communist party must be held prior to the convention

of the Labor party and determine all policies for the party and all its

open organizations . It is the duty of the committees and of the membership

to carry out these policies in the Labor party and all other organizations

. In order that the work of the Communist party and Labor party

may be conducted properly and the Communist party at the same time

be safeguarded from the clutches of the Government, the Executive Comrrittee

elected at the convention of the Communist party shall divide into

two parts, the major part becoming the Number One Department and devoting

itself to the carrying out in the Communist party of the policies laid

down by the convention and the Executive Committee, the minor part becoming

the Number Two Department and devoting ‘itself to carrying out

in the Labor party the policies laid down by the convention and the

Executive Committee.

“20. This policy of division of work shall be followed in all subordinate

committees of the Communist party .

“21. The functions of organizers of the Communist party and Labor

party being different, and the safety of the organization making it imperative,

the organizers of the Communist party shall, as a rule, not be

the organizers of the Labor party .

“22. The Communists must seek to control all committees in the Labor

party. By better understanding of principles and more active participation

in the Labor work, they must win over the membership of the Labor party

to the real Communist position .

“23. Members of the Communist party must -work as a nucleus in

the Labor party . Although all the policies are laid down in the Communist

party, the activities of the Communists in the Labor party evolving out

of these policies must be left to the understanding, better organization and

generalship of the members of the Communist party .

“24. Communist party members act as a caucus in the Labor party

nuclei in the labor unions . Decisions on all important matters must be

made in caucus meetings .

“25. As the situation becomes more revolutionary, the Labor party,

gaining the support of the masses, will become more revolutionary in form,

character and activity . In such a situation, the Labor party shall formally

amalgamate with the Communist party and assume its name .

“26. The underground Communist party, remaining as an organization

within the open party, must continue to be the directing and controlling

body. It remains intact and must continually he strengthened . There must be

a periodical purging of its ranks and the discipline made more rigid. New

[1681

ARMY, NAVY AND THE GOVERNMENT

blood from the open party and other open organizations must be introduced

into the underground organizations .

“27. Even though the Communist party shall have come above ground

and act as the section of the Communist International, the underground

organization remains as the directing organ of the open Communist party.

All important policies must first be taken up by the underground organization

and its decisions put through in the open party . The underground

must continually be reinforced, since even when fighting in the open, the

activities of the open party will depend on the vigor, understanding,

strategy and generalship of the underground organization . The open party

being a mass party cannot have the discipline and understanding of an

underground organization and will respond to calls to action only in

proportion as the underground membership is disciplined and exerts influence.

This status will continue up to and through the revolution and to

the establishment of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat.”

The thesis on tactics adopted by the Third International sets forth,

among other things, that

“The new international labor organization is established for the purpose

of organizing united action of the world proletariat, aspiring toward

the same goal : the overthrow of capitalism, the establishment of the Dictatorship

of the Proletariat, and of an international Soviet republic, for

the complete elimination of classes and the realization of Socialism, the

first step toward the communist commonwealth .”

Commenting on this, the Communist party of America has officially

stated that :

“This definition of the aims of the Communist International laid

down in the statutes, distinctly defines all the questions of tactics to be

solved. . . . The world revolution, i . e., the decay of capitalism and

the concentration of the revolutionary energy of the proletariat, its organization

into aggressive, victorious power, will require a prolonged period

of revolutionary struggle . . . . The Communists declared, while the

the war was raging, that the period of imperialism was making for an

epoch of social revolution, i . e ., of a long series of civil wars in a number

of capitalistic countries, and of wars between the capitalist states on one

side and proletarian states and exploited colonial peoples on the other side .”

Bearing these statements in mind, with particular emphasis on the

plans of the Communist International, through the Communist party of

America, it is interesting to read a statement in

for the party, in its issue of August 4, 1922, where it says :

“Mere talk, regardless of its eloquence or volume, will not expose

the capitalists to the working class. The Communists must put forward

concrete proposals. Tangible, immediate demands in line with the workers’

interest must be made on the Government . Our activity in Congress is sub .

sidiary to and dependent upon the mass struggle on the outside . The

bourgeoisie will do their best to kill all our propositions . They will refuse

[1691

Truth, which speaks officially

REDS IN AMERICA

even to consider the workers’ problems . This will materially aid us in

exposing the capitalist . This will help us to give a political character to the

whole struggle. . . . When we make these definite demands on

Government, when we put forward our immediate legislative demands,

we do so not with the idea of solving the insolvable-the contradictions of

capitalism-but in order to rally the masses around practical concrete plans

of combat which will further draw them into the struggle against the state

and expose its class character .”

Early in September, 1922, a delegation of the Communist party of

America sailed for Europe and established itself, where it discussed with

the Russian Communist leader plans for an intensive campaign among

Congressmen of the United States for the immediate recognition of the

Soviet Government of Russia by this country . One of the American Communist

leaders stated that certain Senators are already in line for this

drive and are all the time working toward securing such recognition . He

said that these Senators are in constant communication with Communist

leaders ‘here and directly with the Commissariat for Foreign Affairs

in

Moscow. He declared that the Moscow Government has determined to spend

several

States if it could be assured of success as a result of this expenditure .

The general plan to be adopted, thus, was discussed in Moscow with

American citizens sitting in the conference . These Americans have already

announced to the Communists that they must devote their attention to certain

people “during elections both National and State .”

This delegation sailed in September, 1922. In the latter part of August

of that

ences with members of the Congress of the United States .

millions of dollars on propaganda for recognition by the Unitedyear Communist representatives went to Washington and held confc:

11701

CAAPTER ELEVEN

THE LABOR DEFENSE COUNCIL-WOMEN’S CLUBS

The now historic Bridgman raid,-the spectacular capture by the

authorities of the State of Michigan of a group of Communists, with a

mass of incriminating documents, who had met in the woods in annual secret,

illegal convention to further the plans of the, Communist party of America,

under the direction of Lenin, Trotsky, et al ., to overthrow by violence the

Government of the United States and destroy the American concept of home

and church,-had a galvanic effect upon the ring of arch-conspirators in

Moscow. It was immediately suspected that someone, on one side or the other

of the factional fight within the party, had been guilty of divulging

secrets and revealing the fact of the illegal meeting to the authorities as a

move to defeat the rival faction . This factional fight had been almost entirely

settled before the Bridgman convention met and one of the reports at

the convention dealt with this feature of the situation in the United States .

Some delay in the carrying out of the destructive program of the party in

this country had been caused by this division in the organization .

Immediately upon receipt of information regarding the raid and the

consequent breaking up of the convention before its work had been accomplished,

Moscow started a courier post haste to the United States bearing

with him peremptory orders from the Executive Committee of the Communist

International to both factions in the American party to unite at

once . The minority faction was ordered to submit without further delay

to the will of the majority ; and the majority was ordered to admit the

minority without prejudice. Both factions were reminded of the “iron

discipline” clause in the regulations of conduct and membership in the

Communist organization. Expulsion from the party and from the entire

Communist movement was the penalty of any individual who refused to

obey this command to unite.

The courier by whom these orders were dispatched reached the United

States late in September, 1922, and on October 1 representatives of the

majority and minority factions were called into secret conference in New

York to hear the orders from headquarters . There was nothing left to do,

for expulsion from the Communist party and the world-wide organization

left no place for such radicals to make their bed . They could not join the

anarchists, socialists or any other radical organization, because of the bitter

fight that had been made on all these bodies by the Communists . Certainly

they could not become conservatives of any stripe . They were branded with

Communism, and if this brand were erased it would leave a scar by which

they could always be recognized as “traitors” to Communism . And the

[171]

REDS IN AMERICA

records of millions slain without trial, by arbitrary dicta, in Russia tell the

whole tale of the “traitor” to Communism .

t

This party division having been healed the organization immediately

turned its united attention to the needs of those arrested at the Bridgman

raid. Through the energetic efforts of the American Civil Liberties Union,

whose radical activities have been noted in another chapter, some of the

prisoners had been released on bond, but others still languished in the

Michigan jail, awaiting trial . Money was most urgently needed to get

these men out of jail, and to prepare for the defense of the Communists,

when they came to trial . It was then reported that Frank P . Walsh, just

returned from Moscow, was to be the chief attorney for the defense . The

engagement of these men cost money, real money, and it is safe to say

that they would not be satisfied with contingent fees . It was common report

in Communist circles in New York that Walsh insisted upon a fee of

$50,000 for his services ; one fourth to be paid at once, one fourth before

the trial opened and the remaining $25,000 before the first case went to

he jury.

Numerous conferences were held by the leaders of the Communists as

to how these funds were to be raised . Moscow could be counted upon

for certain amounts, but Moscow has been a bit wary of sending back

to the United States much of the money it goes to such pains to collect

here unless it is shown that it is absolutely necessary to make such expenditure.

William Z . Foster, one of the delegates at Bridgman ; Roger N.

Baldwin, draft dodger, of the American Civil Liberties Union ; Eugene V .

Debs, now out of jail after being pardoned for his anti-American activities

during the war ; Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, the active woman radical, of the

Workers’ Defense Union ; and others were concerned in these conferences .

For several weeks these conferences went on, committees were named

in all parts of the country, and plans were matured for establishing all

the connections possible to present a “united front” of “labor” in defending

these men accused of conspiracy . One interesting phase was the way the

American Federation of Labor was “hooked” in the plan . On Oct. 7, 1922,

William Z . Foster was in New York, working on the plan of the Labor

Defense Council . It was suggested to him by a fellow Communist that it

would be possible to get the endorsement of from six to ten organizations

which were members of the American Federation of Labor ; these endorsements

could be sent to other member organizations ; and when a sufficient

number had been obtained all the endorsements could be printed in circular

form and sent broadcast until the entire Federation could be said to have

joined in the Labor Defence Council . This plan was adopted and worked

like a charm .

The work of national organization was begun early in September

while a-number of the Bridgman prisoners were still in jail unable to secure

the bonds necessary for their release . By this time it had been agreed that

inasmuch as the Communist party of America, which is an illegal and underground

organization, could not direct the fight to aid the Bridgman

prisoners, the Workers’ Party of America, as a legal organization of the

[1721

NATIONAL COMMITTEE

SUCER N. BALDWIN, N.e Yo.k City

Darn,

TENNIS E . BATT . DeRMt

NORMAN B. BARB Cbic…Oil.., I,..erue

Edtror Dr-ft L.ba Ne.e . 0. O.

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CAaowan

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Naraad

S.cy FaweeL.bo, Purr

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E&., N- MP'”‘. 0. 0. CA4.

eaeo Fed. of Leba

JOHN C. CLAY, Chi-

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LENETTA M . COOPER, Chic..,

R. D. CRAMER, Yonpolu

Eds., of M .. 1 .6 .1

EUGENE V . DEBS. T.- Hat.

ELIZABETH GURLEY FLYNN,N ..Yak

JOHN C. FLORA . Chicago

JOHN HAYNES HOLMES. N.. York

MAX S. HAYES, Clalud

FRANCIS FISHER KANE. PSI1 .delphi .

DR. IOHN A. LAPP, Chic…

Re

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FRANCES C. LI LIE, Chiw,

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COMMITTEE

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COOPERATING WITH COMMITTEE

OF THE DEFENDANTS

EARL R . BROWDER, C.h,”

WILLIAM F. DUNNE, Nev Yak City

WILLIAM FOSTER . Chim.o

C. E . RUTHENBERG. Cle .el .od

NATIONAL OFFICERS

ROBERT M . DUCK, Chi,. . .

EUGENE V. D EBS . Fke .CA.aw..

REV. JOHN A . RYAN. D.D_

Fk..CAS…

MORITZ L LORE . S.c.fl

FRANCES C. LILLIE, 7-

WILLIAM Z. FOSTER.

Secy De/eed .u’. Caw .

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LABOR DEFENSE COUNCIL

FRANK

For the d .F .an . at the Michigan crI IaaJ y .dl .nli .t d .f .adnnt . pro ..out .d t th0 lutana .f the F.d.r.I Sec ret

.

t~mp.Lg

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P. WALSH, Chief Counsel for the Defendant.Service in its drive .9 .la .t erg . .l . .d I.her .T1o1 cisafrrriym ben I. eoan.exoa wish eh. Mg.l a.r…. n ..Wee .ot.at op,. the right of Ir.. .p..ch, /r.. pn.e .a

of assemblage and aD m..kar.e restricting the rights

a ehe workers .

ROOM 434

80 EAST ELEVENTH STREET

New York City

National Secretary

Telephone STUYVESANT

6616

WILLIAM Z. Fosiut

Dear Friend :

April 6, 1923

The press has brought you information of the progress

of the trial of the first of the so-called Michigan cases

at St . Joseph . Every day it is becoming clearer that .

the issue

assemblage in America, as well as such due processes of

law, as constitute the just basis of any democratic society .

Mr . Frank P . Walsh, attorney for the defense, has stated

clearly that the provisions of the Criminal Syndicalist

Acts, under which Foster and his associates have been

brought to trial, violate the Constitution of the state

of Michigan and the Constitution of the United States .

Evidence for this contention is fast becoming abundant .

A group of men and women met together peacefully to

consider the business of their party organization, contemplating

no acts of violence and cherishing no intent

to promote or induce acts of violence, was itself treated

with utmost violence by the officers of the law . If ever

there was a trial involving persecution and tyranny, it

is this one . It comes as the last echo of the disgraceful

mania of governmental terrorism, which was one of the

plagues of the war .

The defense of these men and women, now on trial,

is an expensive one . Large sums of money must be raised

to guarantee them justice . This money can come only

from those who believe in the vindication of basic

democratic rights in this country . We appeal to you to

help us in this cause . Read the inclosed pamphlet giving

the story of the case and then send your contribution

in the inclosed envelope .

Sincerely yours,

in this trial is the right of free speech and free

CT/

r /- u*

BS&AU 12646

MAKE CHECKS PAYABLE TO THE LABOR DEFENSE COUNCIL

Accounts audited by Stuart Chase, C . P. A .

4&4-t- I

Circular letter sent out by the Labor Defense Council, organized to raise funds

for the defense of the communists arrested at Bridgman, Mich . Facsimile signatures

of John Nevin Sayre, Freda Kirchwey, Roger Baldwin, Capt . Paxton Hibben, Mary

Heaton Vorse, Rev . Norman Thomas, Rev . Percy Stickney Grant and Rev. John

Haynes Holmes appear at the bottom. The name of Father John A. Ryan of Washington

appears conspicuously in the organization along with that of William Z . Foster .

THE LABOR DEFENSE COUNCIL-WOMEN’S CLUBS

Communists, should assume the leadership . This was particularly fitting

because William F . Dunne, the party candidate for the governorship of

New York, was one of those arrested at Bridgman as a delegate to the Communist

convention . This, of course, established the immediate connection

between the Communist party and the Labor Defence Council, for the

Workers’ Party is not allowed to take any steps on any matter without

having the approval of the Central xecutive Committee of the Communist

party . Accordingly, on Sept. 24th, C . E. Ruthenberg, a Communist and a

delegate to the Bridgman convention, who was secretary of the Workers’

party, sent out an official order to “To All Party Branches, District Organizers

and Federation Secretaries,” which read in part as follows :

“The Central Executive Committee of the party has decided that the

party must take the initiative in bringing into existence an organization

which will unite the workers in the defence struggle .

“For this purpose the Labor Defence Council will be organized .

“The Labor Defence Council will be a delegated body which will include

representatives of the Trade Unions, the Trade Union Educational

League (William Z . Foster’s Communist organization within the trade union

movement of the United States and so recognized by the Soviet Government

of Russia) the Workers’ party, the Socialist party, the Farmer-Labor party,

the Socialist-Labor party, the I . W. W., the Proletarian party, the United

Toilers, liberal organizations and workers’ social, relief and cooperative

organizations .

“The purpose of the Labor Defence Council will be :

“To conduct the defence of the victims of the Michigan raids and those

arrested in connection with the Michigan case in other parts of the country

and to defend other similar cases arising out of the present attack upon

the working class movement .

“To broaden this defence so as to develop in connection with a mass

movement of the workers to re-establish the right to strike, the right to

picket, the right of assemblage and freedom of press and speech . To

make part of the defence campaign an attack upon criminal syndicalism

laws and similar laws directed against the working class movement and to

secure their repeal .

“To raise the funds necessary for the legal defence as well as for the

agitation and propaganda against infringements on the rights of the workers .

“The immediate steps to be taken is for each city central committee

where such exists and for each branch where there is no city central committee

to :

“1 .-Elect a committee to initiate the work of organizing a Labor Defence

Council .

“2.-This committee should send an invitation to other local working

class organizations to send delegates to the Labor Defence Council. This

invitation should not be sent in the name of the Workers’ party but by the

provisional committee as a provisional committee of the Labor Defence

[1731

REDS IN AMERICA

Council . If possible, some well-known trade unionist should be included

in this committee .

“3.-The Local Defence Council should at once begin a campaign of

agitation and money raising . It should hold public meetings, have resolutions

introduced in the unions and in every way possible stir the workers

to the need of a united stand against the capitalist attack .”

The headquarters of the Labor Defence Council was established at

166 West Washington street, Chicago, and the “Provisional National Committee”

was made up of the following members : Roger N . Baldwin, American

Civil Liberties Union ; Dennis M . Batt, Proletarian party, Detroit ; Robert

M . Buck, editor New Majority, Farmer-Labor party ; Eugene V. Debs .

Socialist party of America ; Elizabeth Gurley Flynn, Workers’ Defence

Union of New York ; Moritz J . Loeb, formerly of the Civil Liberties Union

of Chicago, now with the Workers’ party of America . The “Cooperating

Committee of Defendants” of the Council included Earl R . Browder, assistant

secretary of Foster’s Trade Union Educational League; William F.

Dunne, labor editor of The Worker, official English organ of the Workers’

party, and candidate for governorship of New York ; William Z. Foster

himself, as secretary-treasurer of the Trade Union Educational League ; and

Charles E . Ruthenberg, national executive secretary of the Workers’ party,

who sent out the orders quoted above . Foster was national secretary of the

Council and Loeb, assistant secretary. The purposes of the organization

were set forth by it in a secret report in a single paragraph as follows :

“To unite all radical, liberal and conservative organizations to form

the Labor Defence Council . The purpose of this council is to defend the

Reds arrested in Michigan, to raise bail money, to hold defence meetings

and to carry on agitation in their behalf.”

One of the first things done by the organization was the appointment of

a publicity department to flood the daily newspapers of the country with

propaganda for the movement .

broadcast. Much of the material thus furnished was printed in reputable

newspapers ignorant of the fact that they were printing appeals for a movement

aimed at the overthrow of the country . One such release, one of the

first sent out, was entitled, “Defence Is the Need of the Hour!” It was

marked for “immediate release,” and read as follows :

“Immediately upon the publication of the dastardly Daugherty injunction

and the arrest of the so-called agitators at Bridgman, Mich ., the progressive

section of the labor movement united in a strong protest against

these intolerable attacks upon our fundamental constitutional rights . Labor

bodies all over the country condemned the proceedings in no uncertain

terms. Special mass meetings were called for Sunday, Oct . 1. The Chicago

Federation of Labor denounced `the unlawful invasion of a meeting,’ and

`the indiscriminate arrest, without warrants or due process of law, of men

and women .’ The Minneapolis Trades and Labor Council denounces the

attack `of certain labor-hating, labor-baiting detectives’ as `the ever-present

methods and tactics of tyranny, and of financial tyrants and exploiters in

control of Government .’

[1741

•’Press releases” were issued and spread

THE LABOR DEFENSE COUNCIL-WOMEN’S CLUBS

“New York will take its first decisive action against these attacks upon

the rights of labor at the huge protest meeting, arranged by the Labor Defence

Council, for Friday evening, Oct . 6, at the Central Opera House, 67th

Street and Third Avenue . The speakers will include two of the arrested

men, William Z . Foster, the noted secretary of the Trade Union Educational

League, and C . Ruthenberg, secretary of the Worker’s party of America ;

Roger Baldwin, secretary of the Civil Liberties Union, and J . Louis Engdahl,

editor of The Worker .”

The hand of William Z. Foster can be seen in this publicity . It was

made to appear that this was a spontaneous movement of the labor unions

and the citations from the Chicago and Minneapolis federations were pur.

posely designed as a trap, for both of these organizations are extremely

radical and have indorsed much of the work of Soviet Russia, especially

in this country . The fact, however, that the Workers’ party was back of

the whole movement showed its connection with the Communist party of

America .

Trusted Communists were in charge of the organizing work of the

Labor Defence Council in the chief cities of the country . For example,

in Philadelphia the work was in the hands of Morris Kushinsky, whose party

name is Hoffman and who was district organizer of the third district of

the Communist party. Immediately upon receipt of the instructions from

Ruthenberg, Kushinsky, alias Hoffman, called a meeting, on Sept . 19, of

the City Central Committee of the Workers’ party to begin the work of organizing

the Labor Defence Council of Philadelphia . One of the first things

done was to urge the foreign-born Communist members of the party to become

citizens of the United States to save themselves from prosecution under

laws which affect only alien agitators . The famous Philadelphia “sucker

list” was brought out and checked off with a view to seeing how much cash

could be raised from this source . This is the list of the Workers’ party and

contains names of Philadelphians who, they say, may be called upon for aid .

In the list are the names of Mrs . Gifford Pinchot, wife of the governor of

Pennsylvania ; David Wallerstein, prominent lawyer and member of the

Civil Liberties Bureau ; Francis Fisher Kane, former United States district

attorney ; T. Henry Walnut, former assistant United States district attorney ;

Dr. Helen Murphy, a well-known woman physician ; Mrs . Walter Cope, a

sister of Francis Fisher Kane ; Miss Margaret Cope, niece of Mr. Kane ;

Mrs. George Burnham, of the family which owns part of the Baldwin Locomotive

Works; six members of the wealthy Biddle family, which is connected

with the Drexel interests ; and Asa S. Wing, who was in charge of

the local work of relief for the Near East . There are several hundred names

on this list .

Foster and Ruthenberg, both defendants in the Bridgman cases, were

particularly active in organizing the local Labor Defence Councils as

branches of the national body, and travelled over a great part of the East

speaking at meetings in various cities . Practically all of these meetings were

[1751

REDS IN AMERJCA

used to spread Communist propaganda as well as to raise money for the

defence of Foster, Ruthenberg and the others .

The question of financing the defence on as large a scale as was planned,

presented a considerable problem . With lawyers’ fees of unusual size to be

paid, bail money to be furnished, anticipated fines and support of the families

of the prisoners, as well as the providing of a kind of sinking fund

for the future contests with the authorities, the Communists were in difficulties

to raise the money required . Large sums in the aggregate were raised

in the meetings held as often and in as many places as possible . The American

Civil Liberties Union also contributed largely both with funds and

legal advice-the services of 800 lawyers were offered by this organization

-but in addition to this a call went forth to Moscow for additional financial

aid. Moscow may be counted upon to provide money when necessary . But

in the end the American people provide the funds. This is the result of

the carefully kept “sucker lists,” collections taken at the meetings, and the

funds which Moscow gets directly from the American public, including

sums collected by Russian actors, dancers and artists in this country, which

were referred to in a previous chapter .

There are many means by which the Communists have planned to secure

cash from citizens of the United States, this money to be used either

in full or in part for the overthrow of this Government by violence . Various

industrial organizations are disguises for raising such funds . The connection

of the Friends of Soviet Russia with the Moscow Government is too

well known to need repeating . This organization issued a circular which

indicated that Sydney Hillman’s organization, the Russian-American Industrial

Corporation, was in very close touch with the Friends of Soviet Russia,

and an interesting part of the scheme was to use the old plea of saving

“starving” children . The circular reads :

“Friends of Soviet Russia starts big campaign for Russian-American

Industrial Corporation and children’s homes in Soviet Russia.

“The Friends of Soviet Russia, Local New York, has just opened a

joint campaign for the Russian-American Industrial Corporation and the

Children’s Homes in Soviet Russia .

“The corporation, formed recently in the Amalgamated, has for its

purpose the promotion of industrial activity in Russia by raising sufficient

capital to start large factories . A million dollars is needed for the initial

capital, and thousands have already purchased stock, which sells at $10 a

share . Every worker who wishes to see Soviet Russia prosper must lend

his financial assistance to this project . Further details with regard to the

corporation and the campaign to be conducted will be published later .

“The second big item on the program of the Friends of Soviet Russia

is the drive to raise enough money to support ten thousand starving children

in Soviet Russia. As a result of the terrible famine millions of little children

have lost their parents and are now helpless . To save them from starvation,

and death from the freezing blasts of winter, an international drive

is being conducted to rescue these millions of children . The quota allotted

(176)

THE LABOR DEFENSE COUNCIL-WOMEN’S CLUBS

to the Friends of Soviet Russia to support is ten thousand . The method of

raising money is as follows :

“Organizations interested in saving these children can do so by adopting

one or more of them . Five dollars down and two dollars a month for

twelve months will support one child for a whole year . This means $290

for ten children per year . Those interested in adopting children should at

once communicate with the local office, 208 East Twelfth Street . To carry

both of these drives over the top the Friends of Soviet Russia will call a

general conference of labor organizations interested in Russian Relief and

Reconstruction.”

The “Amalgamated” referred to in this communication is the Amalgamated

Clothing Workers’ Union of America, which is closely associated

with the Communists in the Russian regime. That fact, and the fact that

the Friends of Soviet Russia is a Moscow-controlled organization show

plainly enough the destination of funds raised in this way . In addition to

these facts, however, is the fact stated by Litvinov, among other Russian

officials, that there is no longer any danger of famine in Russia .

In a document found at Bridgman at the time of the raid of the illegal

convention of Communists was one on Work Among Women, in which it is

set forth that “the famine appeal is the most practical means for penetrating

women’s clubs, leagues, etc.” And already work has been directed by the

Communists to win support of their cause among women’s organizations of

all classes . An elaborate program for this work was adopted at the Bridgman

convention, going into such detail as the canvassing of cities, block

by block, and block organizations for the Communists . The thesis adopted

reads as follows:

“The interest of the working class demands the recruiting of women

into the ranks of the proletariat fighting for Communism .

“Wherever the question of the conquest of power arises, the Communist

parties must consider not only the great source of weakness to the proletarian

struggle of an uninformed mass of housewives, farmers’ wives and

women workers in the industrial field, but also the fact that on the other

hand, proletarian women once awakened are among the most tenacious fight .

ing elements in the class struggle .

“The experiences of the Russian Soviet Republic proved in practice the

importance of the participation of women workers and peasants in defence

of the Republic as well as in other activities of Soviet construction .

This alone must serve as a lesson in all countries ; while here in America

we have recently had several thrilling examples ; notably in the part working-

class women played in the Chicago packing strike and the miners’

struggle in Kansas, in Pennsylvania and West Virginia .

“Communism, which alone affords women economic and social equality,

and the necessary conditions for motherhood without conflicting with

woman’s social obligations or hindering her creative work for the benefit

of society, should be the aim of all women fighting for emancipation . But

Communism is also the final aim of the entire proletariat . Consequently,

the struggle of the proletariat woman must be carried on in the interests

(177]

REDS IN AMERICA

of both the men and the women of the proletariat under a united leadership

`one and indivisible’ to the entire proletarian movement .

“With Karl Marx we affirm that there is no specific women’s question

and no specific women’s movement . But in present day society there are

hundreds of thousands of working-class women in separate women’s organizations

and millions of workers’ and farmers’ wives with a lower status

than a wage slave’s, isolated from the general stream of organized endeavor

who must be reached and drawn into the struggle for Communism by specific

methods of approach .

“It is therefore imperative that women’s committees be created to devise

and . carry into practice the specific methods that will win the women

of the working class to the Communist ideal and that will unite them for

and link them up with the general proletarian struggle .

“Women’s work that immediately presents itself may roughly be classified

in four categories .

“(1) Work among the women organized in trade unions or organizations

affiliated with trade unions .

“(2) Work among unorganized women .

“(3) Work in women’s organizations other than trade unions ;

mothers’ clubs, housewives’ leagues, cooperatives, nationalist groups, whether

social or cultural, etc .

“(4) Emergency work, such as work among strikers’ wives, etc .

“In this field the most important work presents itself . The Women’s

Trade Union League proposes to reorganize the former `Women’s Auxiliaries’

of the wives of trade unionists into industrial housewives’ leagues .

“The Women’s Trade Union League is at present jogging along . With

the introduction of new blood it could be made a powerful weapon . Much

of our first activities should he directed to this work wherever possible .

Were we to carry on a successful campaign, eventually capturing the leadership,

we would be in a peculiarly strategic position for furthering women’s

work of all kinds, including emergency work .

“Some of our best women are fortunately already very active in the

organization.

“In order intelligently to lay the ground-work in trade unions and

other categories of women’s organizations the questionnaire prepared by

the Women’s National Committee should be filled out with care and

thoroughness.

“The famine in Russia places not alone a solemn duty upon us but

also offers us an unparalleled opportunity to reach the great unorganized

masses of proletarian women ; to crystallize their sentiment and win them

for the proletarian struggle .

“To realize permanent gains from the use of this opportunity the block

system is proposed for adoption for all women’s committees . The following

is offered as a method upon which to proceed :

“(1) Organize a women’s block committee of no less than three .

[1781

THE LABOR DEFENSE COUNCIL-WOMEN’S CLUBS

“(2) Select a block for activity, operating in one block at a time upon

the follow-up plan .

“(3) Secure a small hall or store soliciting its free use for relief

work.

“(4) Print simple, attractive tickets admitting two to hear stories

and see pictures of Russia, promising also other entertainment .

“(5) Make house-to-house canvass several consecutive days before

meeting, discovering the women sympathizers and leaving one or two

tickets in exchange for a promise to use them .

“(6) In the course of the canvass discover block talent in children

or grown folks . Arrange to utilize it, no matter how crude or untrained,

in the block meetings, thus providing the promised entertainment and

creating a basis for local interest in future block meetings of a similar

nature under the same auspices .

“(7) One-fifth of those receiving invitations to attend may be relied

on to be present in a meeting. Tickets should be issued with the usual

result in mind .

“(8) Slides and lanterns can be supplied by local relief centers or

obtained through application to the B (legal branch of the Communist

arty) national office. Instructions for their use are simple . Any member

the block committee wishing to use the outfit could learn to operate it

`straight’, while the simple explanations of the pictures can be made by

anyone, as there is a certain easy system that a child could learn, that comes

with the slides .

“(9) At the meeting, which should be given a neighborly, friendly

atmosphere, enlist the women as members of the block committee to help

the famine-striken mothers and children of Soviet Russia. All who join

should be recorded in the Women’s Division of the B .

“(10) The Working Class Women’s Block Committees should be

adopted as the official name of these groups throughout the country .

“(11) Arrange for the next committee meeting in the home of one of

the women where work, entertainment, collection of clothing, money, food

-etc., sale of literature, block meetings and talks may be planned in harmony

with local needs, etc .

“(1.2) In these activities pride in local talent must be utilized to

knit the hopeful elements more closely together that the clarifying process

may go on in a friendly, social atmosphere.

“It is necessary to point out future possibilities . It should be clear

to all our comrades that the block committees can become a vital force

in the general proletarian struggle .

L1791

REDS IN AMERJCA

“Third, work in women’s organizations other than trade unions .

“Again, among the organized women generally, the famine appeal is

the most practical means for penetrating women’s clubs, leagues, etc. These

women’s organizations are very numerous .

“It is suggested that when our data concerning women’s organizations

are returned with the questionnaires we choose those whose proletarian

character is best fitted to our aim, gradually widening our activities as we

build up our forces.

“Fourth, the Women’s National Committee should at all times have its

eyes fixed on the industrial horizon . When great industrial conflicts present

themselves it should have its plans perfected for prompt emergency work

among those working women more clearly involved in the conflicts. With

the organization of the Women’s Committees completed, work in the industrial

districts will be greatly facilitated .

“These four types of work will be all that our present forces will

be equal to : the work in the Women’s Trade Union League, organization

of the unorganized, penetration of other women’s organizations through

famine relief appeals, etc ., and emergency work . This is an ambitious

program.

“Sub-committees for each category could be named to facilitate the

work in the first three types of activity, while emergency work could be

assigned to a sub-committee appointed when an emergency arises or is

anticipated .”

In an interesting article, published May 1, 1922, The Woman Patriot

says that “the so-called `Pan-American Conference of Women’ at Baltimore

called by Mrs . Carrie Chapman Catt, president of the International Woman

Suffrage Alliance and honorary president of the National League of Women

Voters, was in reality “The Women’s Third International .” The article

is too long for quotation here, but seven short paragraphs give all loyal

Americans food for thought. It is not charged here that the women interested

in this meeting, the first of its kind held in the United States, are

working for Communism directly, but it behoves all loyal American women,

and men as well to “watch their step” in these times surcharged with

danger. These paragraphs read :

“The two former internationals were held in Zurich, in 1919, and in

Vienna, in 1921, under the names, `International Congress of Women’ and

`Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom .’

“‘Frequent changes of name,’ as advised by Nicolai Lenin, are resorted

to by the International feminist-pacifist bloc as often as necessary, but

the entire movement originates with the International Woman’s Suffrage

Alliance .

“The work is divided up, like an army’s artillery, cavalry and infantry,

into three mobile divisions :

“The political, under Mrs . Catt and her `International Woman Suffrage

Alliance’ and `League of Women Voters .’

[1801

THE LABOR DEFENSE COUNCIL-WOMEN’S CLUBS

“The pacifist, under Miss Jane Addams and her `Women’s International

League for Peace and Freedom.”

“The industrial, under Mrs . Raymond Robins and her ‘International

League of Working Women’ and ‘Women’s Trade Union League.’

“The three branches are employed precisely as a wise general would

engage artillery, cavalry or infantry ; using all three together wherever

necessary and each one alone for special objectives .”

Voluntary organizations which are carrying on agitative propaganda or

which have objectives to a greater or less extent in harmony with the program

of the Communist party of America are so numerous that it would be

impossible to list them . They may be found in every state in the union,

and several of the larger ones with headquarters in metropolitan centers

are active in every state. In some instances, the work of such organizations

is of so much value to the revolutionary forces that recognition is freely

and officially accorded by the Communists . In other instances, the objectives

are praiseworthy, the personnel is above suspicion, and it is only

on pausing to analyse that the adherence to collectivism as opposed to individualism,

or the tendency toward dependency on the state which is so

characteristic of socialism, becomes apparent . Between the two extremes

all grades of variations are to be found . As an example of the more radical

type, the Women’s Trade Union League may be mentioned . The League

was originally started by Mrs. Raymond Robins, who was until quite recently

and for many years, its president . Miss Agnes Nestor and Miss Rose

Schneiderman figure prominently in its activities, the latter of whom is

now president . Its object is to organize trades unions composed of women,

and to federate those in existence . Its work is so much in harmony with

that of the Communist party of America that at the Bridgman Convention

the latter adopted a thesis which obviously looks upon it as occupying an

important strategical position in the united front of its lawful and open

machinery. So far as is known the leaders of the Women’s Trade Union

League have never repudiated this overture on the part of the Communist

party but on the contrary from time to time in its annual conventions, the

League has adopted resolutions indicative of its sympathy with the Moscow

Soviet government and in accord with the program of the Communist party,

it “demands” among other things that public utilities now run by the state

be turned over to workers’ control . In view of these and many other facts,

iw iTthha tth et hTeh iWrodm aInn’tse rInnattieornnaalt iionn ailn tLeeraegstu ea nfdo ro bPjeeacctei vaen dis Fcrleeeadrolmy issh ocwlno sine layn aaldivgenre-d tisement which recently appeared in “The World Tomorrow”, and cited by The

cWaogmoa,n iPsa tlriisotte,d ians wah isctho cikth oilsd esrt aitne dt hteh aRtu sMsiisasn -JAamneer iAcdadna mIsn doufs tHruilall HCoorupsoer,a tCihoin-

(Sidney Hillman) along with Nicolai Lenin, Eugene V . Debs, Charles P . Steinmetz,

and Congressman LaGuardia. The Woman’s Patriot also quotes the Federated Press

oBfu ltlheet iFne daesr astteadt iPnrge stsh,a ta nAdn nfao rL otuhies eo fSftircoinagl, Afmoerr imcaanny Cyoemamrusn iMsots coorwg anc,o rTrhees pWoonrdkeenrt,

expects to fill numerous lecture engagements during the winter and can be reached

at Hull House, No . 800 S. Halsted St ., Chicago, Ill . Press dispatches from Moscow

recently indicate that some of the funis of the Russian American Industrial Corporation

in Russia had been misappropriated .

[181]

REDS IN AMERICA

the Women’s Trade Union League may be considered as a part of the united

front of the open and legal machinery of the Communist party of America,

regardless of whether the League or its leaders would desire such a designation.

On the other hand, it would be unjust to regard all individual

members of the League as communists . Obviously, they are not. Many of

them have a purely nominal connection with the League, or though working

for its organic interests, are ignorant of the uses to which the League is

being put .

The same is found to apply on appraising the nature of the activities

of some other organizations . From the stand-point of hypersensitive humanitarianism,

many of them have objectives which are excellent and desirable,

provided we do not take into consideration the cost either in money or

destructiveness to the state . It should be noted, however, that in almost

every instance, some individual or group among the leading spirits of any

particular society, can be found having direct or indirect connections with

the Communist party of America, while the numerical majority are quite

above suspicion. For instance in such a class undoubtedly belongs the American

Association for Labor Legislation . It beseeches legislators for the adoption

of social insurance by the state. To it we owe the present workmen’s compensation

laws which are on the statute books of the various states . Compulsory

health insurance is a part of its legislative program but up to the

present, largely owing to the bitter opposition of physicians and the administrative

difficulties encountered in England, the Association has failed

to achieve this end here .

were born of revolutionary socialism in the decade following 1860 . The

effect of its adoption means a lightening of responsibility on the part of

labor in the maintenance of a healthy well-balanced society, and quick adaptation

of the working classes to the idea of dependency on the state . Samuel

Gompers at one time a member of the A. A. L. L. resigned, repudiating all

its words and works . Social Insurance legislation is class legislation and

socialistic . The Soviet government of Russia has attempted with a more

or less show of success to establish a complete system of social insurance .

The most conspicuous generality which could be deduced from a study

of the names of those connected with the management of the American Association

for Labor Legislation is the fact that aside from Andrew Furuseth,

radical president of the Seamen’s Union, probably not one includes

in his personal experience a history of having worked continuously for any

length of time at manual labor, certainly not Thomas Chadburn, its president,

nor Adolph Lewisohn, its treasurer (1923) .

There are doubtless many people who have contributed to the support

of the American Association for Labor Legislation who are far above the

charge of consciously desiring the success of a subversive movement . If

we subtract these from the membership and leaders of the organization,

there remains a large number who are prominently connected with the

radical movement and in some instances indirectly with the Communist

party of America. It is still an inexplicable mystery, how the Lusk Committee

failed to give this organization due consideration . Among its con-

En passant, it should be said that these measures

[1821

THE LABOR DEFENSE COUNCIL-WOMEN’S CLUBS

spicuous officials are or have been in the past such well-known radicals as

Mrs. Raymond Robins, organizer and president of the Women’s Trade

Union League, which has just been considered and which is an important

part of the lawful open machinery of the Communist party of America, and

her associates Miss Agnes Nestor and Miss Mary Anderson ; the Rev . John

Haynes Holmes, the radical pacifist, and his friend and co-worker, Rabbi

Stephen S . Wise ; Owen Lovejoy, of whom more anon ; Miss Lillian Wald, of

the Henry Street Settlement known as a member of the interlocking directorate

of radical organizations ; Miss Jane Addams, famous for her interest in

the Women’s International League for Peace and Freedom ; and a host of

others of like thought .

In general, there is a mutual sympathy for the objects which this class

of organizations desire to attain, an interlocking personnel in the directorates,

and programs which dovetail into each other that suggest common inspiration

and mutual financial resources . They present the appearance of a

united front, and might be deemed the shock-troops of an insinuating army

of borers, whose province it is to wedge ignorant inertia aside and make

room for advancing communism . To call such organizations “socialistic”

as opposed to communistic is in reality a distinction without a difference .

These systems differ in degree and not in principle .

Among the papers uncovered by the raid on the convention of the Communist

party of America at Bridgman, was one entitled, “Next Task in the

Communist party of America”, consisting of orders from Moscow, signed

by the Executive Committee of the Communist International, Bukharin, Radek,

and Kusinen. It is given in full in Appendix F . The careful reader

will be amazed at the progress which this program has already made, not

as the result of the open support of the Communist party of America, but

as the result of ceaseless propaganda by this type of voluntary organization.

The scar resulting from the repercussions of the Russian Bolshevik

revolution on American social and political life is already a permanent one .

As one glances over the names of those who make up the personnel of these

non-communistic radical groups, there will always be found the name of

the isolated individual, or group of individuals whose connections and friends

may be classed as dubious, or as having associations with those who are

known Communists .

As for the “pale gray” organizations, the kind which bear all the earmarks

of respectability, in number they are multitudinous . Also the clever

way in which recognized organizations, may be used by the radicals for their

purposes is in many instances instructive. To attempt an enumeration

would be outside the scope of this book and to designate any definite organization

as a part of the united front of the lawful propaganda machinery

of the Communist party of America by examination of its personnel

and objectives would in many cases only raise a debatable question . But

that many are made use of with or without their official wish in the matter

is apparent . Of such is “The National Information Bureau” which will be

considered for a space in that it has been of assistance to some of the disloyal

organizations .

[ 183]

REDS IN AMERICA

According to its literature, the National Information Bureau was established

in 1918, and at present has offices at No . 1 Madison Avenue, New

York, the office building of the Metropolitan Life Insurance Company.

“Special reports are issued to members on request, on any organization within

the field of the Bureau’s formal approval . The Bureau also reports to

members, as far as possible, on any enterprise in such related fields as the

following :

Civic Reform

Americanization

Health Work

Religious Work

(non-sectarian)

Propaganda

(non-political)

Negro Schools

Soldier Magazines

Child Welfare Magazines

Semi-fraternal organizations, labor

unions, etc., seeking support from

non members.

Miscellaneous sem-commercial enterprises

with a genuine or spurious

humanitarian appeal .

“Reports are now available to Bureau members on approximately 1,600

agencies . New Investigations will be made promptly on receipt of inquiries

.” (Bulletin No . 8, 1921 .)

“By arrangement with the Charity Organization Society of New York,

the Bureau is enabled to secure, for its members only, reports on local

New York agencies .” This fact places the National Information Bureau

in direct connection with what is generally known among social workers

the country over as the “New York Charity Trust .”

“The Bureau also issues exclusively for its members a special cautionary

bulletin .” (Italicized for emphasis .)

“Organizations are approved on the basis of (a) complete information

supplied by the organizations themselves and supplemented by necessary

investigation ; (b) compliance with the standards adopted by the Board of

Directors of the Bureau .” (Italicized for emphasis,)

The Board of Directors has established a set of standards expressed

in ten items, most of which, if not all, are entirely laudable . Two are here

reproduced to show that in these respects the standards are so flexible that

approval or disapproval, in any particular instance, will rest not so much

on the standard as on the interpretation of the standard by Bureau’s Board

of Directors .

“2. A legitimate purpose with no avoidable duplication of the work of

another efficiently managed organization .

“3. Reasonable efficiency in conduct of work, management of institutions,

etc., and reasonable adequacy of equipment for such work, both material and

personal .”

The Bureau also states itself to be “an impartial investigating agency,

does not express a judgment concerning the purposes of organizations where

the value of these purposes is open to legitimate difference of opinion,” palpably

a standard which has wide latitude of interpretation .

The Bureau apparently seeks to gain its financial support from brganiza .

tions, firms and individuals willing to pay for the service, who desire investi

LABOR DEFENSE COUNCIL-WOMEN’S CLUBS

gations made of “national, social, civic or philanthropic organizations soliciting

voluntary contributions .” There are naturally many people both among

the wealthier and the well-to-do classes who desire to be satisfied that any funds

which they contribute will be properly disbursed, and the National Information

Bureau is apparently the organization, from its point of view, which is

able and equipped to give them satisfaction . Presumably, then, the Bureau

THE

is

listed large numbers of those who are philanthropically inclined . “Over 1700

investigations have been made ; forty per cent show undesirable conditions”

(1921) .

constantly receiving applications from such people, and in time would have

In detailing the scope of the work of the National Information Bureau,

attention has been called to certain dangerous potentialities, and it remains

to examine the personnel of its organization as shown by its reports .

Mr. Paul Cravath was apparently one of the earlier officials . He is widely

known in New York as an attorney, and it is a matter of common knowledge

that he had acted in a professional capacity for the banking firm of Kuhn,

Loeb & Co ., or for some of its partners as individuals . He appeared for

Mr. Otto Kahn for instance, before the Federal Trade Commission at hearings

appointed to investigate the facts as to the possibility of the existence

of a moving picture trust . Literature describing the work of the Bureau in

the year 1921, presents a list of names of the officers and directors,

many of which are quite above the suspicion of being consciously involved

in any subversive organization . There are two divisions of the Board of

Directors, the first “representing the contributing public,” and the second

“representing organized social work .” Of the names in the former division,

that of Robert W. DeForest is perhaps the most conspicuous . He is a well

known attorney in New York City, an official in the Metropolitan Life Insurance

Company, and a trustee of the Sage Foundation, etc., etc ., etc .

Among radicals he is widely and favorably known because of the fact that

he is or was president of the corporation which publishes The Survey, a

magazine which the Lusk Committee Report very conservatively classifies

as “a Liberal paper, having the endorsement of Revolutionary Groups” .

Its editorial policy exhibits

in an intellectual way near to that which is exhibited by wordy brass

knuckles of The Communist . The Lusk Committee also brought out the

fact that The Survey was “subsidized by the Russell Sage Foundation and

has been receiving at the rate of $13,000 a year for the past nine years .”

a tendresse for Soviet Russia which approaches

The Lusk Committee Report also records the fact that

published by the Ferrer group of anarchists at Stelton, N . J ., and advocating

the “principles . of anarchist communism,” had this to say editorially : “It may

well be asked, `Why another paper?’ when the broadly libertarian and revolutionary

movement is so ably represented by Socialist publications like the

Freedom, a paper

Revolutionary Age, Liberator, Rebel Worker, Workers World,

others, and the advanced liberal movement by

Tomorrow,

publications are doing excellent work in their several ways, and with much

of that work we find ourselves in hearty agreement .”

[185]

and manyThe Dial, Nation, The Worldand to a lesser degree, the New Republic, and Survey. These

REDS IN AMERICA

The explanation which has been advanced in defense of Mr . De Forest

to the effect that as a busy business and professional man, he hardly has

time to give detailed attention to many activities to which he lends his name,

is a specious one . He alone is responsible for the use of his name .

Among those given as members of the directorate of the National Information

Bureau “representing organized social work” is the familiar one

of Owen R . Lovejoy, general secretary of the National Child Labor Committee

of New York . It should be noted that Lovejoy is secretary of the

Bureau (1921), presumably indicating his lively interest in the work . To

radicals of every hue from the Atlantic to the Pacific, Lovejoy’s name is

always hailed with satisfaction . He was formerly active in the American

Association for Labor Legislation . He is listed in the Lusk Committee

Report as a member of the executive committee of the Civil Liberties Bureau,

of which Roger N . Baldwin was director, this Bureau afterwards merging

into the American Civil Liberties Union, a part of the open or legal

machinery of the Communist party of America . The roster of that Executive

Committee reads more or less like the membership of a New York Local,

among them being : Rabbi Stephen S . Wise, Dr . James P. Warbasse, Rev .

Norman M. Thomas, Agnes Brown Leach, Zona Gale, Max Eastman, Emily

Greene Balch, Oswald Garrison Villard owner of The Nation, Prof. Scott

Nearing, James R. Maurer, Alice Lewisohn, Paul U . Kellog, editor of

The

Survey, Rev. John H. Holmes, Frank Bohn and Jane Addams. Mr. Lovejoy

also wrote the so-called “Dear Gene” letter to Debs at the time when the

latter was sentenced to Atlanta Penitentiary and in which Lovejoy analyzed

his feelings at this event by comparing them with the falling shades of night .

As general secretary of the National Child Labor Committee, he has

been welcomed in at least one High School of the City of New York, where,

after making a speech, he solicited pennies from the students for the support

of the Committee .

In Bulletin No . 8 issued by the National Information Bureau, a list of

the societies approved (1921) is given, and among them are the names of

two, The American Association of Social Workers and the National Child

Labor Committee, of which Lovejoy himself is an official .

In this approved list there are of course many societies and organizations

which are far above criticism both as to their functions and the personnel

of the officials . There are however some which are quite to the

contrary. For instance, approval has been extended to the American Civil

Liberties Union, an important constituent organization in the open legal

machinery of the Communist party of America, for all practical purposes

a continuation of the Old Civil Liberties Bureau of which Lovejoy himself

was a member of the Executive Committee, and an organization which

caused so much anxiety to the Government during the war. Approval has

also been extended in a list of 1923 to the Women’s Trade Union League

of which, as stated, Mrs . Raymond Robins was the organizer and president,

and which was discussed with more than friendly spirit in the documents

seized during the raid on the convention of the Communist party at Bridgman .

As has been shown this organization is a part and not an unimportant one of

[1861

THE LABOR DEFENSE COUNCIL-WOMEN’S CLUBS

the united front of the open legal machinery of the Communist party of America.

The American Association for Labor Legislation has also been approved

in the 1923 list, an organization which has also been considered and of which

Mr. Felix Warburg of the banking firm of Kuhn, Loeb & Co., is or was a

vice-president, along with Miss Lillian Wald, Ernst Freund and Rabbi

Stephen Wise. In the approved list are also societies of all stripes among

them the American Union Against Militarism ; (1921) the American Jewish

Committee, (1923) organized to “protect and prevent the infraction of civil

and religious rights of Jews throughout the world” ; the Federal Council

of the Churches of Christ in America, (1923) of which whole books have

been written ; the Foreign Policy Association, (1923) which stands for “a

liberal and constructive American foreign policy” ; the League to Enforce

Peace, “organized to promote an effective League of Nations with the United

States as a member”, the National Association for the Advancement of

Colored People, (1923) an agitative pro-Soviet organization for propagandizing

negroes ; the National Consumers League, of which Mrs. Florence

Kelly (formerly Wishnewetzky) is the General Secretary, and John R.

Shillady, also on the directorate of the National Information Bureau, is the

executive director ; the Voluntary Parenthood League, which specializes in

the propaganda of birth control, and which from an examination of its personnel

and objectives may be regarded as in the periphery of the radical

movement ; the American Relief for Russian Women and Children of which

the pro-socialist and pacifist, Jane Addams is the chairman ; the Committee

for the Rescue and Education of Russian Children ; the American Jewish

Joint Distribution Committee of which Mr . Felix Warburg is the chairman ;

and many others.

If letterheads are to be believed, the National Information Bureau has

extended within the recent past its seal of approval to the Friends of Soviet

Russia, the open, legal branch of the Communist party of America . It has

also set the seal of its approval on the many constituant organizations of

the Friends of Soviet Russia and also upon the American Committee for

the Relief of Russian Children of which Capt . Paxton Hibben is the executive

secretary, of whom much has already been said .

Information

and correlates is lifeblood to those who are actively engaged in the

work of propaganda, good or bad. “Sucker-lists” such as were uncovered

in the raid upon the convention of the Communist party of America at

Bridgman must be constantly replenished and if a mechanism does not

exist capable of supplying them, it must be organized .

[1871

of the type which the National Information Bureau collects

CHAPTER TWELVE

THE NEGRO PROGRAM

FUTURE PLANS OF COMMUNISTS

The Communists’ earliest program in the United States included the

use of the negro masses in its campaign to bring about the overthrow of

the Government of this country by violence . This program recognized

that the negroes had many grievances, that race hatred was strong among

them, and that they were easily inflamed to violence . Accordingly it

was decided to use them in the great conspiracy . The Left Wing Socialists

and the I . W. W., from which came the nucleus of the Communist party

of America, had drawn no color line and had urged the negroes repeatedly

to meet violence with violence, to “fight back,” and to demand their

“rights” of the Government and of individual whites with threats of uprisings

unless these “rights” were granted. Thus it was that the negro

program became one of the prime vicious plans of the Communists .

During the first year of organized activity by the Communists in the

United States a great deal of attention was paid to the negro question .

A number of educated negroes, most of them from Harvard, were found

sufficiently discontented and sufficiently unbalanced to make good Communists.

They were enlisted in the work and from that time on have been

preaching violence on every occasion . The race riots of 1919 came at

the height of this radicalism among the negroes who were secretly supported

and urged to greater violence by white Communists and the

radical negro leaders. The Communists made capital of these riots and

the coincident racial feeling which was aroused . Soon after this, however,

the Communist leaders turned to other features of the conspiracy against

the Government, and the interest of the mass of negroes waned . But more

recently the Communist leaders, acting under instructions from Moscow,

have again turned their attention to this question, and their activities

have resulted in renewed Communist expression by the negroes, through

their radical press and in committee work among them .

The negroes came back from Europe, and from service in camps in

this country, with renewed desire for betterment . They had also, by their

experience in the Army, learned the use of organized force . The radicals

in this country were quick to seize upon this feeling among the negroes to

preach violence and urge them on to take by force what they wanted. By

every means this class consciousness was cultivated by the radicals, and

later by the Communists. The dissatisfied negroes were aided in starting

[ 189)

REDS IN AMERICA

newspapers devoted to urging the negroes to join the radicals. When the

Communist party appeared the preliminary missionary work among the

negroes had been done in the name of “Bolshevism,” which became a common

term among the negro agitators . Inflammatory cartoons and sketches

appeared in the negro radical press and gradually but surely this press

became Communistic, openly and avowedly . Many of the radical negro

papers are now officially recognized by the secret, illegal Communist party .

One of the most inflammatory cartoons that has appeared in the negro

press, depicted a negro in the uniform of the United States Army standing

armed with sword and rifle on the soil of France, his feet upon a rope that

leads to the background of the picture where the United States of America

is portrayed by a tree, against which is a Statue of Liberty and by which

is a figure of the devil, entitled “Obstruction .” At the negro soldier’s feet

is a large decapitated head of a white man-“Obstruction”-with labels of

“Jim Crow Him”-“Burn Him”-“Lynch Him “-‘*Kill”-“Mob”-“Starve.”

The general caption of this cartoon is, “Must He Carry On?”

Inflammatory reading matter is also furnished to the black readers.

A single paragraph from The Messenger, one of the radical papers for

negroes, reads : “As for social equality, there are about 5,000,000 mulattoes

in the United States . This is the product of semisocial equality . It shows

that social equality galore exists after dark, and we warn you that we expect

to have social equality in the day as well as after dark .”

Communist agents carefully sought out the various negro organizations

in this country, consulted with the leaders, and studied the motives

behind each organization and leader as well as the methods used to attain

the desired end. For several months these organizations were watched and

finally, acting upon the reports of these agents, the Communist party formally

gave approval to the African Blood Brotherhood . This is the most

radical of the negro organizations, and while the door is not barred to others

who may later prove that they are radical enough to unite with the Communists,

this is the only one thus far formally approved . A document

found at Bridgman, after the raid of the illegal Communist Convention,

included “a brief statement of the Program and Aims of the African Blood

Brotherhood .” This began with an enumeration of the aims, eight in all,

which included “a liberated race ; absolute race equality-political, economic,

social ; the fostering of race pride : organized and uncompromising

opposition to Ku Kluxism ; rapprochement and fellowship within the darker

masses and with the class-conscious revolutionary white workers ; industrial

development ; higher wages for negro labor, lower rents ; a united negro

front.” In discussing these aims this statement, which was in the form of

an official report, or thesis, to the Communist party, says :

“A liberated race-in the United States, Africa and elsewhere . Liberated

not merely from political rule, but also from the crushing weight of

capitalism, which keeps the many in degrading poverty that the few may

wallow in stolen wealth.

“Absolute Race Equality. In this question are inextricably bound the

[190]

A n1ULI 1N At LILL Llr;.IUUKAUT

Max Eastman . editor of Liberator and Claude McKay. the negro poet, in attendance

on the Fourth Congress of the Third International at Moscow, February,

1923 . Eastman, whose father and mother were both ordained in the Christian

ministry, especially represents the anti-Christian sentiment among American communists

through the columns of the Liberator, specimen pages of which are reproduced

elsewhere . (Wide ‘World Phctos)

THE NEGRO PROGRAM

issues of political equality, social equality and economic equality . Let

one be denied and the whole principle of racial equality is denied .

“The fostering of race pride by the dissemination of the true facts

concerning the negro’s contributions to modern civilization and the pre .

dominant part played in the ancient world by this great race of ours .

“Organized and uncompromising opposition to the Ku Klux Klan and

all other movements or tendencies inimical to the interests of the negro

masses . To effectively oppose the bigotry and prejudice of the Ku Klux

Klan we must(a) organize the negro masses ; (b) create a strong negro

federation out of the existing organizations that we may present a United

Front ; and (c) for the purpose of fighting the Klan ally ourselves with

all groups opposed by its vicious activities, viz . ; the workers, including

the Jewish and Catholic workers . As, for the purpose of throwing off our

oppression, the enemies of the capitalist system are our natural allies by

virtue of being in the same camp and opposed to the same enemy, so the

enemies of the Klan are our friends in that they fight the foe we fight . The

negro masses must get out of their minds the stupid idea that it is necessary

for two groups to love each other before they can enter into an alliance

against their common enemy . Not love or hatred, but identity of interests

at the moment, dictates the tactics of practical people .

“Rapprochement and fellowship within the darker races and within

the class-conscious and revolutionary white workers . For the purpose of

waging an effective struggle and of weakening our enemies, we must (a)

establish fellowship and coordination of action within the darker masses

and (b) between these masses and the truly class-conscious white workers

who seek the abolition of the capitalist system that oppresses and exploits

alike black and white workers, and must, therefore, necessarily work toward

the same end as we, whether they consciously will to help us or not. By

seeking the abolition of the capitalist states, which are instruments of the

capitalist-imperialists for the exploitation of the workers in the colonies and

at home and the maintenance of the supremacy of the capitalist class, the

class-conscious white workers must perforce contribute to our complete

liberation, even as in 1863 the white workers in the Northern States of the

United States contributed to our partial liberation because of their fight

against the slave power competition of the South, and in fairness to large

masses of revolutionary workers who acknowledge the leadership of the

Third International, it is well to state that the Third International has emphatically

ordered its members to help the darker races and all other oppressed

peoples in their struggles for complete liberation .

“Industrial development along genuine cooperative lines whereby the

benefits will be equally distributed among the masses participating, and

not hogged by a few big stockholders and dishonest and inefficient officials

drawing exorbitant salaries . The African Blood Brotherhood is sternly opposed

to the grafting of individuals and corporation enterprises upon mass

movements for the reasons that (a) such procedure is manifestly dishonest

and misleading . Enterprises supported by mass movements should be of

such a nature as to equally benefit every one in the movement, not merely

[ 191]

REDS IN AMERICA

a handful of officials ; (b) The African Blood Brotherhood does not consider

any commercial enterprise good enough to base the second liberation

movement upon the mere chances of its success or failure . No movement

so based can long survive the collapse of its commercial enterprises. We

believe in fostering and encouraging cooperative enterprises that will bene .

fit the many rather than the few, but without basing the movement upon

them.

“Higher wages for negro labor, lower rents. To gain for negro labor

the full reward of its toil and to prevent capitalist exploitation either on

the job or at the source of supplies we must encourage industrial unionism

among our people and at the same time fight to break down the barriers

which capitalist-stimulated prejudice has created against us in the trade

unions . These barriers are already meeting the attack of the radical and

progressive element among white union men and must eventually give way

before the united onslaught of black and white workers marching to attack

with the stirring slogan :

“‘Workers of the world, unite! You have nothing to lose but your

chains! You have a world to gain!’

“A united negro front with which to oppose the united front of the

white capitalists organized under the guise of chambers of commerce, Ku

Klux Klan, American Legion, American Defense Society, etc . This can

be done only by bringing all negro organizations into a federation with

a program to which any decent negro organization could subscribe . Their

identity could not be lost . Their autonomy practically unimpaired .”

This interesting document was read to the ‘ convention on August 20,

and discussed. A special committee had been previously appointed to consider

the negro question’ and its work and after deliberation drew up on a

single page a program for work by the Communist party, with official approval,

giving an interesting light on the methods employed by the illegal

organization in stirring up strife and cementing radicals. This program

reads as follows :

“Victory of the workers can be achieved only by geniune and effective

solidarity. Such solidarity is impossible of attainment as long as race

antagonism befuddles the minds of the workers, dividing them into hostile

camps, thus rendering them an easy prey to the machinations and tyranny

of their capitalist oppressors .

“Race prejudice is an evil and menaces the workers’ cause . It must,

therefore, be combated resolutely and persistently in all of its baneful forms .

The leaders of the working class must wage a relentless war against race

segregation, disfranchisement, peonage and lynching .

“The negro masses should be led to see the similarity between their

race struggle and the struggle of the entire working class . The white workers,

on the other hand, should be shown that the class struggle of the workers

regardless of race is one great battle against a common enemy, and that to

win, they must support the oppressed races in their struggle against race

[192]

THE NEGRO PROGRAM

persecution and aid them in their fight to secure political, industrial and

social equality, without regard to race, color or creed .

“At the present time, an organization is gaining a foothold in this

country whose avowed purpose is to keep the negro down, and whose unavowed

object is to combat the revolutionary, radical and progressive

elements of the working class . The Ku Klux Klan is a decided menace to

the working class, and especially the negro. This organization is receiving

official recognition in that candidates openly espousing its program are

running for public office. It becomes imperative, therefore, that steps be

taken to expose and fight this organization .

“In order that the negro may be reached with education and propaganda

and that he may be organized for activity, the following methods are recommended:

“1.-Nuclei shall be established in all existing negro organizations,

such as fraternal, religious and labor organizations, cooperatives, tenant

farmers’ leagues, etc.

“2.-Colored organizers and speakers shall be sent among negroes in

order to inform them and win their confidence .

“3.-Newspapers and publications shall be established or, when this

is not feasible, news service shall be established by friendly cooperation with

colored newspapers of liberal tenets .

“4.-Friendship of liberal-minded negro ministers shall be sought, as

these men are at the present time the leaders of the negro masses and many

of them are earnest but lack scientific knowledge .

“5.-Conferences on the economic conditions among negroes shall be

held from time to time with these ministers, educators and other liberal

elements, and through their influence the party shall aim to secure a more

favorable hearing before the negro masses .

“6.-By means of its membership the party shall penetrate the existing

forums, literary societies, lyceums, schools, colleges, teachers’ institutes,

etc., of the colored people, and establish forums of its own for the enlightenment

of the negro population .

“7.-Where other forms of activity are impossible or impracticable,

as in certain Southern districts, cooperatives may be formed .

“8:The party shall penetrate existing anti-Ku Klux Klan organizations

and shall form organizations wherever none exist . As this is one of

the most violent forms of suppression of the negro at the present time,

the formation of such anti-Ku Klux Klan organizations shall be fostered

with all energy .”

As a result of this attitude on the part of the Communist party of

America and the natural desire of the radical negroes who seek limelight

and association with whites, there has been a marked increase in activity

among the negro masses. The agitators are now touring the country, nuclei

are being established in whatever organizations of negroes are found, religious,

political or social, and the red gospel of Communism is being

preached. A similar movement had been carried out just before the race

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REDS IN AMERICA

riots that startled the country a few years ago . An Associated Negro Press

was swung into line to carry inflammatory racial articles to the various

radical negro newspapers . Some of the papers are not actually organs of

the Communists but are trying desperately, by assuming a radical attitude,

to become the recognized organs in order to receive some financial support

from the Communist funds. Recently an editorial was printed in one such

paper, which could ; have no other purpose than to stir up strife exactly as

the Communists wish. This editorial was entitled, “An Eye for an Eye,”

and read in part :

“The truth about conditions in the South is coming out bit by bit .

Lynching must go . The news agencies dare not tell the truth . Back of

every lynching, as expert investigators of lynchings and race riots know,

is a cause traceable to the corrupt moral and political system of the South .

There is hate and poison and venom in every one of us-and it is just

hate and poison and venom! . What Southern negroes should do is

to repay the crackers in their own bloody coin . An eye for an eye and a tooth

for a tooth! Fight and agitate and lynch back,, if need be!”

Another radical negro paper prints an article on “The Passing of the

World Robbers,” referring to the Christian Caucasian races which adopted

“a topsy-turvy philosophy of life, out of harmony with nature,” namely,

the Christian religion . After two thousand years of this, the article says :

“. . . The long road reaches a turn, and indications are that the

hideous nightmare of twenty centuries is drawing to a close . From the

ends of the world the whisper runs that the day of European vandalism is

nearing its end and the children of the Far East, together with such of

Europe’s sons as are susceptible to reform, will again administer the affairs

of mankind and the civilization that was founded upon fraud and deception

will be one with Nineveh and Tyre . Beyond the Carpathians, Russia,

mother of the New Day, sits nursing the Infant Era . . . . World

brigands, humanity greets your passing with a sigh of relief . Good-bye,

good luck, G

you!”

Another paper prints a paragraph, reading, “Hail the Revolution!

Long live the people! Down with the capitalist domination and exploitation

of Africa and Asia! The dawn’s in the East!”

As a result of the Bridgman raid there came to light an interesting

document from Moscow, signed by the “Executive Committee of the Communist

International,” Bukharin, Radek and Kusinen, entitled “Concerning

the Next Tasks of the Communist party of America .” It was carefully

marked “not for publication .” In this document the Communists are instructed

to stir up racial strife, not only among the negroes, but between

nations. It urges the Reds to foment distrust between the American nation

and the British, the Japanese, the French, and between any two or all

four, in the hope that this will lead to war and thus to destruction of

capitalist nations which will open still wider the way for Communism.

They order that the class struggle be continued with increasing intensity

[194]

THE NEGRO PROGRAM

in order, among other things, to relieve the pressure upon Soviet Russia .

They insist that new and more impossible demands be made upon the

Government of the United States, not in the hope of their being granted,

but that may furnish additional grounds for propaganda and attacks upon

the Government and thus intensify the class struggle . Suggestions are made

of subjects upon which the demands may be based and the fight waged .

This document, smuggled by an authorized Soviet courier into this

country for the guidance of the Communists here as commanded from Moscow,

is cleverly constructed, full of suggestive hints, orders the establishment

of what has become the Workers’ party, contains reprimands for

mistakes made by the Communists in the past, and plans for the future.

It was taken to Bridgman by J . Lovestone and reads as follows :

“In the earlier stages, the Communist movement usually lacks the

broad, directing viewpoint from which can be found the guide-posts for

its various steps. Inexperienced Communists, for example, attack imperialism

only in general, in its universal aspect, without exact information

and minute attention to the unique manifestations of imperialism within

the given country . They do not in any way direct their attacks for fhe

purpose of playing up against each other the antagonistic interests of various

imperialistic groups. Also, the representatives of false tendencies in

the labor movement they attack in general terms, with indiscriminate

battle cries having perhaps the desired application to some, but having

in regard to others perhaps the exact opposite of the desired result. In a

word, they strike around with their eyes closed, against all opponents of

Communism in the same manner as against all opponents of their own

narrow Communist groups . They fight as a little sect fights against the

entire outer world.

“Such primitive methods of battle, even when combined with the

greatest zeal and heroism, are not dangerous to the enemies of Communism .

“The Communists begin to be effective in the political struggle only

when they adopt concrete strategic aims for their movement based upon

a thorough examination of the facts . With a determination, purposeful drive

to these aims, with the subjection of every phase of our movement to

this principle, our movement begins to be effective .

In order to assist the American comrades in working out and formulating

their line of action, the Executive Committee of the Communist

International proposes for their examination the following main points :

“L-As the greatest force opposing the proletarian world revolution

appears at the present moment to be the counter-revolutionary world alliance

of American, English, French and Japanese capitalism, it is of vital interest

to the proletarian revolutionary movement to work against the establishment

and consolidation of this alliance, to attack its advocates most

ruthlessly, to cut its tap root, if possible, to disturb its growing unceasingly,

and adroitly to make use of the conflicting interests within it . The narrow

nationalism of the American Japanophobes and Anglophobes is not liberal

or humanitarian nor friendly to labor, and is not in the slightest degree

[195]

REDS IN AMERICA

more acceptable to us than was the attempted bourgeois nationalism of the

League of Nations . And yet, to the extent of its own cupidity, it really

hinders and disturbs the process of uniting the counter-revolutionary forces

in the capitalist world . To the extent that this narrow nationalism (Japanophobia

and Anglophobia) attacks and tends to smash the outside worldrobbers

(and also, let us hope, to smash itself)-to this extent it is doing the

historic work of self-destruction of the capitalist world system ; and in this

work it must not be hindered by us . Therefore, though we will not, in the

role

we will make use of chauvinistic blindness on behalf of the proletarian

revolution .

“2.-Soviet Russia, as the mainspring of the international revolutionary

movement of the proletariat, must be supported in every way . It must

be supported with economic help through the self-sacrifice of the workers

of all countries. And, most of all, it must be helped through the class

struggle of the workers in all capitalist countries against their own bourgeoisies.

The fiercer the class struggle of the American proletariat rages,

the less will be the pressure of the international counter-revolution upon

Soviet Russia . In this respect the Communists must learn how to make use

of the conflicting interests of the various factions of the bourgeoisie, how

to turn the greed of the bourgeoisie for profits, and how to exploit the

various tendencies growing out of greedy speculation, to the advantage

of the Russian Revolution, and thus to the advantage of the proletarian

world revolution .

“3.-The prerequisite of victory for the working class is that the

working class unite itself for the class struggle . To bring about this

unification, isolated action participated in solely by Communists will not

suffice . It is necessary to bring about common mass action of workers

who are not yet Communists . For this purpose the Communists must

penetrate the working masses to the utmost, must work together with them,

must live and fight with them and lead them forward in both major and

minor battles . The uniting of the workers in general class-struggle organizations,

and the joining of the various ones of those organizations into close

relationships-this and not merely to attain Communist purity and perfection

of program-is the task now facing the Communist party of

America. The consciousness of the working masses is naturally very unclear

at this time, half-bourgeois, and undeveloped from the standpoint

of the revolutionary vanguard . But, generally speaking, it will develop

more clearly only during the process of the struggle itself against the

bourgeoisie and through experience in the general class struggle organizations.

“As a matter of course, not all organizationg to which workers belong

can be used as instruments of the proletarian class struggle, just as not

every action of the worker can further the struggle . But the question of

the possibilities of given organizations must be examined and judged on

its own merits in each case. It is unthinkable, for instance, that a colossal

trade union organization such as the American Federation of Labor could

[1961

of social-patriots, help the chauvinists in their predatory ventures,

THE NEGRO PROGRAM

be composed entirely of enemies of the working class, as are such capitalist

organizations as the Ku Klux Klan or the various professional strikebreaking

bodies . Here a distinction must always be made between the

reactionary, traitorous leadership and the unconsciously petty-bourgeoisminded

mass which we have to win. And just so, one must not consider

any mass movement of the unemployed, no matter how primitive, faltering

and unclear, as being hopelessly and permanently under bourgeois influence .

The general elections, in which hundreds of thousands of workers take part,

cannot be rejected as being merely a peaceful movement with which the

Communists will have nothing to do . Further, certain mass organizations,

which not only are not communistic, but are not proletarian in composition,

must be utilized by Communist strategy for the benefit of the proletarian

class struggle . As, for instance, the existing mass movements of small farmers

(who are, in a sense, semi-proletarian), and even movements of

middle-class farmers under some circumstances. Another instance is the

negro mass movement for racial betterment, which movement often attempts

deliberately to avoid proletarian class character but must include

great masses of toilers . Communist strategy must utilize these movements

as auxiliary forces, or, at least, must win them to benevolent neutrality in

the class war.

“4.-In the present period of the dissolution of the capitalist system,

the most important tasks of the Communists of all capitalist countries is

the revolutionizing of the proletarian class struggle . The fighting proletariat

is to be led from one stage to another in the revolutionizing

process by means of suitable slogans . They must help the proletariat to free

itself from the illusions and false traditions that limit its vision and fetter

its activities and to counteract the fossilizing influence of the trade union

bureaucracy . One must organize the proletariat for the historic training

school, in which it will learn to become the conqueror of capitalism .

“Only the Communist party can do this. The organization and training

of the Communist party as leader of the revolutionary movement is,

therefore, the fundamental task of the Communists .

“The Communists must now take the lead in the struggle against the

reduction of wages . This struggle, in its various forms, is especially

adapted for uniting the largest masses of workers in one organization for

the common struggle . The conservative labor leaders will find themselves

placed in a most difficult position through this struggle, where they

will soon be forced plainly to unmask their cowardly wobbling and their

treacherous

the struggling workers . In America almost nothing has been done so far

in this direction, but it must be done thoroughly before one can ever think

of the victory of the working class in the revolutionary struggle .

“The organization of the unemployed is an equally important and difficult

task. In this movement, just as much as in all other minor battles, the

Communists must select their slogans_ according to the circumstances, and

intensify them as much as possible, from the immediate needs of the

day to the general worker’s control of capital-industry . Right now they

role, and where they will bring upon themselves the wrath of

[197]

REDS IN AMERICA

must make a special demand for state support of the unemployed out of the

military budget.

“The Communist party must remember that it is not its purpose to

reform the capitalist state . The purpose of the Communist is, on the contrary,

to cure the working masses of their reformistic illusions, through

bitter experience . Demands upon the state for immediate concessions to the

workers must be made, not after the fashion of the Social-Democratic

parties, which try to make those demands within the limits which the

state can grant them while retaining its strength intact . Communist demands

for immediate concessions to the workers are formulated, not to be `reasonable’

from the point of view of capitalism, but to be reasonable from

the point of view of the struggling workers, regardless of the state’s

power to grant them without weakening itself . Thus, for instance,

a demand for payment out of the Government treasury, of full union

standard wages for millions of unemployed workers is highly reasonable

from the point of view of the unemployed workers but damaging from

the point of view of the capitalistic state and the capitalistic wage competition

which the state defends.

“We suggest a few examples of the type of demands that may be made .

It must be clearly understood that those are merely examples for illustration,

and are not binding, nor are they to be concretely regarded even as

advised by the Comintern .

“1.-That all combinations or agreements having the purpose of reducing

the rate of wages or the purpose of common action against labor

organizations, shall be made in law a criminal conspiracy.

“2.-That no injunction shall be issued against workers for activities

toward raising the rate of wages or reducing the hours of labor .

“3.-A constitutional amendment forbidding such laws as the Kansas

Industrial Court Law .

“4.-A constitutional provision guaranteeing the unlimited right of

peaceful picketing.

“5.-For disarming of all private detective cops in strike regions, or

elsewhere. All organizations for the purpose of forming armed bodies

to engage in activities against strikers to be declared criminal conspiracy .

“6.-That no process of law, criminal or otherwise shall be allowed

forcibly to detain any regularly elected labor union official from his

union duties during the process of a labor dispute .

“7.-Constitutional amendment forbidding the use of military or naval

forces in any matter connected with a labor dispute .

“8.-Legal provision for the maintenance of order in strike regions

by the appointment of members of the labor unions involved, such members

to be nominated by the labor organizations, and armed from the public

supplies for the purpose of maintaining order during the period of the

strike.

“9 .-Constitutional provision abolishing the United States Labor Board

and prohibiting the Executive to interfere in labor disputes .

“10.-Favoring a close alliance of the United Mine Workers of

[1981

THE NEGRO PROGRAM

America with the railroad brotherhoods and all other unions, for common

action to raise the standard of living of all workers in both industries .

“11.-General amnesty for all persons imprisoned as a result of strikes

or other incidents of the labor struggle . General amnesty for all persons

convicted of crime in any way relating to the labor movement, or into whose

criminal trial any evidence was offered against the defendant regarding the

latter’s views of the class struggle or political views . General amnesty for

all prisoners convicted of political offences .

“12.-For the Plumb plan, amended to give labor a majority of

directors .

“13.-Immediate bonus of $500 to every soldier or sailor enlisted in

the United States forces during the World War ; $1000 to those having

been granted wound stripes . A payment of $5000 (in addition to all

payments otherwise provided for) to the dependent of every soldier or

sailor who died in the service during the war period . Funds for this

purpose to be taken from military and naval budgets, respectively .

“14.-For the unrestricted rights of soldiers and sailors to organize

in unions . Immunity for all grievance committees of private soldiers

or sailors . No private soldier or sailor to be judged by a court-martial

except composed entirely of private soldiers or sailors elected for the purpose

within the military unit concerned.

“15..-Absolute prohibition of foreclosures upon farm property for

debts .

“16.-For national credit, to the full value of his farm, to every

farmer holding less than $20,000 worth of farm property, the money to be

advanced out of the national treasury at interest to cover the cost of

the loan transaction.

“17.-For national credit, to the full extent of their holdings, to

all farm cooperatives, on the same basis .

“18.-National monopoly, and operation at cost, of all grain elevators

except those in the hands of bona fide farmers’ cooperatives, or which in

future may be established by such organizations .

“19.-The liquidation of the Ku Klux Klan, invoking the criminal’

conspiracy laws in prosecuting all persons connected with the organization .

“20.-Condemnation of the Washington Conference as a preparation for

a new World War. Condemnation of the imperialistic partitioning of the

Far East and other regions for exploitation .

“21.-Warning of World War to grow out of secret and other arrangements

made in Washington Conference, condemnation of this in advance

as imperialistic War .

“22.-For the immediate recognition and unrestricted trade with Soviet

Russia. For the re-establishment of postal agreement with Russia .

“These and other similar demands must be considered only as starting

points for broader, sharper, more universal slogans . In their agitation

the Communists must point out that the problems will not be solved through

these measures, but that we support these demands of the masses so that

the very course of events itself may unmask the capitalist state and the

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REDS IN AMERICA

opponents of the working class, and prove to the masses the necessity of

the final struggle for power against the capitalist state itself . In this

unmasking process, the Communist must make use of every device to

discredit the opposition . At times they must develop a direct attack, brand

every mistake, every crime, every refusal of the demands of the toiling

masses and constantly demonstrate the solidarity and identity of the capitalist

class with the capitalist state .

“The Communists must participate as revolutionists in all general

election campaigns, municipal, state and congressional, as well as presidential

. Not in the same manner as the social-traitors and centrists,

not in order to avoid violent revolution and substitute parliamentary

activity for revolution, but, on the other hand, in order to use even the

election campaigns to revolutionize the workers and lead them forward,

to sharpen their class consciousness and to bring them together and unite

them under Communist leadership . Class conscious, courageous and wise

Communists, as elected representatives of the worker, can always find

the possibility in the various institutions of the bourgeois state, in one

way or another, to give effective object lessons to revolutionize the working

class . Besides the Communist party can conceal its underground apparatus

and develop it very effectively within the outer framework of the legal

campaign organization and the election activities .

“In all these minor struggles, as well as in the final revolutionary

battle of the proletariat, the party organization must be the leader of the

struggling workers .

“Its weapons are manifold and vary, according to the situation, from

entirely legal propaganda, from election campaigns, from modest movements

for increase of wages and from peaceful demonstrations to the revolutionary

strike and to the various forms of revolutionary class struggle .

“In agitation and propaganda Communists cannot be satisfied with

mere dogmatic presentation of Communist principles of the propagandizing

of the armed struggle under all circumstances . They must not permit themselves

to appear to the masses as fanatic bomb enthusiasts who know nothing

about the realities of life . They must understand how to lead the working

masses from the struggle for the satisfaction of their first concrete needs

on to such a battle that the struggling masses themselves will begin to believe

in success and victory .

“The legal party press is under all circumstances a most important

weapon to the Communist party . Just as the political movement of the

workers of America has remained very backward in regard to matters of

organization, so the revolutionary labor press is also as yet very weak .

Its development is at the present moment the most urgent task of the party .

As long as the party does not possess at least one or two legal dailies in

the English language it is still crawling around on all fours . The party

must do everything in its power in order to secure decided influence and

direct or indirect control over as many existing papers of various labor

organizations as possible . Especially it must try to win control over the

THE NEGRO PROGRAM

labor union press . In addition, the party must publish an illegal official

organ .

“All good possibilities of both the legal and illegal activities must

be utilized by the party energetically. He who wants to liquidate the

illegal activities is no Communist at all, and neither is that type of conspirator

who does not want to know anything about legal activities .

“Under existing circumstances it is impossible for the Communist party

in the United States to be a legal party . Of course the party can develop

open labor organizations . It can even build a legal revolutionary workers’

organization . It can even also launch a legal revolutionary Labor party .

It must launch also such legal party, with the purpose that the Communists

can openly enter its ranks without permitting the police to know which

of the members are Communists and which are not . But the underground

organization whose membership consists entirely of Communists must not

be liquidated. On the contrary, it must be built ever firmer and stronger .

It must guide and control the legal revolutionary party through its members.

Every Communist, that is, every member of the underground party,

must submit to an iron discipline and must act in accordance with the

directions of the leading organs of the underground party in all legal as

well as illegal activities .

“As a matter of course, all real Communists in the United States

will subscribe to this . The Executive of the Communist International knows

that the Minority of the Party Executive does not deny the advisability

of taking advantage of legal opportunities, although this Minority opposes

the rapid and energetic procedure of the Majority in founding the legal

revolutionary party. The distinction is, in the judgment of the Executive

Committee of the Comintern, without good ground . The fact that the

Party Executive is proceeding rapidly and energetically with the formation

of the legal party organization is not a fault . It would have been a fault to

wait with the launching of the legal party until the underground organization

had developed `sufficient strength .’ The development of the underground

organization can best be furthered through these very activities

of its members in the ranks of the legal party . Historic progress is not

such a simple matter as to leave us the liberty first to complete the development

of the underground party apparatus, and only then to begin the

building of the legal party organization . In this manner the very best

opportunities for the launching of the legal party would be lost .

“The centrists would have a free field for their efforts at founding

an independent opportunist party. This opportunity must not be left to

them. The Communist party must take the initiative in the formation of

the new legal party and must take the control firmly into its own hands .

It must be careful to assure itself the actual control over all the leading

organs of the legal party . For this reason the legal organization must take

the permanent form of a party organization. Some other loose organization

form would be very much more difficult to control and to guide . Furthermore,

the development of a solidly organized legal party, in which members

of the Communist party have at least the majority on all important com

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mittees, will make possible the control of still other anti-capitalistic organizations

through this legal party .

“For the foregoing reasons we draw your attention to the following

for your guidance :

“1. The Communist party of America is as yet far from having satisfactory

connections with the masses . The means of contact must be constructed

with the greatest possible speed .

“2. Connection with the masses essentially implies a public operation .

Secret operations, even with the widest possible ramifications, cannot be

satisfactory mass operations .. The means of public contact with the masses

must be principally :

“a.-A legal press, including at least one daily English legal newspaper,

acting with the necessary disguise as a central party organ .

“b.-Organized grouping of sympathizers within the trade unions .

“c-An overground political party .

“3 . Certain indispensable accompaniments to the highest developed

capitalist form of society leaves weaknesses in the capitalist structure that

have to be taken advantage of by a Communist party of action . The

Government of the United States will not now permit a `Communist Party’

to exist but it is compelled to permit `parties’ to exist in an almost unrestricted

variety, for the purpose of its own preservation . The capitalist

class builds its regime upon the rock foundation the mass illusion-that

social questions are solved in the sphere in which these parties operate .

The state attempts, wherever it can, to exclude a truly proletarian revolutionary

party from the public field . It attempts first, to exterminate the

revolutionary party into subservience to capitalist law which makes revolution

impossible, or third, at least to confine the revolutionary party’s

operations to the narrow sphere that can be reached secretly.

“A Communist party must defeat all these attempts . It must not be

exterminated . It must unequivocally refuse to obey capitalist law, and

must urge the working class to the violent destruction of the entire legal

machinery . It is equally the duty of a Communist party to defeat by any

means that may be necessary, the capitalist government’s attempt to confine

the revolutionary party to the underground channels in which it is even

more concealed from the masses than it is from the government .

“4. The program of the legal party will have to be somewhat

restricted. Special measures and slogans which, while not stating the

illegal Communist purpose, will objectively have the revolutionary effect

upon the masses, must be adopted . The Legal party must at all times, go

as far toward the Communist program as possible while continuing a legal

existence .

“5. The entire membership of the underground party, the real Communist

party, must join the open party and become its most active element .

Communist party members must, at all times, hold the positions of leadership

in the Legal party . In addition to the entire Communist party membership,

the Legal party should admit to its ranks the more advanced workers

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THE NEGRO PROGRAM

who accept the principle of the class struggle, and the abolition of capitalism

through the establishment of the workers’ power . Working class organizations

that subscribe to these principles can be admitted to or affiliated

with the Legal party, as a body, within the judgment of the central

executive committee of the Communist party.

“6. The Executive of the Communist International has resolved to

support the position of the majority of the Central Executive Committee

of the Communist Party of America in favor of the immediate construction

of a legal political party on a national scale, which will act as an instrument

of the illegal Communist party for participation in legal activities,

such as electoral campaigns, etc . The executive of the Comintern takes this

position after having been informed that the Minority of the Executive

Committee of the Communist party of America accepts `in principle’ the

tactic of the legal work of various sorts at the present time, but rejects the

tactic of the immediate construction of a legal political party on a national

scale with the Communist party membership as its nucleus . The ruling of

the Communist International must be accepted as obligating every member

of the Communist party of America, minority or majority, to work

diligently in the immediate construction of a legal political party . As a

rule, party members who fail to participate whole-heartedly in the legal

work, or who sabotage that work must leave the party .

“7 . But in carrying out these instructions, the party must guard itself

against the tendency to repudiate or neglect the illegal work-the tendency

to become legal in fact as well as in outward appearance . This tendency

will be found especially among `intellectual’ party members who have

little experience in the brutal physical phases of the class struggle to

which the rank and file workers are always exposed, but from which the

intellectuals engaged in legal political work are sometimes shielded . Upon

finding themselves in the easier life of legal activities, many will forget that

no matter what manoeuvres may be made upon the public stage, the final

class struggle must be, until its end, a brutal fight of the physical force .

A certain element of the party membership will inevitably forget this fundamental

principle (which no humble worker in the class struggle is allowed

to forget) and will come forward with naive proposals for liquidating

the illegal machinery of the party. Such tendency is very dangerous to a

proletarian revolutionary party. The actual liquidation of the underground

party would mean the liquidation of the revolutionary movement . Party

members who persist in such a view must be ruthlessly expelled from

the illegal party .

“8. The underground organization of the Communist party must not

sink into disuse, but, on the contrary, must constantly extend its illegal

machinery further and further, in proportion to the growth of the illegal

party . While coming out in the open, the Communist party must not make

the mistake of being trapped in the open by exposing its national or district

Communist party headquarters, records or illegal machinery, its underground

printing arrangements or the personnel of its Central Executive

Committee . The central executive committee headquarters (of the party

REDS IN AMERICA

proper) must continue to be guarded in secrecy (and even the problem of

redoubling its security from discovery should be constantly studied) . The

underground machinery of the Communist party is not merely for emergencies,

but for constant and permanent use . Down to the lowest unitthe

group of ten-every branch and stem of the party structure must

continue to keep its secret addresses and meeting places and to use these in

constant underground functioning . Every member, no matter what his work

is in the legal party, must also perform his duties in the underground

organization .

“9. The party underground press must continue . The means of publishing

unknown to and in spite of the capitalist authorities must be always

kept in hand and in use . Under bourgeois rule, no matter how `liberarl’

it may be, a Communist party must never relinquish its facilities for underground

press and, under the circumstances now prevailing in the United

States, the active functioning of the underground press cannot be abated . But

it would be foolish to print any considerable amount of literature underground

that could be printed legally . The legal political party will be able

to take upon itself the printing of a large portion of the literature that is

not definitely illegal . It may also be made sponsor for a great many legal

Communist newspapers . Legal newspapers must form a very large part

of the work of a mass party. The illegal press must carry the propaganda

that the legal press cannot carry, thus making sure that the full Communist

message is made clear at all times .

“10. The intellectual workers in these legal institutions of the party

must be subject to the same discipline, wage scale and regulations as underground

party workers. It must always be remembered that the real revolutionary

party-the American section of the Third International-is the Communist

party of America and that the Legal party is but an instrument

which it uses to’ better carry on its work among the masses . Only through

membership in the American Section-the Communist party of Americacan

American workers become members of the Communist International .

“Dear Comrades : It would be entirely useless to quarrel over the question

whether extensive or intensive methods are preferable in your Communist

work. You must learn how to make a practical combination of both

of these methods under all circumstances . Unite for your common work, not

for the liquidation of either the legal or illegal revolutionary activity but

for the liquidation of the really damaging liquidation tendencies of the

labor movement.

“It is, as a matter of course, very necessary that-you make all preparation

in your underground party convention for the public convention at

which the legal Revolutionary Party is to be launched . But before as well

as after the party convention the minority members of the party executive

must submit to the decision of the majority loyally and without question .

Without this party discipline, Communist party activities are impossible .

The Party Central Committee must, of course, understand how to train the

party membership sensibly and practically for the observance of the party

THE NEGRO PROGRAM

discipline and, generally, for the centralization of party activities . It must

understand and it must constantly learn still better how to lead the entire

organization. On the other hand, it is the duty of every member to support

the authority of the party executive . It is foolish and harmful, for instance

if factional opposition accuses the party executive of oppressing the foreign

language organizations . You must make an end of such accusations, comrades.

“We hope that in your coming party convention, all of you will give

evidence, in your resolutions and actions, of firm, organic unity, and that

your party will prove its ability to measure up to the great responsibilities

that stand before it .

“With Communist greetings,

“Executive Committee of the Communist International .

“(Signed) N. BUKHARIN,

K. RADEK,

O. W. KUSINEN,

Secretary .”

(205]

CHAPTER THIRTEEN.

PRESENT STATUS OF THE BRIDGMAN CASES

After a number of delays and postponements the first of the cases arising

out of the Bridgman raid, that of William Z. Foster, was called at St . Joseph,

Michigan, March 12, 1923. Nearly the first week was devoted to securing

a jury . The trial ended on April 6th . After being out a little over 31

hours, the foreman advised the court it would be impossible to arrive at a

decision and the jury was discharged . It had stood six to six from the first

ballot.

The second case, that of Charles E . Ruthenberg, was called for trial

April 16th . Less time was required to secure a jury and less time, in the

trial of the case . The jury after being out for a few hours returned a verdict

of guilty . The defendant filed notice of an appeal and pending decision

of the Supreme Court, was admitted to bail . The main contention upon

which appeal was based was that the criminal syndicalist law of Michigan,

under which Ruthenberg was found guilty, is unconstitutional . Up to this

time, (February 1st, 1924) the Supreme Court has not handed down its

decision .

The question has often been asked “Why was conviction secured in

the case of Ruthenberg and not in the case of Foster?”

The State probably had the weakest case against Foster than it did

against any of the defendants. In the first place, Foster was not arrested

on the ground but was arrested later in his Chicago offices . He insisted

then, and on the witness stand, that he was not a member of the Communist

party and Ruthenberg, who was on the stand as a witness in Foster’s defense,

swore Foster was not a member of that organization . It was shown by

evidence that while Foster was at the Bridgman convention held by the

State to have been an illegal gathering under the law, and took part in the

proceedings by making an address, he left the convention before the adoption

of the resolution which the State largely depended upon to show the

character and purpose of the meeting .

To understand the contentions of the prosecution, the following from

the open statement of Hon . 0. L. Smith, assistant attorney general for

Michigan who headed the State’s counsel is

“That the members of the jury may have clearly in mind at the outset

of this case, the fact issues involved in the prosecution, I desire to make a

statement, as short as possible, of the facts upon which the prosecution

will ask the conviction of the defendant, William Z . Foster . I wish to call

attention to the statute under which this prosecution is brought . Criminal

apropos. Mr. Smith said :

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syndicalism is defined as the doctrine which advocates crime, sabotage,

violence or other unlawful methods of terrorism as a means of accomplishing

industrial or political reforms . Advocacy of this doctrine is the crime

prohibited by the statute . Under the statute it is our contention that this

prohibited doctrine may be advocated :

“First, by word of mouth or writing ;

“Second, by printing, publishing, editing, knowingly circulating, books,

papers, documents or written matter in any form containing and advocating

the prohibited doctrine ;

“Fourth ; by organizing, helping to organize, become a member of, or

voluntarily assembling with, any society, group or assemblage of persons

formed to teach and advocate the prohibited doctrine .

“It is under the fourth mentioned of advocacy of this prohibited illegal

doctrine, that the defendant William Z . Foster, is charged with violating

the Michigan law .”

The defense took the position and brought evidence to sustain that

position, that Foster, was not a member of the Communist party of America

which taught the proscribed doctrine ; that he was’ not a delegate to this

convention ; that he was there as an invited guest and to make an address ;

and that the reason for his accepting the invitation and making the address

was to secure the support of the gathering for his magazine Labor Herald .

Further, that Foster’s whole work was in the interest of the working people ;

that he had been recognized as an able leader of the wage-earners, and to

sustain this, considerable stress was laid on the fact that he headed the

organization of the steel workers for the American Federation of Labor

and was put in charge of the activities of that organization when the strike

was called .

Again, the State up to the taking of testimony, was deceived as to the

probable nature of the defense. For some weeks previous to the calling of

the case, the defense had taken a large number of depositions throughout

the country, all of which were to sustain the allegation that the raid and

finding of the illegal and incriminating documents was a “‘frame-up” on the

part of the government and private detective agencies . Much publicity was

given to all these depositions. However, when the case was called, no such

depositions were offered in evidence, and the defence based its whole case

on the grounds that Foster was not a member of the Communist party that

even if he was, the Communist party was not an illegal organization but

was merely a group of people who believed in carrying government ownership

to its ultimate conclusion, that is, the “socialization” of all industries .

The defense took special care to leave the impression that in the “socialization”‘

process, the lands of the small farmers were not to be involved .

This was done because a majority on the jury were farmers . The defense

laid great stress on the fact that the prosecution was only “persecution of a

well known labor leader .” The contention, no doubt, had great weight

with a number of the jurors .

Then again there was a woman on the jury . This is not to question

[2081

PRESENT STAT’U?S OF THE BRIDGMAN CASES

the honesty or integrity of this woman juror but she was evidently more or

less emotional . Her sympathies were successfully aroused . She was made

to believe that Foster was a high-minded person, working at great personal

sacrifice, to aid the “struggling masses .” From her training, her environment,

her surroundings, her innate honesty of purpose, she was unable to

grasp from the mass of testimony that Foster was heading a great conspiracy

against civilization and Christianity . Because of her high-mindedness, she

was wholly incapable of grasping the fact that here could be such a conspiracy.

The prosecution was not as well versed in communism, its purposes,

methods plans and ideas, as was the defense . This enabled the defense,

often skillfully, to steer shy of dangerous grounds and avoid the injection

of dangerous utterances . The rather verbose and weighty language employed

by the average communist writer went over the heads of a large

number of the jurors . One must not overlook the fact that the jury was

composed of twelve honest, sincere, loyal persons whose contact with the

world had not been sufficiently extensive to enable them to grasp the seriousness

of the plans proposed by Communism. Being honest themselves, being

loyal and patriotic, they could not be made to understand the utter dishonesty

and disloyalty of those who were guiding the destinies of the Communist

party and all of its allied movements .

In view of these facts, that there was a “hung jury” in the Foster case,

is not surprising . It had not progressed two days in the taking of testimony,

until it was the unanimous belief at the press table that a “hung

jury” would result.

With but a week intervening the case of Charles E . Ruthenberg was

called. Here the evidence was stronger for the prosecution . Ruthenberg

was arrested on the grounds . He admitted he was not only a member but

an official of the Communist party of America, and while he disclaimed

any purpose to change the government by “force, violence and acts of

terrorism” he clearly indicated by his rather frank method of testifying,

that he believed a “revolution” would be necessary to establish communism .

The jury composed largely of farmers was a most intelligent body of

men. They were alert ; were not swayed by emotions and were ready to

render their decision on the facts as they gained them from the evidence, and

in accord with the law as laid down by the judge .

In the Ruthenberg case the State was acquainted with the character of

the defense . It had found the weak points of the defense in the Foster

trial, and through more complete examination of the documents secured

in the raid, was able to present this incriminating evidence in a manner

which was more intelligible to the jury . As stated, the result was a conviction

of Ruthenberg after a few hours .

In both cases the State was ably represented by Hon . O. L. Smith,

Assistant Attorney General ; Charles W . Gore, Country Prosecuting Attorney ;

Charles Bookwalter, Assistant County Prosecuting Attorney, and Max Burger,

a government expert on the doctrines of Communism, and whose knowledge

of this subject was a material aid to the State . Credit should also

[2091

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be given to the government agents who took part in the raid and were

called as witnesses for the State . Special credit should go to Frank Morrow,

known as “K 97,” whose cleverness enabled him to become an accredited

delegate to this Convention and who was able to convey information to the

government that the meeting was to occur . The raid and prosecutions

followed.

[2101

CHAPTER FOURTEEN

THE SHORTCOMINGS OF OUR LAWS

An effort has been made to show, from documents of the Communist

party of America and the “legal” branches of this organization, in what

manner the Communist International of Moscow is endeavoring to bring

about the overthrow of the Government of the United States by force of

arms, and to what extent this conspiracy has progressed . There can be

no misreading the aims and objects of this conspiracy, for the documents

themselves frequently refer to the necessity for using “armed force,” to

“armed insurrection,” and to “violence” as the only means of attaining the

end at which the Communists aim. The endeavor has also been made to

show that many non-Communist organizations and individuals have aided

and are aiding the movement through agitation, through contribution of

funds, toward supporting trouble-makers and interfering with efforts to

suppress radicalism .

The Communist party of America has been declared officially to be an

illegal organization . Because of this it has been necessary for this party to

hold its annual conventions in secret, hiding in the woods, as was the case

at Bridgman, with lookouts posted to give warning of the approach of officers

of the law . It has been necessary to use codes for communicating with

one another in order to escape detection, and for each member of the illegal

organization to have and use a fictitious name in order that identities may

not be known. In view of the facts as they are known and provable with

unimpeachable evidence, the question has naturally arisen, why doesn’t the

Government wipe out this nest of vipers? The answer is simple, the Government

has no power to do so .

The Communists and radicals of every hue, seek refuge under the very

laws they deride ; they appeal to the laws they are trying to overthrow for

protection from punishment for violations of those laws . Certain senators

and members of Congress, certain judges on the bench, even on the Federal

bench, and countless citizens of no official position, obsessed with the theory

of “free speech,” are unable, or unwilling, to recognize the difference between

free speech and a conspiracy to overthrow the Government by armed

revolution . Bills introduced in Congress are killed by an opposition which

suddenly develops when any proposal is made to give the officers of the

law adequate authority to protect the Government from conspiracies to effect

its downfall. The Communists boast that they have members of Congress

working for them and that they can prevent the passage of laws designed to

curb radical activities . Senators are threatened with being reported to

[ 21 1 ]

REDS IN AMERICA

Moscow unless they act thus and so . And known Communists go to

Washington with perfect immunity and consult with senators and congressmen

in their offices at the Capitol .

Members of the Government at Washington and representatives of the

people in both branches of Congress have known of the inadequacies of

the laws ever since Red Radicalism first raised its head in this country .

Loyal officials and earnest congressmen have made recommendations and

introduced bills looking to the strengthening of laws of the country in order

that this international blight might be prevented from finding root in the soil

of the United States. And these recommendations have been ignored and

these bills have been killed.

It will be a surprise to most loyal Americans to know that anyone, provided

he be an American citizen, may manufacture a bomb in the city of

Washington, (or in any other Federal territory), take that bomb and walk

down Pennsylvania avenue announcing to all who will hear, that he intends

to blow up the Capitol as a part of a project looking toward the overthrow

of the United States Government, and have committed no crime beyond

disturbance of the peace, a municipal police regulation . What is more, he

may actually blow i :p the Capitol and destroy it, all the while proclaiming

his purpose as a means of violently overthrowing the Government-and all

he can be arrested or prosecuted for is destruction of Government property .

This is legally the same offense that may be committed by any boy throwing

a stone through the window of a Government building . For there is no

Federal law which will touch an American citizen who joins the Communist

party and endeavors to carry out the purposes of that ‘organization-the

overthrow of this Government by force and violence.

If an alien does the same thing he may be deported under the existing

laws. Or rather, the law provides for his deportation, but by a curious

twist of the law even the alien is saved from punishment . For the same

law that provides for his deportation also specifies that before being deported

he must be provided with a passport approved by the representative

in the United States of the country to which he is to be deported . And as

no country wants radicals who aim at the destruction of all so-called “capitalist”

countries, the securing of a passport for the accused alien is difficult

and often impossible . For example, England and France have refused to

permit their nationals, those who are Communists, to be dumped upon their

shores by the United States ; and even Russia, after a hectic experience with

the shipload of Reds deported on the Buford, refuses to accept any more of

that brand. So, it is seen, the law which provides for the deportation of

aliens also forbids, in effect, their deportation .

The law under which the Government functions in the handling of this

situation today is Section 6 of the Criminal Code, which reads :

“If two or more persons in any State or Territory, or in any place

subject to the jurisdiction of the United States, conspire to overthrow, put

down, or to destroy by force the Government of the United States, or to

levy war against them, or to oppose by force the authority thereof, or by

force to prevent, hinder or delay the execution of any law of the United

[2121

THE SHORTCOMINGS OF OUR LAWS

States contrary to the authority thereof, they shall each be fined not more

than five thousand dollars, or imprisoned not more than six years, or both .”

This law would seem, at a casual reading, to be sufficient to enable

the Government to crush the conspiracy of the Communists, for example,

which aims at the destruction “by force” of “the Government of the United

States.” But many times courts have interpreted this section of the Criminal

Code to mean that an overt act against the Government must be committed

before any offence has been perpetrated. Therefore, the conspirators in the

woods at Bridgman, Mich ., who were met in secret convention to plot the

overthrow of the Government would be considered, under these interpretations

of the law, to have been entirely within their rights . Fortunately,

however, a number of States, and Michigan is one of them, have stringent

anti-syndicalist laws to protect the Government of the United States which

seems unable to get a law through Congress to protect itself.

Some of the men arrested in connection with the Bridgman secret, illegal

convention, notably Ruthenberg and Foster, have repeatedly referred

to the typewriters and mimeograph machines as the weapons the Michigan

authorities captured at Bridgman and slurringly asked if it were thought

they were planning to overthrow the Government with those “weapons .”

And yet one of the results of the late war in Europe was the tremendous

increase in the use of propaganda as a weapon . It was used by the Communists

to destroy the efficiency of the army of Russia under the Czar, and

is being used today by the Communists to influence even the highest officials

of this Government so that the danger of Communism will not be understood

or appreciated. Propaganda is now recognized by military authorities as

a distinct and very potent military tactic . Our own military authorities

assign it a definite place in the category of warfare, beside gas, liquid fire

and other methods which had to be combated in the World War . The Italian

campaign, the retreat of the demoralized Italian, armies, was the definite result

first of a weakening of morale affected by carefully planned and cleverly

placed propaganda .

One of the features of the operation of the laws under which the Government

is striving to counteract or crush the Communist movement is the

confusion of authority . The immigration question comes under the Department

of Labor ; undersirable aliens may be kept out by the immigration

authorities legally, and a few are so kept out . The passport problem is in

the hands of the State Department, which may refuse to grant a passport

to whomever it pleases ; and it sometimes does refuse passports . The Treasury

Department has to do with smuggling, and the Post Office Department has

to do with the mails and their misuse by radicals . The Department of Justice

is the legal branch of the Government, to be called upon for advice

and information. But there is no law that compels one department to ask

for the records of the Reds, native and foreign, before they are admitted,

or granted passports, or tried for the misuse of the mails or for smuggling .

In fact, it has happened frequently that Americans and aliens have been

permitted to go freely about their plotting against the Government, armed

with passports, admitted freely by the immigration authorities, when in the

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REDS IN AMERICA

various files of the different departments was enough evidence, if collected

and used, to convict the man or woman affected of nearly every crime short

of murder-and sometimes actually of murder . Communists have no

trouble getting passports to use going back and forth to Moscow . These

passports are frequently forged and used by other messengers of the Communists

. The Department of Justice must have a vast amount of information

regarding the activities of individuals connected with the Communist party

of America and its information is available to other departments of the

Government if asked for ; but there have been cases, it is reported, where

even after information has been furnished upon such request it has not been

regarded .

Many times efforts have been made to strengthen the law so that the

Government could handle the Red menace effectively without waiting for

bombs to be exploded or persons slain . Almost invariably such efforts have

come to nought because of opposition in Congress and because of the activity

of the propagandists of the Communist party and of those whose work directly

plays into the hands of the Communists . Lawyers loving limelight

have a habit of appearing and defending “free speech” which with them

means nothing but unrestrained license . Hundreds of people rally to fight

any bill that has a patriotic motive back of it, such as a measure designed

to prevent the overthrow or the attempt to overthrow this Government by

violence . Such was the fate of the Sterling bill, which passed the Senate but

was defeated in the House . The writer holds no brief for this particular

bill, but many loyal lawyers have studied it carefully trying to find a reason

why any real red blooded American would oppose it . But it was opposed so

strenuously that it was defeated in the House of Representatives . It was

entitled, “A bill to prohibit and punish certain seditious acts against the

Government of the United States and to prohibit the use of the mails for

the purpose of prompting such acts,” and read as follows :,

`Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United

States of America in Congress assembled, That it shall be unlawful for any

reason to advocate or advise the overthrow, or to write, or knowingly to

print, publish, utter, sell, or distribute any document, book, circular, paper,

journal, or other written

advised the overthrow, by force or violence, or by physical injury to person

or property, of the Government of the United States or all government, or

advise or advocate a change in the form of Government or the Constitution

of the United States or resistance to the authority thereof by force or violence

or by physical injury to person or property ; and it shall be unlawful

for any person by force or violence to prevent, hinder or delay the execution

of any law of the United States or the free performance of any of its

officers, agents, or employees, or of his or their public duty, or to attempt

by force or violence to overthrow the Government of the United States .

“Sec. 2. That the display or exhibition at any meeting, gathering or

parade, public or private, of any flag, banner, or emblem intended by the

person or persons displaying or exhibiting the same to symbolize or indicate

or printed communication, in or by which there is

[214]

THE SHORTCOMINGS OF OUR LAWS

a purpose to overthrow by force or violence or by physical injury to person

or property, the Government of the United States or all government, is hereby

declared to be unlawful .

“Sec . 3 . That every document, book, circular, paper, journal, or other

written or printed communication in or by which there is advocated or

advised the overthrow by force or violence or by physical injury to person or

property of the Government of the United States or all government, or in

or by which there is advocated, or advised the use of force or violence or

physical injury to or the seizure or destruction of persons or property as

a means toward the accomplishment of economic, industrial, or political

changes, is hereby declared to be non-mailable and the same shall not be

conveyed in the mails or delivered from any post office or by any letter

carrier ; provided, That nothing in this Act shall be so construed as to

authorize any person other than an employee of the Dead Letter Office duly

authorized thereto or other person upon a search warrant authorized by law

to open any letter not addressed to himself : Provided further, That any

author, publisher, or party affected or aggrieved by the action of the Postmaster

General in excluding materials from the mails under this section

shall, upon filing a bond to cover the actual cost of such proceeding, be

entitled to a hearing

in which the party affected or aggrieved resides . The court shall have

power during the pendency of proceedings in court to suspend the order of

the Postmaster General ; Provided further, That no such court proceeding

shall bar or interfere with any criminal prosecution under the terms of this

Act

de novo before a judge of the Federal district or circuit19

“Sec . 4. That it shall be unlawful to import or cause to be imported

into the United States or any place subject to its jurisdiction any matter

declared by section 3 of this Act to be non-mailable or to transport or cause

to be transported any such matter from one State to another or into any

place subject to the jurisdiction of the United States .

“Sec . 5. That whoever shall use or attempt to use the mails or the

Postal Service of the United States for the transmission of any matter declared

by section 3 of this Act to be non-mailable or who shall violate any

other of the provisions of this Act shall be fined not more than $5000 or

imprisoned not more than five years, or both, and if an alien, shall be, upon

the expiration of his sentence, deported from the United States and forever

barred from reentering the United States or any Territory under its jurisdiction

.

“Sec . 6. That every foreign-born person who has become a naturalized

citizen of the United States who shall commit any of the acts forbidden

by this Act shall, upon conviction thereof, forfeit his citizenship in the

United States ; and any foreign-born person who has declared his intention

to become a citizen shall, upon his conviction of any offence under this Act,

forfeit his right to become such citizen, and all proceedings had in the

matter of naturalization of any such person shall be cancelled and become

null and void, and he shall thereafter be ineligible for naturalization in the

[2159

REDS IN AMERICA

United States, and shall be subject to deportation as in the case of other

aliens, as provided by law .”

There was little opposition to this proposed act when it was brought

out of the Senate Judiciary Committee and presented to the Senate. But

when it came up in the House, the opposition was active both on the floor

and on the part of lobbyists against it . Perhaps the most active opponent

at this stage was Jackson H . Ralston, a Washington attorney who represented

the American Federation of Labor and who had also acted as counsel

for Louis F . Post, former Assistant Secretary of Labor, at a hearing before

a Congressional Committee on charges against Post arising out of his

actions and policies in connection with deportation preceedings . And yet

the passage of this act or one of similar import is necessary, and is known

to be necessary, if the Government is to be able adequately to handle such

individuals engaged in Communistic activities directed toward the overthrow

of this Government by force and violence.

A certain group of lawyers, not always the same personnel but invariably

with many of the same individuals, seems always to be seeking

ways to embarrass the Government and interfere with its functioning when

it attacks radicalism in any of its forms. These lawyers do not seem to care

as to the merits of their case, as was shown when they brought charges of

illegal practice against the Department of Justice, charges which were

quickly shown to be utterly without foundation, a fact that the veriest

tyro would have known upon cursory examination of the “evidence” they

presented. The makeup of this particular group of lawyers, whose activities

seem to have been directed to hindering instead of helping the Government

in its fight, a right inherent in every Government, to protect itself, is interesting

.

This self-appointed committee of lawyers, which signed the charges

against the Department of Justice, included Felix Frankfurter, Ernst Freund

and Frank P. Walsh, who were identified with the American Civil Liberties

union, an organization, as has been shown, which includes known Communists

on its committees working directly and constantly for the overthrow

of the Government of the United States by force and violence .

Frankfurter, from his chair at Harvard, became so active in his work in

behalf of the radicals that Theodore Roosevelt wrote that he had taken

“an attitude which seems to me to be fundamentally that of Trotsky and

the other Bolsheviki leaders in Russia.”

The American Civil Liberties Union was also active in this movement

with which its members were identified. Of this organization, as has been

seen, it has been said that the effect of its activities “is to create in the

minds of the ill-informed people the impression that it is un-American

to interfere with the activities of those who seek to destroy American institutions

. They seek to influence legislators and executives to repeal or

veto any law calculated to protect the State or the Federal Government

from the attacks of agitators.”

Frank P. Walsh is the lawyer who, on his return from Moscow, was

reported in Communist circles to have been retained for a fee of $50,000

[216]

THE SHORTCOMINGS OF OUR LAWS

to defend the Bridgman conspirators . Zecharia Chaffee, Jr., a colleague

of Frankfurter’s at Harvard, the man who advocated in print and in public

declaration that there should be no law against sedition and anarchy, was

also one of the lawyer signers of these charges . Another was Francis

Fisher Kane of Philadelphia, whose name is on the Workers’ party “sucker

list” and who was formerly United States district attorney in his district .

A Senate committee report declared that Kane’s statement before the committee

“gives the impression that his tendencies are strongly Socialistic .”

Swinburne Hale, of New York, who resigned as captain in the Army in the

Military Intelligence Section when official information was sought regarding

Ludwig C . A . K. Martens, the “‘Bolshevik Ambassador,” was one of the

signers .

Dean Tyrrell Williams, of the Washington University Law School, of

St. Louis ; Jackson H. Ralston, mentioned above ; R. G. Brown, of Memphis ;

Alfred S. Niles, of Baltimore ; Roscoe Pound, another Harvard professor ;

and David Wallerstein, of Philadelphia, were the other members of this

particular group . Some of them are almost invariably found on the side

of the criminal whose activities the Government is trying to curb .

[2171

APPEND I X A

THESIS ON COORDINATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITY IN THE AMERICAS

“If the workers of this country would fight American capitalism on all

fronts they must make common cause with the Latin-American masses . In

Mexico, Cuba, Chile the exploited masses are fighting out a class struggle

which is part and parcel of our own . There is a fundamental interrelation

between the proletarian movements of the Western Hemisphere . The sooner

the working class of the United States, as well as of Latin-America, becomes

conscious of this interrelation, the more quickly will it be able to utilize

the power arising from it .

American Imperialism

“The United States is no longer a national State : It is an empire, in

which the chief foreign field for exploitation is Latin-America . The capital

with which Latin-America is exploited is American capital . The Standard

Oil Company, the Harvester Trust, the Copper Trust, the United Fruit Company

and other combines hold enormous fiefs in Mexico, Central America,

the West Indies and South America . Back of these is the Money Trust.

“Of the $5,000,000,000 that American capitalists have invested abroad,

$3,188,000,000 is in Latin America . This has given the American capitalists

the power to inspire or frustrate Central American revolutions, seize

control of customs, issue currency and completely dominate the policies of

national governments in many Latin-American states .

“When direct pressure fails, the capitalists have always at their disposal

the services of the State Department and the military forces of the

United States. United States marines maintain `law and order’ in Haiti

and Santo Domingo for the National City Bank . In Nicaragua, American

troops patrol the streets and the American flag flies over the National Palace.

General Crowder, as the representative of the United States Government, is

forcing upon the National Government of Cuba a loan of $50,000,000 in

defiance of both houses of the national legislature . There is not a country

in Central America of the West Indies over which does not hang constantly

the threat of American invasion .

Wall Street Extending Its Sway

“With a large part of Latin-America already in its grasp, American

capital is steadily fastening its grip upon wider and wider areas.

“Before the war the interests of American capitalists in South America

[319]’

REDS IN AMERICA

were negligible . In 1916 they involved $285,000,000 ; today the investment

in municipal and government bonds alone exceeds $600,000,000 . Wall

Street has already become master of the destinies of Venezuela, Colombia

and Peru . Native Latin-American capital has never been a factor in any

of the Latin-American countries. It is true that before the war European

capital, principally British, predominated in Argentina and Uruguay, and

was a serious competitor in other South American countries . But this has

all been changed . The United States now leads the field and is increasing

its investments, while European investments fall off .

Danger to American Workers

“Latin-America supplies an outlet for surplus capital and enables

American capitalists to derive added strength to resist the . demands of

workers in this country . The oil, copper and fibres of Mexico, the copper

of Chile, the beef and grain of Argentina and the many other raw materials

of Latin-America constitute a fund on which American capitalists could

draw in an emergency, as in case of strikes .`,

“At present gangs of Latin-American workers are brought into this

country on a system of contract labor, or engancho, to work in scab industries.

With the spread of American imperialism, this system is bound to

grow.

“Moreover, to hold in subjection the ever increasing masses of Latin-

American workers that are falling under American exploitation a strong

military machine will be built up, which will be used against the American

working class .

Strike-Breaking in Latin-America

“A short time ago there was a general strike in Cuba . American

battleships sailed into Havana harbor and under the threat of armed intervention,

the strike was broken . In Venezuela, the brutal dictatorship of

Juan Vicente Gomez, backed and supported by the approving United States

Government, crushes every liberating impulse of the toiling masses . A

similar condition prevails in Guatemala, where the amiable Orellana rules .

At the point of the bayonet, American marines compel Haitian and Dominican

laborers to toil in chain gangs out on the hot roads . The method of

the exploitation of the ragged Mexican worker by American industrial

magnates is more akin to the system pursued here and in addition it counts

with the whole hearted co-operation, sometimes more or less disguised, of

the Obregon Government .

The Latin-American Workers cannot Fight Alone

“The introduction of an exotic capitalism into Latin-American countries

has opposed to a backward and unripe proletariat the highly developed

bourgeoisie of the most powerful capitalistic nation of the, world, with

all the military resources of the United States at its command . The fight

[2201

THESIS ON COORDINATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITY IN THE AMERICAS

is unequal . Isolated, the Latin-American workers cannot hope to defend

their interests successfully against their mighty adversary . They need us

as well as we need them . A proletarian revolution anywhere in Latin-

America is well-nigh impossible until there is a revolution in the United

States. Wall Street, with its billions of dollars, imperilled, would crush

it immediately . American imperialism, economic and political, is the instrument

of exploitation throughout the western world . In Latin-America,

as in the United States and Canada, the Class Struggle is a struggle against

Wall Street.

A United Front Against Wall Street

“What the workers of this country know from contact with capitalism

must be supplemented by the actual experiences of the workers who have

endured these hardships to which colonial people are subjected . The

proletariat of all the Americas must be welded into a fighting unit to

combat American capital wherever its influence extends .

“The objective forces of the struggle have already called forth several

rather inadequate attempts at common action, and both in Mexico and

Argentina there have been repeated moves toward All-American unity .

However, the only real organization claiming to speak for this country

and Latin America is the Pan-American Federation of Labor. Being in

reality a barefaced effort on the part of Samuel Gompers and his machine

to exploit the impulse toward solidarity, the Pan-Amercian Federation of

Labor has never won the confidence of the Latin-American masses, who, in

fact, regard it suspiciously, as another instrument of the Monroe Doctrine .

It has been used by the Gompers machine to thwart the Latin-American

workers in their efforts to combat the American imperialism .

“The Pan-American Federation of Labor has failed, hitherto, because

it did not truly voice the aspirations of the Latin-American proletariat .

There can be no successful joint movement except on the basis of the

Class Struggle and a militant fight against American imperialism . An

organization must be built up that will fight American imperialism at

every step, as well as carry on the struggle against capitalism, through

joint strike action, international agreements, etc ., under the leadership of

the Red Labor Union International . This means that the militant minorities

in the few labor organizations that now belong to the Pan-American Federation

of Labor must try to win over their separate national bodies to such

a program as will assure the participation of the great mass of Latin-

American workers now on the outside . In this work the Communist parties

of the various countries must take the leading part .

The Communist Parties

“But this is only one phase of the Communist task. The struggle is

political as well as economic. The Communist parties will have to educate

the workers to an understanding of their common interests, give them

-2211

REDS IN AMERICA

political directives, prevent them from wasting their energies in futile

pseudo-revolutions engineered by political adventurers, and marshal them

for the overthrow of capitalism and American imperialism. The Communist

parties of all Americas should be in constant touch with one another . They

must formulate an all-American program and function as a unit in its

support. The Communist International is and must remain the head and

center of the revolutionary proletarian movement in all countries, but the

needs of the unified struggle in the Americas require supplementary contact

with the Communist parties directly involved . This does not imply

autonomy, but is merely an administrative measure made necessary by the

unity of capitalism in the west .

Why American Workers Must Lead

“The United States is the radiating center of western capitalism as

well as imperialism, a circumstance which gives the American working

class the advantage of a central perspective. Furthermore, the forces of

capitalism not being so highly developed in Latin-America, the Latin-

American proletariat, while often finely militant in temper, is inexperienced

and immature as a class . The frequent revolutions in Central and South

America have often little to do with the Class Struggle, although this cry

is raised at times by political opportunists whose purpose is to gain personal

support by playing upon the feelings of the masses . Socialist parties

appear that are socialist only in name . Although there do exist splendid

revolutionary parties in Latin-America, the proletarian movement is in

many respects perverted and distorted, beyond anything we know in the

United States . With some notable exceptions, the Communist parties are

numerically insignificant and all have been out of contact with the stream

of the world movement .

“To achieve all-American Communist unity, it falls naturally upon the

Communists of this country to take the lead .

All-American Communist Conference

“The first step is for the Communist Parties of all the Americas to

get together in conference . The Communist party of America should send

out a call for a conference to be held in Moscow following the Fourth

Congress of the Communist International .

“The conference must not be interpreted to mean merely a gathering

of these comrades who happen to be delegates to the Fourth Congress, but

a serious effort should be made to secure a full representation of all Communist

parties in the Western Hemisphere, even if it is necessary for the

Comintern to pay traveling expenses .

“The following is proposed as a tentative agenda :

“(1) Role of the all-American proletarian in the World Revolution .

“(2) United action against American imperialism.

[2227

THESIS ON COORDINATION OF COMMUNIST ACTIVITY IN THE AMERICAS

“(3) The Pan-American Federation of Labor and the Red Labor

Union International.

“(4) The tempo of the revolutionary movement in the Americas .

“(5) Special tasks of the proletariat in each country .

“(6) The united labor front in the Americas .

“(7) Co-ordination of the Communist activities .

“(8) An all-American technical committee, for translation and distribution

of literature, etc.”

[223]

APPENDIX B

THESIS ON “RELATIONS OF ONE AND TWO”

“I.-NECESSITY OF A COMMUNIST PARTY

“All experience in the modern class struggle proves that the working

class can emerge victorious only after developing an organ of leadership

in the form of a highly disciplined Communist party, thoroughly conscious

of revolutionary principles and tactics . The first task of Communists is,

therefore, to develop such a party.

“II-ACTION OF MASSES

“While the Communist party is the organ of leadership and bears the

heaviest brunt of the fight, the revolution

of the exploited sections of the population extending far beyond the limit

of the numerical strength to which a highly conscious disciplined party

can be developed. The final struggle for power by the working class is

not the result of a revolutionization of the minds of the masses through

merely theoretical propaganda, agitation and education . It develops out

of the irreconcilable conflict of the interests of the classes . This conflict

is first shown in the minor struggles of the workers for their existence .

The minor struggles clarify the fundamental conflict of class interests, thus

bringing class consciousness and leading toward the major struggle for

power. Education and propaganda, though necessary to build the revolutionary

party, would, if taken alone, build a sterile sect, utterly impotent

to deal with mass action . The major task of the revolutionary party in

regard to the broad masses of workers is, therefore, not abstract propaganda

and abstract theoretical education, but participation in all the struggles of

the workers as the most active force.

“III-CONTACT WITH THE MASSES

“The leadership of the masses of the exploited can be attained only by

directly engaging in all their struggles, together with the masses of the

workers. In a country where political conditions permit the possibility of

mass political organization of the working class, the revolutionary party

can not secure leadership without securing a powerful, and finally dominant

position among such mass political organizations of the workers . This

essentially implies a PUBLIC contact with the masses . In America, it has

[2251

is an action of broad masses

REDS IN AMERICA

become the most urgent immediate task of the Communists to secure a

public, open, so-called `legal’ existence as an organization .

“IV-A LEGAL PARTY

“A truly revolutionary (i . e. Communist) party can never be `legal’

in the sense of having its purpose harmonize with the purpose of the laws

made by the capitalist state, or its acts conform with the intent of capitalist

law. Hence, to call a Communist party `legal’ means that its existence is

tolerated by the capitalist state because of circumstances which embarrass

the capitalist state’s efforts to suppress it . The revolutionary party can

avoid suppression into a completely secret existence only by one or both of

two means :

“a. By taking advantage of the pretenses of `democratic forms’ which

the capitalist state is obliged to maintain. By this means the Communists

can maintain themselves in the open with a restricted program while establishing

themselves with mass support .

“b. (Later stage) By commanding such mass support among side

masses of workers that enable them to proclaim publicly their final object

in the revolutionary struggle and manoeuvre openly to attain this object

regardless of the desire of the capitalist state to suppress it . It is necessary

at the present time (and circumstances make it the most urgent immediate

need) to resort to the first of the before-mentioned methods of open contact

with the working masses; which means to maintain an open political party

with a modified name and restricted program. The second of these two

conditions must be reached by the Communist party of America . We seek

to have an open Communist party as soon as this can possibly be attained .

“As to whether a legal Communist party is possible the test is whether

the Communist party program including the advocacy of the principle of

mass action and violent overthrow of the capitalist state together with affiliation

to the Communist International can be publicly advocated without being

suppressed.

“V-NUMBER TWO

“A legal political party with such restrictions can not replace the

Communist party . It must also serve as an instrument in the complete

control of the Communist party, for getting public contact with the masses .

It must mobilize the elements of the workers most sympathetic to the Communist

cause, with a program going as far toward the Communist program

as possible while maintaining a legal existence. It must, with a course

of action in daily participation in the workers’ struggle, apply Communist

tactics and principles and thus win the trust of the masses and prepare them

for the leadership of the Communist party . It must organize the sympathetic

workers into a framework that will later become the framework of

an open Communist party, taking care systematically to educate the workers

[2261

THESIS ON “RELATIONS OF ONE AND TWO”

in the `legal’ party in principles, tactics and discipline, so as to fit them to

become members of the Communist party . Thus the building of a legal

political party with a modified name and program will prepare the field

for an open Communist party strong enough to stand in the open and capable

of leading in the revolutionary struggle .

“VI-FUTURE SUPPRESSION

“The overthrow of the capitalist system can only come through the

violent overthrow of the capitalist state . To accept this view is to accept

the certainty that the capitalist state will find itself in violent conflict with

the masses led by the Communist party. While the capitalist state retains

the governmental machinery, and as the struggle grows sharper in approaching

the final struggle, the capitalist state will inevitably strike again and

again at the revolutionary party in the effort to destroy it. After the Communist

party shall have established itself in the open, it must be prepared

for, and must expect to be driven out of a `legal’ existence from time to time.

The Communist party must at all times be so organized that such attacks

can not destroy it . It must perform its functions of leadership in the class

struggle no matter what tactics the ruling class adopts-open as far as possible,

secretly as far as it must .

“VII-UNDERGROUND

“The underground machinery of the Communist party is not merely a

temporary device, to be liquidated as soon as the Communist party with

its full program can be announced in the open . The underground machinery

is for permanent use . It is not a machinery to be used only as emergency

occasions . It is for constant use . It must continue to operate not only while

the legal party operates under a restricted program, but also at all times,

before and after the Communist party, with a full Communist program and

shall not exist in the open . There is never a time, previous to the final overthrow

of the capitalist state, when a truly revolutionary party does not have

to perform a considerable amount of work free from police knowledge and

interference. The Communist party will never cease to maintain its underground

machinery until after the establishment of the dictatorship of the

proletariat in the form of the Workers’ Soviet Republic .

“VIII-CONTROL

“Throughout the Communist movement of the world, the system of

`Presidiums’ prevails, by which matters of necessarily secret nature are

kept in the hands of the most reliable and most trusted members of the

party. This is a necessary feature of a revolutionary organization. As the

Communist party of America grows to dimensions containing many thousands

of members, it will be necessary to maintain this principle . At times

when the Communist party as such maintains itself in the open, the member-

[2271

REDS IN AMERICA

ship which constitutes the present Communist party within the Number Two

[the legal branch-Ed.] will, with some variations, constitute the older and

best known, and most disciplined membership, to be entrusted with the

more confidential matters and the illegal work of the party generally. This

does not mean that the whole party membership will not be required to do

work that conflicts with the capitalist law, but that the work of the most

secret nature must be kept in the most trusted hands .

“During the time when the Communist party operates, not under its

own name and program in the open, but through a `legal’ political party

with restricted program and different name, the same principle is applied

by having full control of such legal party in the hands of the Communist

party. This is accomplished by having a majority of all important committees

composed of Communist party members, and by means of regular

and compulsory caucuses of all the Communist party members within any

legal unit, bound by the unit rule, a principle which will prevail in some

effective form when the Communist party is itself in the open . As the

membership develops loyalty to the party and respect for its discipline it

will be possible to lessen the purely mechanical control and avoid the small

friction that is inevitable for the present . There is an unsatisfactory feature

in the present condition . Committee members, persons in responsible positions,

and all especially active members of such legal party should be, practically

without exception, members of the Communist party . The party

must make systematic efforts to bring this about . Definite efforts must be

made to bring every member of such legal party who shows himself to be

equipped with Communist understanding and capable of leadership, into

the Communist party. Every such active member must be tested as to his

readiness to accept the Communist party program and discipline, and the

decisions of the Communist International, and upon passing the tests, must

be brought into membership of the Communist party .

“IX-EXECUTIVE COMMITTEES

“The party must endeavor to reach a!t the earliest reasonable time the

condition where all members of responsible committees of Number Two [the

legal branch-Ed.] such as the Central Executive Committee, District Executive

Committee, sub-District Executive Committee, etc ., shall be members

of Number One (the illegal branch-Ed .) . The personnel of committees of

Number Two should consist of its majority of the personnel of the corresponding

committees of Number One. The remainder of the personnel of

the Number Two committees should generally be Number One members

wherever possible . The organizers and officials of Number One and Number

Two committees shall generally not be the same .

[2281

THESIS ON “RELATIONS OF ONE AND TWO”

“X-INDUSTRIAL

Illl ‘

“We must hold before ourselves as a goal to be attained at the earliest

possible time the functioning openly of Communist party caucuses in the

trade unions, known as such inside the respective trade union meetings .

“Keeping this in mind as a goal, and that the framework and human

material being organized into an open party, at present existing legally,

is intended ultimately to be welded into an open Communist party, it is a

logical course to form now wherever practicable nuclei of Number Two

in the trade unions, one of the purposes to be the training of trade union

members of Number Two in the principle of discipline .

“However, it is not always practicable to operate by the method of

Number One and Number Two nuclei in the unions meeting regularly as

two distinct systems . And in a large proportion of cases, the circumstances

of actual life compel that :

“(a) Caucuses of Number Two can no more be announced openly in a

union than could be caucuses of Number One, and that :

“(b) In some cases the existence in a union of a substantial number

of unionists willing to go a long way with us but holding anarchist or syndicalist

views, makes it necessary to hold the greater number of caucuses

WITH such elements under a name other than the name of a political party,

for the purpose of defeating the `right wingers’ and for the additional purpose

of training such anarchist and syndicalist elements in the principle

of disciplined action as a first step toward making Communists of them ; and

“(c) In other cases where the general conditions in a union make it

necessary for the Number Two members to operate together with non-member

sympathizers as a disciplined caucus under a name of ANOTHER legal

instrument of the Communist party .

“These conditions make necessary an adjustment of the caucus system,

which will generally assume the following course of development. While

the machinery of Number One nuclei is being established, their caucus

meetings take precedence over all others . After the Number One nuclei

have been firmly established and the members have learned to function unitedly,

they will begin to give more and more attention to Number Two caucuses,

and Number One caucus meetings will take precedence only when new

issues or crises arise and are to be called as frequently as these conditions

make necessary . Between such meetings the Number One nuclei function

through the Number Two by means of a steering committee .

“The standard open caucus of the left section of the union must be

held under names and slogans of immediate significance, which will win

the greatest possible mobilization of the left section of the union against

reactionaries, on issues of the daily struggle .”

[2291

APPENDIX C.

“ADAPTATION OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMERICA

TO AMERICAN CONDITIONS.”

“As you look at our party (both Number One and Number Two) you

can easily observe that something is wrong . It does not function as it ought

to. It does not function as a party must in order to fulfill its aim of leading,

or if not strong enough, participating in every political and economic

struggle of the working class of this country . In short, our party as it is

today is a mechanical instrument which will function as a dead machine

at any time, but it is unable to carry on any activity which needs life,

thought and interest and arouses the enthusiasms of the comrades so they

will come asking for a chance to work whether easy or hard .

“If you go through the history of our party and especially if you

study its functioning in the recent past you will find that every step which

has been taken was a mechanical procedure . Any instruction coming from

anywhere that in being carried out needed to be spiritualized with the fire

of real sincerity was only executed in a technical manner .__ To see that

clearly take the instance of the election campaign in New York or the instruction

concerning the opposition . In both cases there is needed life

interest in the work, and what do we see? In both cases the comrades distributed

the leaflets (if they did) without participating in any of the campaign

. This clearly shows that the membership of which our party is composed

is actually stranger to the vital functioning of the party organization .

“After a long period of organization work, after clearing up our main

tactical differences (the latter being accomplished by the few comrades who

understand the American situation and who really strive to fight in America

which the general membership does not) we arrived at the point where

every ounce of our energy should be concentrated to start our activities,

that is to fight in the open American capitalism and participate in every

such struggle of the workers . If we dare to face the facts we find that we

are unable to do so and although we go forward in our decisions and although

a very small group of comrades do all in their power the membership

in general does not move and does not understand and CARE, about the decisions

. What the membership in general does is to obey an imaginative

military discipline (which satisfies their romanticism) and carry out every

decision without mentally taking part in it . That is the situation in general

and if we were to give a few more facts the matter would be clear for fur .

ther study .

[2311

REDS IN AMERICA

“Many comrades say the chief reason for this situation is because the

vast majority of the party are foreign speaking comrades . If we would

accept that we would sanction this situation as unchangeable unless we

would get enough English comrades in the party . The cause of this situation

is not that we are composed of foreign speaking comrades but the

reason is that OUR MEMBERSHIP IS NOT MENTALLY PRESENT IN

AMERICA. They didn’t join the party, or better they did not create the

party as a working class defense and fighting organization, but they created

it under the strange influence of European happenings . The party membership

gets its spirit and its hope, not from America where they ought to

fight, but exclusively from Europe and it is this foreign spirit and hope that

keeps them in the party. Once losing that, the party would not be able to

keep them together. The party itself is a strange thing to them . They join

it like they would join any other club . They don’t have the conception that

the party belongs to them and that the party’s interest is their interest, but

on the contrary they have no interest in the party so far as the fight in

America is concerned . They pay their dues to be entitled to call themselves

Communists. Their conception is an abstract one, which satisfies itself in

being purely a Communist . Later, that means that men with such conception

are individualists and so we dare to state that our party is composed in

a great majority of members with such an individualistic conception . The

members don’t understand the political structure of the American state and

so they don’t understand the political situation in America . As a matter of

fact they are not interested in the things they do not understand .

“This, then, is our party membership . Must we say that the party

which is created (as Trotsky says) `by the proletariat for its defense and

struggle for emancipation’ can not and will not fulfill this aim, unless the

conditions in the party (the conceptions of the party members) are changed?

Today we have romantically inclined members in the majority who do everything

mechanically to justify themselves as Communists, because they have

not been shown how to function as a live part of the American movement .

Because of this conception the members don’t see any chance for fighting

American capitalism and they wait for the coming of the revolution from

abroad .

“Our party is not able to lead and to influence the masses . These are

rather hard words but true, nevertheless . The influence we have and we

will gain, will be the influence of our program in general and we, the party,

will not be able to make any use of it.

“Every one of us feels this situation but it seems we wait for some unknown

force to bring about a change . We know that our party membership

is not capable of leading the masses and is not capable of carrying out the

party’s program with spiritual participation

waiting for the coming of the English elements into the party are overlooking

the fact that if the party as it is composed today is not capable of action

then it will always be (unless it is changed) a dead part of our body which

will hinder us in our work. The fact is that our party will always be composed

of a majority of foreign speaking comrades . Why? Because the

in it. Those of us who are

[232]

ADAPTATION OF COMMUNIST PARTY TO AMERICAN CONDITIONS

basic industries of our country are operated by foreign speaking workers

and as these workers are the most oppressed elements of the American working

class they are nearest to us . On the other hand, the English speaking

population of the country compose the middle class and among the workers

they are in the easier industries . So we can not base our future on the

coming of the English element but we have to use every effort that our party

as it is composed today shall be able to function .

“At the time of the outbreak of the various revolutions in Europe the

party developed rapidly and after the passing away of the revolutionary

wave the party lost in its influence and lost in its membership . This is

clearly shown in the case of the Hungarian movement . At the time of the

revolution in Hungary the Hungarian Federation in America had 4000 members

and the paper 15,000 subscribers . Today the federation has 600 members

and the paper has but 7,000 subscribers, although the readers were not

raided.

“As our party membership has no political aim in this country, they

take without any interest the political moves or program of the party, and

without any sound fighting or aim any looseness of membership is justified .

“The Communist party is not organized for itself and for the satisfaction

of idealists but we are a rough fighting organization, aiming to bring

about a mass movement in this country led by us. Can we do that with our __

forces? Yes, if we first develop change in the mental attitude in the minds

of the general membership toward the problems as they exist here in America.

Today, we are merely a propaganda organization without functioning

even as a propaganda organization should . We have only extended our

propaganda to those who have come to us, but have not reached out to the

great masses awaiting the message . The slogan `TO THE MASSES’ was

carried out by us only by taking a step nearer to the masses and we are now

standing gazing at them.

“The activities of our membership are the unconscious reflex of European

influences.

“The main cause of this situation in our party is that our members

have not the slightest knowledge of the political state and industrial machinery

. Yet no one has told them that to be a real Communist means to

fight there where you are ; that they must get acquainted with the conditions

prevailing there.

SOLUTION OF THE PROBLEM

“The most important step in the solution of the problem is a correct

and thorough understanding of the problem itself by the membership . Without

a clear knowledge of the difficulty by the rank and file it will be impossible

to accomplish the solution . The comrades must make up their minds

to tackle the great obstacles and master them . They must see clearly the

fact that the revolutionary movement and its development in this country

depends on them and that means that their policy should not be to wait

until we have enough English comrades and let them do the work . Rather

[233]

REDS IN AMERICA

the very fact that they are here compels the members as Communists to assume

full responsibility for the movement here in America that membership

in the Communist party in the other places of the world demands .

“The second step should be to dissolve the federation organization and

have nothing else than propaganda committees .

“The kind of federation organizations we have today was the result of

a compromise between two groups at the Unity Convention, one of which

had no federation whatever and the other with federations having autonomy .

It was hoped by this compromise that the control of the federation members

(that is, party members) would be taken out of the hands of federation

leaders, and the federation organization would serve simply as language

propaganda organs of the party . But this has not been the result .

“What are the facts concerning the control of the members? Who

really controls the membership, the party or the Federation Bureaus?

“The members of the various federations are entirely inactive except

when they get instructions from the Bureau concerning some work in their

own language organization or concerning work in some other organizations

of their own language.

“Being organized for several years in language federations, they know

little or nothing about the party leaders . While their ignorance of the

party leaders causes a terrible indifference toward the selection of party

officers, the members engage in bitter factional fights inside the federations

over the selection of federation officers .

“Most of the federations have large property interests which serve as

a strong means of control in the hands of the federation leaders in the control

of the federation membership .

“Reflect on these important facts and consider them carefully and see

what ties there are that bind the members of the federation to the party .

“The following are the ties that bind the membership to the party :

“1 . The federations belong to the party .

“2. Their interest in the international movement .

“We do not wish to make a detailed argument regarding these facts

but we feel that everyone who reads this, realizes that the federations have

much stronger control over the membership than the party. As our party

is composed of several federations and inasmuch as they have greater control

over the members than the party, the party therefore has no direct moral

control of the membership but can only exercise its control indirectly

through the federation bureaus . That is what we call a highly centralized

party.

“For the successful prosecution of the work of a revolutionary party,

it is necessary that the moral control of the membership (which after all

is the only real control) must be in the hands of the central executive body

of the organization, which in the light of the facts is not true of our organization

at the present time .

“The function of the language federation bureaus should be only to

act as a means of communication between the central executive body of the

[2341

ADAPTATION OF COMMUNIST PARTY TO AMERICAN CONDITIONS

party and the membership in the language they understand and to carry on

propaganda to the masses in the tongue they know . There is no other good

reason for their existence .

“In proposing the dissolution of the federation organization we advocate

the dissolution of every phase of their organization (which gives them

direct connection and leading power) . This means also the transfer of all

institutions and property belonging to the federations over to the party .

“We offer in the place of federation organizations, propaganda committees

and editorial boards and an advisory committee. The function of

the last named is to prepare plans for the work to be done in their language

in organizations like Sick and Benefit, etc. We propose no national propaganda

committees but only district propaganda committees which shall carry

on the work according to party instructions, as a sub-committee in the

district, adapted to the conditions in the various districts . The translation

of party instructions can be done by translating secretaries in the national

organization and sent down through party channels .

“The United States is so large that there are whole sections with problems

peculiar to themselves that seriously interfere with the efficient operation

of the organization and which it is next to impossible to solve from

the national organization. The establishment of district propaganda committees

would solve this perplexing question . There are many other reasons

that favor the establishment of these committees and insure a much more

efficient organization than could ever be the case under language federation

bureaus.

SUMMARY

“In closing we can emphatically state that the future of the party is

hopeless unless this situation is changed. The question of tactics can be

decided upon by a few comrades who are at the convention, but they will

not have the backing of the members . This is so vital that we can not expect

any real results from our work in this country until it is solved . A Communist

party, not even in possession of its own members, can not hope to

exert the slightest influence over the masses .

“In the course of discussion there might arise some other problems

for solution, but every one of us must agree that this one is the main

problem confronting the Second Convention of the Communist party and the

Communist party itself .

“Finally, the solving of this problem will not be accomplished simply

by dissolving the federation organizations . The members must realize and

feel this problem in all its seriousness, and with the dissolution of the

federation organizations must break the mental ties with other parts of the

world and become rooted and grounded in the movement in America.”

[235]

APPENDIX D .,

“NEWS LETTER SERVICE” MARKED “RUSH ONE TO EACH GROUP,”

SENT OUT AUGUST 4 FROM THE “NATIONAL OFFICE,

COMMUNIST PARTY OF AMERICA, SECTION

OF THE COMMUNIST INTERNATIONAL .”

“The Executive Committee of the Communist International has informed

us that Comrade Cook, member of the Presidium of the Comintern

and the Presidium of the Red Trade Union International has been ordered

to return home immediately with full instructions from the Communist

International regarding the various problems confronting the American

party . All districts are strongly urged to hold themselves in complete

readiness for immediate arrangements of meetings to listen to the report

from the Comintern .

“The special representative of the Comintern, Comrade Brooks, is now

working actively with the Central Executive Committee and is proving of

great aid to us.

“Reports from every district are very favorable regarding the return of

opposition members to the party . We must not lose sight of the fact that it

is the duty of every party member to do his utmost to help liquidate the

opposition and get them back into the party.

“The Executive Committee of the Communist International has instructed

us to postpone holding the convention until the arrival of Comrade

Cook with its instructions. The Central Executive Committee acted on this

matter and by a vote of five to five decided not to delay holding the

convention . All efforts are being exerted to have Comrade Cook arrive

here on time so that at least the delegates may have an opportunity to

listen to the report and instructions from the Executive Committee of the

Communist International.

“On the recommendation of Comrade Brooks, the Central Executive

Committee elected the following new special committees : (1) A committee

to prepare a report on the prevailing political and economic conditions

in the United States. (2) A committee to prepare a new thesis on

the relations between One and Two . (3) A committee to revise the agenda

for the convention .

“After listening to the Central Executive Committee discussion on the

postponement of the convention, Comrade Brooks, Special Representative

of the Comintern to the Communist Party of America, proposed the follow-

[2371

REDS IN AMERICA

ing resolution to the Central Executive Committee : `The thesis adopted

by the Third World Congress on the subject of organization explicitly

prohibited the formation of closed factions within Communist parties . I

have ascertained here in America that two existing tendencies in the Communist

party have already crystallized into definite factional structures

which are waging against each other war to the knife on questions big or

small. I am convinced that the actually existing differences of opinion do

not by any means justify such factional formations and merely represent

the continuation of the worst traditions within the ranks of the American

Comrades, traditions which are repeatedly condemned by the Communist

International . I am convinced that this situation can lead to complete

paralysis of the party’s activity and to new splits, fatal to American Communism.

” `Basing myself on the above mentioned thesis of the Third Congress

and acting in the spirit of all the decisions of the Communist International

bearing on the American question, I call on the comrades of both factions

immediately to take proper steps for the factional regime and to create

real guarantees for party unity which is so extremely endangered . For

this work I am entirely at your disposal .

(Signed) “‘Brooks, Special Representative of the Executive Committee

of the Communist International .’

“A motion to approve this declaration was carried unanimously . Furthermore,

a committee of seven, three members of which are representatives

of the Comintern in various capacities, was chosen to present plans for the

unification of the party to the convention and recommend methods as to the

selection of Central Executive Committee material . This committee is now

busily engaged in its work .

“Comrades, this declaration must be accepted in letter and spirit by

every member of the party . Apropos of this situation in the party the

District Executive Committee of District 4 [the Cleveland District-Ed .]

has several weeks ago unanimously passed the following resolutions in the

`National Caucus,’ commonly called the `Goose Caucus’.

“The District Executive Committee of District 4 has been informed of

the existence of various caucuses and particularly of the so-called National

Caucus and the nature of propaganda they are conducting . This propaganda

is not based on any ground of principles but purely on personalities, and

confines itself to attacks on the party’s Central Executive Committee and this

not even intended to bring any good to the movement as a whole .

“From all their communications and theses, only one conclusion

can be drawn which is at the same time their only argument, .v,-i-Tzhe

Central Executive Committee does not think the way it acts, we are the only

ones who force its hand in the proper direction . Such arguments can only

come from positively misguided and insincere people who have no consideration

for the welfare of the movement but see only their own ego and calculate

how to aspire to power .

“‘That such rubberneck, backstairs stuff is injurious to the movement

[2381

“NEWS LETTER SERVICE” MARKED “RUSH ONE TO EACH GROUP”

there is no doubt in the minds of the Committee . It lowers the morale of

the membership and weakens the discipline in the party .

” `Furthermore, taking into consideration the call of the Central Executive

Committee to suggest and criticise the theses and propositions of the

Central Executive Committee and as these caucuses refused to have their

hand in this work and so reject the invitation of the Central Executive Committee

to help build the movement through the regular party channels ;

” `The District Executive Committee of District 4 goes on record condemning

these caucuses as harmful to the movement and wishes to remind

the same not to waste their time looking for support in this district where

you will not find it .

“‘We advise those caucuses not to squander their money in mailing

their stuff to the members in this district where it will bear no fruit, but

rather to use the regular party channels and so really help build the organization

in the only way this can be done .

“‘We call upon our members to maintain the discipline of the party ;

without discipline we cannot build an organization of the revolutionary

workers.’

“The National Office will make every effort possible to keep the membership

fully informed as to the situation in the party and the Comintern .

All districts are requested to send district news promptly and regularly to

the National Office of the party .

“L. C. Wheat [Lovestone’s party name-Ed .], Executive

Secretary, Communist party of America, Section of the

Communist International.”

[239]

APPENDIX E

THE WORKERS’ PARTY ON THE UNITED FRONT

“1. A United Front of Labor, a solid phalanx of the working class

drawn up in battle line against the forces of the capitalist class and the

capitalist state is the prerequisite of a victory of the proletariat . The creation

of this phalanx is the task of the hour . Groups of workers organized

in various organizations as well as groups of hitherto unorganized workers

must be united in support of a common aim and in common action . Many

organizations of labor though ostensibly formed to fight the battles of labor

are tied up by their treacherous leaders to the interests of the capitalists

thus breaking the united front of labor and strengthening the front of capital.

The problem is to break these groups of workers away from the army

of capital and line them up with the army of labor thus establishing a united

front of labor against capital.

interests in irreconcilable conflict with the interests of the capitalists . They

are conscious, however, of immediate problems that demand solution as a

condition for their existence, questions of wages, working conditions, etc .

These questions must form the basis for a United Front of the workers, for

united action . It is through these struggles and only through them that the

workers can learn the political character of their struggle. It is in these

struggles that the betrayers of the workers in the position of leadership must

be exposed in their true character as enemies of the proletariat and the tools

of the capitalists . It is in these struggles and only in them that the Communists

can establish their leadership in the class struggle and develop this

struggle into a revolutionary battle for the overthrow of capitalism and the

establishment of the proletarian dictatorship as an instrument of Communist

reconstruction.

“3 . In pursuing the policy of uniting larger and larger masses of the

workers on the basis of a common struggle the existing organizations of

the workers must be made more and more effective instruments of these

struggles. The experience the workers will gain in these struggles will help

us to gradually eliminate all dualism in the field of economic organizations

of the workers. Trade lines must be gradually eliminated and step by step

the organizations of the workers must be welded together into industrial

unions closely united in one great body .

“4. While the creation of the United Front can be accomplished on the

field of economic organization through amalgamation of existing bodies,

it must be accomplished on the-field of political organizations of the workers

LJ. The working class as a whole is not conscious of having class

[2411

REDS IN AMERICA

by elimination of the influence of such parties and groups whose program

and action mislead the working class . The economic struggles of the workers

are carried on by organizations including in their ranks most of the participants

of the struggle . Working-class political parties can not organize within

their ranks a majority of the working class . These organizations servie

rather to give leadership to the workers’ political struggles . Those parties

misleading the workers must be eliminated from such leadership . On the

basis of immediate issues the workers must be led into political struggles in

which the Communists prove the superiority of their tactics, their slogans,

their aims and their leadership as compared with the tactics, slogans, aims

and leadership of other political groups or parties claiming the support of

the workers . Thus the Workers’ party will gradually win away the masses of

politically active workers from the political organizations that betray the

workers. It will discredit and destroy them and win complete leadership

in the political struggles of the workers .

“5. In creating a united front for the working class for their economic

struggles, the existing labor unions must remain the instrument of these

struggles while the members of the Workers’ party must be the instruments

to unify these economic organizations .

“The plans for the general campaigns are formulated after consideration

of recommendations by party members in the unions . The Central

Executive Committee of the party formulates the slogans and sends its corresponding

instructions through the industrial department to the membership.

At the same time all means of publicity are used by the party for

propagation of the action contemplated . The unity of action must be established

on a basis that can be realized immediately and the action must then

be developed and led on step by step to the climax . In the process of the

struggle the weakness of the existing craft union form of organization will

become apparent . The experience of such struggles, developing these weaknesses

must be utilized to drive home the criticism of the present form of organization

and advantage must be taken of the situation to advance constructive

proposals seeking to eliminate these weaknesses . Thus the amalgamation

of craft into industrial unions becomes an issue dictated by the necessities

of the struggles and ceases to be an abstract theoretical bone of contention .

The main criticism of treacherous or inefficient leaders and the fight against

them must be based on their shortcomings in the actual struggles . Thus

the abstract and invariably ineffective criticism on the basis of differences

in the theoretical conception of the class struggle or the state will give

way to concrete issues on the basis of which an alignment of the workers

can be effected.

“6. In cases where dual industrial organizations are involved in a

struggle the party must not only take the initiative to offer its services for the

creation of a unity of purpose, unity of tactics and a united front in action,

but also the creation of organizational unity . While in such cases the party

addresses itself to the leaders, the executives of the organization, it also

propagates the membership of such bodies to the same so that the leadership

that stands in the way of unity will be discredited and eventually

[242)

THE WORKERS’ PARTY ON THE UNITED FRONT

eliminated. But in all such cases, elimination is not the sole object of

the application of the tactics of the United Front of Labor, but only one of

its purposes.

“7. Not only those workers who have immediate interests in a struggle

should compose the United Front . All issues of importance must be made

class issues and the working masses rallied to the support of the workers

immediately concerned . Only by thus broadening the struggle will the

working masses become class conscious .

“8. Separate delegated bodies, councils, etc ., for the organization and

direction of the united working class action on the economic field must be

organized only if there is no danger of serious conflict with existing bodies

of the same character. In all cases where such directive bodies are created

they should be formed, if at all possible, on the initiative and by action of

the unions involved . Our party organization will supply the initiative where

the forming of such bodies becomes necessary . No basis for even a shade

of suspicion or dualistic intention must be given .

“9. The creation of a United Front of Labor on the political field in

the United States is the problem of the development of independent political

action of the working class. The working class of Europe has for a long

time participated independently in political activities . Not so in the United

States. Here the problem is not to unite existing political groups and organizations

for common action, but to awake political class consciousness

among the workers. The class struggle has reached such a degree of intensity

here that every battle of the workers reveals the political character of

the struggles that is teaching the proletarian masses the necessity for class

conscious political action . The numerous efforts of all kinds of labor organizations

to form a labor party in the United States is evidence of this

fact. These struggles indicate a step forward in the progress of the class

struggle toward revolutionary working class action . To oppose this tendency

toward the formation of a labor party would be folly .

“10. The capitalists realize the potentialities of even a tame and not

in the least revolutionary independent labor party for the development of

the class consciousness of the workers . Their tools in the labor movement

have, therefore, consistently opposed its formation . But when its formation

can no longer be prevented these capitalist tools will assume the leadership

of the movement for a labor party and will exert every effort to reduce such

a party to a mere machine for their election, and to prevent it from becoming

a real weapon for the workers in the class struggle . To make the labor

party an instrument of the class struggle and the revolution the participation

of the Communists is an imperative necessity . It is not in the interest

of the proletarian revolution nor can the Workers’ party assume responsibility

for the largest political power of the workers remaining dormant. The

party must not oppose the coming to life of this power because it has not

yet the standing and influence among masses to set it at work in the name

of and for the purpose of Communism .

“11. To promote the development of the political action of the working

class into revolutionary action the Communists must become a factor in the

[243]

REDS IN AMERICA

Labor party that may be formed . We can achieve this end only if we anticipate

the formation of such a party and now adopt a policy through which

we will become established as a force in the political struggle of the workers

and thus an important factor in the labor party . The participation in a

United Front in local political struggles will give us a strong position

in relation to the labor party .

“12. Attempts to misuse the name of Labor party in the formation in

some sort of a `workers’ non-partisan league’ must be guarded against . Such

a party would merely exploit the growing desire for independent working

class political action to get endorsements for some misleaders of labor on

capitalist party tickets, on the principle of Gompers : `Reward our friends

and punish our enemies .’ It is the work of the Communists to also guard

against the formation of such a labor party as is forecast in the work of

the Conference for Progressive Political Action . This conference includes

not only representatives of labor, but progressives and liberals of every

shade. A party such as forecast by this conference would not mobilize the

political power of the workers for the immediate struggles against the capitalists

but would dissipate that power in election campaigns fought on the

basis of petty ameliorative reforms and of schemes for minor changes in

the form of the capitalist government . Such a party would be merely a

larger but weaker edition of the Socialist party, which has for two decades

misdirected the political energies of the workers supporting it through its

program of reforms and limitations of the political struggle of the workers

to mere participation in election campaigns. The Communists must fight

to make the labor party a real instrument of the class struggle, fighting the

immediate battles of the workers on the political field and engaging in

political action, from election campaigns to mass strikes with political objectives

and their logical developments in revolutionary struggles .

“13. The Workers’ party must not artificially force the development of

a labor party . It must through educational work win support of the masses

of the workers for the movement of the labor party .

“14. The work of education can best be carried on through establishment

of the United Front on the basis of political issues growing out of the

intense economic struggles of the workers. The party must use its influence

and strength in the trade unions to form delegated conferences of labor

organizations . Such conferences decide on a general political campaign

including all forms of political action. Through these tactics the Communists

help to awaken the political consciousness of the proletarian masses,

broaden the conception of these masses as to the meaning of political action

and establish themselves as a force in the political activities of the workers .

The party must be the most ardent champion of all such action and must

identify itself with all its phases . Our members should initiate such action

through the unions. The position which we will thus gain for our party

will attract the revolutionary forces of the workers of the United States

and they will rally around our banner. These tactics will make us a force

which will have to be considered in the event of the formation of a labor

[244]

THE WORKERS’ PARTY ON THE UNITED FRONT

party

win leadership in it.

“15. The United Front tactics can not be interpreted to mean organization

unity with any other organization . The Workers’ party must exist

as a distinct organization with a disciplined, educated membership acting

upon a revolutionary platform to give leadership to the struggles of the

workers. In all its activities the party retains its full independence, its right

of criticism and its freedom of action . The Workers’ party must be the left

and the most active section of the labor movement on both the economic and

political field . By its unceasing activities, by its correct interpretation of

problems and situations and by its qualities of a fighting advance guard of

the workers, it must gradually eliminate all other parties and groups claiming

the support of the workers as a factor in leadership . It will win leadership

in all the phases of the struggle of the working class and lead the solid

phalanx of the proletariat into the last decisive battle against the capitalist

class, the capitalist state and the capitalist system .

PROGRAM FOR COMING ELECTIONS

“1 . The United Political Front embraces political action from election

campaigns, mass demonstrations to mass strikes with political objectives and

their logical development in revolutionary struggles . The basis for a United

Political Front which will embrace the working masses has not yet been

created in the United States. To enter into a political federation with existing

political organizations, none of which have the support of the masses

of the workers, would be to negate the possibility of creating a real United

Front of the workers politically . The Workers’ party will, therefore, as a

rule nominate its own candidates in the coming elections and carry on its

campaign independently.

“2. However, wherever the Central Labor body of a city votes for

independent political action by the organized workers, thus indicating that

the movement has the support of the organized workers, or the fact that

the movement for independent political action has the support of the masses

is otherwise indicated, the Workers party will support this action by joining,

as an autonomous body, into a federation to carry on the struggle . It

will take the initiative in those cases where it considers conditions ripe for

such action . The conditions for such participation are the following :

“(a) All working class organizations ready to participate in the United

Front campaign must be accepted as

“(b) The platform must raise as the issues of the campaign immediate

questions of the class struggle such as unemployment relief, the open shop,

the use of the injunction against the workers, opposition to industrial

courts, etc .

“(c) The United Front federation should adopt as the name under

which the candidates are placed on the ballot and the campaign conducted,

a name other than that of an existing political party, if the

party’ and its candidates are not endorsed .

[2451

and we will be able to influence its character and its activities andpart of the federation .name `Workers’

REDS IN AMERICA

“Permission to place candidates on the ballot under the name of an

existing working class political organization may be granted by the Central

Executive Committee when technical conditions make that necessary ; in such

instances, however, the campaign must be conducted under the name of the

United Front Federation .

“3. In such political division where it develops that a candidate of

another party claiming to be a working class party will be defeated through

votes cast for the Workers’ party candidate and a capitalist party candidate

elected, the Workers’ party will follow a policy appropriate to the situation .

The unsound principles and tactics of reform parties can be demonstrated

in action. Also, the Workers’ party can best gain the confidence of the

masses of the workers who support candidates of these parties in districts

where there is prospect of their success, by not causing defeat and tlbe election

of capitalist candidates, but advocating their election and proving

through their election the futility of their party program in action . The

Workers’ party in such instances may withdraw its candidates prior to the

election, at the same time issuing a manifesto making its criticism of the

candidates in whose favor it withdraws and stating the ground for its action .”

[2.461

APPENDIX F

NEXT TASKS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY IN AMERICA

“In the earlier stages the Communist movement usually lacks the broad,

directing viewpoint from which can be found the guideposts for its various

steps. Inexperienced communists, for example, attack imperialism only in

general, in its universal aspect, without exact information and minute attention

to the unique manifestations of imperialism within the given country .

They do not in any way direct their attacks for the purpose of playing up

against each other the antagonistic interests of various imperialistic groups .

“Also, the representatives of false tendencies in the labor movement

they attack in general terms, with indiscriminate battle cries having perhaps

the desired application to some, but having in regard to others perhaps the

exact opposite of the desired result. In a word, they strike around with their

eyes closed against all opponents of their own narrow communist groups .

They fight as a little sect fights, against the entire outer world .

“Such primitive methods of battle, even when combined with the greatest

zeal and heroism, are not dangerous to the enemies of communism .

“The Communists begin to be effective in the political struggle only

when they adopt concrete, strategic aims for their movement, based upon

a thorough examination of the facts . With a determined, purposeful drive

to these aims, with the subjection of every phase of our movement to this

principle, our movement begins to be effective .

“In order to assist the American comrades in working out and formulating

their line of action, the Executive Committee of the Communist International

proposes for their examination the following points :

“1. As the greatest force opposing the proletarian world revolution

appears at the moment to be the counter-revolutionary world alliance of

American, English, French and Japanese capitalism, it is of vital interest

to the proletarian revolutionary movement to work against the establishment

and consolidation of this alliance, to attack its advocates most ruthlessly,

to cut its tap-root, if possible, to disturb its growth unceasingly, and

adroitly to make use of the conflicting interests within it .

“The narrow nationalism of the American Japanophobes and Anglophobes

is not liberal or humanitarian nor friendly to labor, and is not in

the slightest degree more acceptable to us than was the attempted bourgeois

internationalism of the League of Nations, and yet, to the extent of its own

cupidity, it really hinders and disturbs the process of uniting the counterrevolutionary

forces in the capitalist world . To the extent that this narrow

nationalism (Japanophobia and Anglophobia) attacks and tends to smash

[2471

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the outside world robbers (and let us hope, smash itself)-to this extent it

is doing the historic work of self-destruction of the capitalist world system ;

and in this work it must not be hindered by us . Therefore, though we will

not, in the

ventures, we will make use of chauvinistic blindness on behalf of the proletarian

revolution.

“2. Soviet Russia, as the mainspring of the international revolutionary

movement of the proletariat, must be supported in every way . It must be

supported with economic help through the self-sacrifice of the workers of

all countries . And, most of all, it must be helped through the class struggle

of the workers in all capitalist countries against their own bourgeoisies .

The fiercer the class struggle of the American proletariat rages, the less will

be the pressure of the international counter-revolution upon Soviet Russia .

In this respect the communists must learn how to make use of the conflicting

interests of the various factions of the bourgeoisie, how to turn the greed of

the bourgeoisie for profits and how to exploit the various tendencies growing

out of greedy speculation, to the advantage of the Russian revolution,

and thus to the advantage of the proletarian world revolution .

“3. The prerequisite of victory for the working class is that the working

class unite itself for the class struggle . To bring about this unification,

isolated action, participated in solely by communists, will not suffice . It

is necessary to bring about common `mass action’ of workers who are not

yet communists . For this purpose the communists must penetrate the working

masses to the utmost, must work together with them, must live and fight

with them and lead them forward in both major and minor battles .

“The uniting of the workers in general class struggle organizations and

the joining of the various ones of these organizations into close relationships

-this and not merely to attain communist purity and perfection of program

-is the task now facing the Communist party of America . The consciousness

of the working masses is naturally very unclear at this time, half bourgeois,

and undeveloped from the standpoint of the revolutionary vanguard .

But, generally speaking, it will develop more clearly only during the process

of the struggle itself, through the common struggle against the bourgeoisie

and through experience in the general class struggle organizations .

“As a matter of course not all organizations to which workers belong

can be used as instruments of the proletarian class struggle, just as not

every action of the workers can further the struggle . But the question of

the possibilities of given organizations must be examined and judged on its

own merits in each case . It is unthinkable, for instance, that a colossal

trade union organization such as the American Federation of Labor could

be composed entirely of enemies of the working class, as are such capitalist

organizations as the Ku Klux Klan or the various strikebreaking bodies .

Here a distinction must always be made between the reactionary traitorous

leadership and the unconsciously petty bourgeois minded mass which we

have to win .

“And just so one must not consider any mass movement of the unemployed,

no matter how primitive, faltering and unclear, as being hopelessly

(2481

role of social-patriots, help the chauvinists in their predatory

01

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merely a peaceful movement with which the communists will have nothing

and permanently under bourgeois influence . The general elections, in which

hundreds of thousands of workers take part, can not be rejected as being

merely a peaceful movement with which the Communists will have nothing

to do. Further, certain mass organizations which not only are not communistic

but are not proletarian in composition, must be utilized by communist

strategy for the benefit of the proletarian class struggle .

“As, for instance, the existing mass movements of small farmers (who

are, in a sense, semiproletarian), and even movements of middle class

farmers under some circumstances . Another instance is the negro mass

movement for racial betterment, which movement often attempts deliberately

to avoid proletarian class character but must include great masses of toilers .

Communist strategy must utilize these movements as auxiliary forces or,

at least, must win them to benevolent neutrality in the class war .

“4. In the present period of the dissolution of the capitalist system,

the most important tasks of the communists of all capitalist countries is

the revolutionizing of the proletarian class struggle. The fighting proletariat

is to be led from one stage to another in the revolutionizing process

by means of suitable slogans. They must help the proletariat to free itself

from the illusions and false traditions that limit its vision and fetter its

activities and to counteract’ the fossilizing influence of the trade union bureaucracy.

One must organize the proletariat for the historic training school

in which it will learn to become the conqueror of capitalism .

“Only the Communist party can do this . The organization and training

of the Communist party as leader of the revolutionary movement is therefore

the fundamental task of the communists.

“The communists must now take the lead in the struggle against the

reduction of wages . This struggle in its various forms is especially adapted

for uniting the largest masses of workers in one organization for the

common struggle . The conservative labor leaders will find themselves placed

in a most difficult position through this struggle, where they will soon be

forced to plainly unmask their cowardly wobbling and their treacherous

role,

workers. In America almost nothing has been done so far in this direction,

but it must be done thoroughly before one can even think of the victory of

the working class in the revolutionary struggle .

“The organization of the unemployed is an equally important and

difficult task . In this movement, just as much as in all other minor battles,

the communists must select their slogans according to the circumstances and

intensify them as much as possible from the immediate needs of the day

to the general workers’ control of capitalist industry . Right now they must

make a special demand for state support of the unemployed out of the

military budget .

“The Communist party must remember that it is not its purpose to

reform the capitalist state! The purpose of the communists is, on the

contrary, to cure the working masses of their reformistic illusions through

bitter experience. Demands upon the state for immediate concessions to the

workers must be made not after the fashion of the Social-Democratic parties

[2491

and where they will bring upon themselves the wrath of the struggling

REDS IN AMERICA

which try to make those demands within the limits in which the state can

grant them while retaining its strength intact .

“Communist demands for immediate concessions to the workers are

formulated not to be `reasonable’ from the point of view of capitalism,

but to be reasonable from the point of view of the struggling workers,

regardless of the state’s power to grant them without weakening itself .

Thus, for instance, a demand for payment out of the government treasury

of full, union, standard wages for millions of unemployed workers is highly

reasonable from the point of view of the unemployed workers, but damaging

from the point of view of the capitalist state and the capitalist wage

competition which the state defends .

“We suggest a few examples of the type of demands that may be made .

It must be clearly understood that those are merely examples for illustration

and are not binding, nor are they to be concretely regarded even as advised

by the Committee.

“1 . That all combinations or agreements having the purpose of reducing

the rate of wages for the purpose of common action against labor

organization shall be made, in law, a criminal conspiracy .

“2. That no injunction shall be issued against workers for activities

toward raising the rate of wages or reducing the hours of labor .

“3. A constitutional amendment forbidding such laws as the Kansas

industrial court law .

“4. A constitutional provision guaranteeing the unlimited right of

peaceful picketing.

“5. For the disarming of all private detective cops in strike regions

or elsewhere . All organizations for the purpose of forming armed bodies

to engage in activities against strikers to be declared criminal conspiracy .

“6. That no process of law, criminal or otherwise, shall be allowed

forcibly to detain any regularly elected labor union official from his union

duties during the process of a labor dispute .

“7. Constitutional amendment forbidding the use of military or naval

force in any matter connected with the labor dispute .

“8. Legal provision for the maintenance of order in strike regions

by the appointment of members of the labor unions involved, such members

to be nominated by the labor organizations and armed from the public

supplies for the purpose of maintaining order during the period of the

strike.

“9. Constitutional provision abolishing the United States Labor Board

and prohibiting the executive to interfere in labor disputes .

“10. Favoring a close alliance of the United Mine Workers of America

with the railroad brotherhoods and all other unions, for common action

to raise the standard of living of all workers in both industries .

“11. General amnesty for all persons imprisoned as a result of

strikes or other incidents of the labor struggle . General amnesty for all

persons convicted of crime in any way relating to the labor movement

or into whose criminal trial any evidence was offered against the defendant

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regarding the latter’s view of the class struggle or political views . General

amnesty for all prisoners convicted of political offenses .

“12. For the Plumb plan, amended to give labor a majority of directors

.

“13. Immediate bonus of $500 to every soldier or sailor enlisted

in the United States forces during the world war ; $1,000 to those having

been granted wound stripes. A payment of $5,000 (in addition to all

payments otherwise provided for) to the dependents of every soldier or

sailor who died in the service during the war period. Funds for this purpose

to be taken from the military and naval budgets, respectively .

“14. For the unrestricted rights of soldiers and sailors to organize

unions . Immunity for all grievance committees of private soldiers or sailors .

No private soldier or sailor to be judged by court-martial except composed

entirely by private soldiers or sailors elected for the purpose within the

military unit concerned .

“15. Absolute prohibition of foreclosures upon farm property for

debts .

“16. For national credit, to the full value of his farm, to every

farmer holding less than $20,000 worth of farm property, the money to

be advanced out of the National Treasury at interest to cover the cost of

the loan transaction .

“17. For national credit, to the full extent of their holdings, to all

farm co-operatives, on the same basis .

“18. National monopoly, and operation at cost, of all grain elevators

except those in the hands of bona-fide farmers’ cooperatives, or which in

future may be established by such organizations.

“19. The liquidation of the Ku Klux Klan, invoking the criminal

conspiracy laws in prosecuting all persons connected with the organization .

“20. Condemnation of the Washington conference as a preparation

for a new world war. Condemnation of the imperialistic partitioning of

the Far East and other regions for exploitation .

“21. Warning of world war to grow out of secret and other arrangements

made in Washington conference . Condemnation of this in advance

as imperialistic warfare .

“22. For the immediate recognition and unrestricted trade with Soviet

Russia . For the reestablishment of postal agreement with Russia.

“These and other similar demands must be considered only as starting

points for broader, sharper, more universal slogans . In their agitation the

communists must point out that the problems will not be solved through

these measures, but that we support these demands of the masses so that

the very course of events itself may unmask the capitalist state and the

opponents of the working class, and prove to the masses the necessity of

the final struggle for power against the capitalist state itself . In this unmasking

process the communists must make use of every device to discredit

the opposition . At times they must develop a direct attack, brand every

mistake, every crime, every refusal of the demands of the toiling masses and

[2511

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constantly demonstrate the solidarity and identity of the capitalist class with

the capitalist state.

“The communists must participate as revolutionists in all general

election campaigns, municipal, state and congressional, as well as presi .

dential, not in the same manner as the social traitors and centrists, not

in order to avoid violent revolution and substitute parliamentary activity

for revolution, but, on the other hand, in order to use even the election

campaigns to revolutionize the workers and lead them forward, to sharpen

their class consciousness and to bring them together and unite them under

communist leadership .

“Class conscious, courageous and wise communists, as elected representatives

of the worker, can always find the possibility in the various

institutions of the bourgeois state, on one way or another, to give effective

object lessons to revolutionize the working class . Besides, the Communist

party can conceal its underground apparatus and develop it very effectively

within the outer framework of the legal campaign organization and the

election activities .

“In all these minor struggles, as well as the final revolutionary battle

of the proletariat, the party organization must be the leader of the struggling

workers.

“Its weapons are manifold, and vary, according to the situation, from

entirely legal propaganda, from election campaigns, from modest movements,

for increase of wages, and from peaceful demonstrations to the

revolutionary strike and to the various forms of armed revolutionary class

struggle.

“In agitation and propaganda, communists cannot be satisfied with

mere dogmatic presentation of communist principles of the propagandizing

of the armed struggle under all circumstances . They must not permit

themselves to appear to the masses as fanatic bomb enthusiasts who know

nothing about the realities of life . They must understand how to lead the

working masses from the struggle for the satisfaction of their first concrete

needs on to such a battle that the struggling masses themselves will begin to

believe in success and victory .

“The legal party press is, under all circumstances, a most important

weapon to the Communist party . Just as the political movement of the

workers in America has remained very backward in regard to matters of

organization, so the revolutionary labor press is also as yet very weak .

Its development is at the present moment the most urgent task of the party .

As long as the party does not possess at least one or two legal dailies in

the English language it is still crawling around on all fours . The party

must do everything in its power in order to secure decided influence and

direct or indirect control over as many existing papers of various labor organizations

as possible . Especially it must try to win control over the labor

union press. In addition the party must publish an illegal official organ .

“All good possibilities of both the legal and illegal activities must

be utilized by the party energetically. He who wants to liquidate the

illegal activities is no communist at all, and neither is that type of con-

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`NEXT TASKS OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY IN AMERICA

spirator who does not want to know anything about legal activities .

“Under existing circumstances it is impossible for the Communist party

in the United States to be a legal party . Of course the party can develop

open labor organizations. It can even build

organization . It can even also launch a legal revolutionary labor party .

It must launch also such a legal party with the purpose that the communists

can openly enter its ranks without permitting the police to know which of

the members are communists and which are not . But the underground

organization, whose membership consists entirely of communists, must not

be liquidated . On the contrary, it must be built even firmer and stronger .

It must guide and control the legal revolutionary party through its members.

Every Communist, that is, every member of the underground party,

must submit to an iron discipline, and must act in accordance with the

directions of the leading organs of the underground party in all legal as

well as illegal activities.

“As a matter of course, all real communists

subscribe to this. The executive of the Communist International knows

that the minority of the party executives does not deny the advisability of

taking advantage of legal opportunities, although this minority opposes the

rapid and energetic procedure of the majority in founding the legal revolutionary

party.

of the Communists, without good ground .

“The fact that the party executive is proceeding rapidly and energetically

with the formation of the Legal party organization is not a fault . It

would have been a fault to wait the launching of the legal party until the

underground organization had developed sufficient strength. The develop.

ment of the underground organizations can best be furthered through these

very activities of its members in the ranks of the legal party . Historic progress

is not such a simple matter as to leave us the liberty first to complete

the development of the underground party apparatus and only then to begin

the building of the legal party organization . In this manner the very best

opportunities for the launching of the legal party would be lost .

“The centrists would have a free field for their efforts at founding an

independent opportunist party. This opportunity must not be left to them .

The Communist party must take the initiative in the formation of the new

legal party and must take the control firmly into its own hands . It must

be careful to hold itself the actual control over

legal party . For this reason, the legal organization must take the permanent

form of a party organization . Some other loose organization form would

be very much more difficult to control and to guide . Furthermore, the development

of a solidly organized legal party, in which members of the Communist

party have at least the majority on all important committees, will make

possible the control of still other anti-capitalistic organizations through this

legal party .

“For the foregoing reason we draw your attention to the following for

your guidance :

“1. The Communist party of America is as yet far from having satis-

(253)

a legal revolutionary workers’in the United States willThis distinction is, in the judgment of the Executive Committeeall the leading organs of the

REDS IN AMERICA

factory connections with the masses . The means of contact must be constructed

with the greatest possible speed .

“2. Connection with the masses essentially implies a public operation .

Secret operations, even with the widest possible ramifications, can not be

satisfactory mass operations . The means of public contact with the masses

must be principally :

“(a) A legal press, including at least one daily English legal newspaper,

acting with the necessary disguise as a central party organ .

“(b) Organized grouping of sympathizers within the trade unions .

“(c) An overground political party .

“3. Certain indispensable accompaniments to the highest developed

capitalist form of society leaves weakness in the capitalist structure that has

to be taken advantage of by a Communist party of action . The Government

of the United States will not permit a Communist party to exist, but is compelled

to permit parties to exist in an otherwise almost unrestricted variety

for the purpose of its own preservation . The capitalist class builds its regime

upon the rock foundation-the mass illusion that social questions are solved

in the sphere in which these parties operate . The state attempts, wherever

it can, to exclude a truly proletarian revolutionary party from this public

field. It attempts first to exterminate the revolutionary party, if possible, or

second, to terrorize and corrupt the revolutionary party into subservience to

capitalist law which makes revolution impossible, or third, at least to confine

the revolutionary party’s operations to the narrow sphere that can be reached

secretly .

“A Communist party must defeat all these attempts . It must not be

exterminated. It must unequivocally refuse to obey capitalist law and must

urge the working class to the violent destruction of the entire legal machinery .

It is equally the duty of a Communist party to defeat by any means that may

be necessary the capitalist government’s attempt to confine the revolutionary

party to the underground channels in which it is even more concealed from

the masses than it is from the government .

“4. The program of the legal party will have to be somewhat restricted .

Special measures and slogans which, while not stating the illegal communist

purpose, will objectively have the revolutionary effect upon the masses, must

be adopted . The legal party must at all times go as far toward the communist

program as possible while continuing a legal existence .

“5. The entire membership of the underground party, the real Communist

party, must join the open party and become its most active element . Communist

party members must at all times hold the positions of leadership in

the legal party . In addition to the entire communist party membership, the

legal party should admit to its ranks the more advanced workers who accept

the principle of the class struggle and the abolition of capitalism through

the establishment of the workers’ power . Working class organizations that

subscribe to these principles can be admitted to or affiliated with the legal

party as a body within the judgment of the central executive committee of

the Communist party .

‘*6. The executive of the Communist International has resolved to sup.

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port the position of the majority of the Central Executive Committee of the

Communist party of America in favor of the immediate construction of a

legal political party on a national scale, which will act as an instrument of

the illegal Communist party for participation in legal activities such as electoral

campaigns, etc . The executive of the Comintern takes this position after

having been informed that the minority of the Executive Committee of the

Communist party of America accepts in principle the tactics of the legal work

of various sorts at the present time, but rejects the tactics of the immediate

construction of a legal political party on a national scale with the Communist

party as its nucleus . The ruling of the Communist International must be accepted

as obligating every member of the Communist party of America, minority

or majority, to work diligently in the immediate construction of a legal

political party. As a rule, party members who fail to participate wholeheartedly

in the legal work or who sabotage that work must leave the party .

“7. But in carrying out these instructions, the party must guard itself

against the tendency to repudiate or neglect the illegal work-the tendency

will be found especially among intellectual party members who have little

experience in the brutal physical phases of the class struggle to which the

rank and file workers are always exposed, but from which the intellectuals

engaged in legal political work are sometimes shielded. Upon finding themselves

in the easier life of political activities many will forget that no matter

what maneuvers may be made upon the public stage the final class struggle

must be until its end a brutal fight of physical force . A certain element of

the party membership will inevitably forget this fundamental principle

(which no humble worker in the class struggle is allowed to forget) and

will come forward with naive proposals for liquidating the illegal machinery

of the party . Such a tendency is very dangerous to a proletarian revolutionary

party. The actual liquidation of the underground party would mean the

liquidation of the revolutionary movement . Party members who persist in

such a view must be ruthlessly expelled from the illegal party .

“8. The underground organization of the Communist party must not sink

into disuse, but, on the contrary, must constantly extend its illegal machinery

further and further, in proportion to the growth of the illegal party . While

coming out in the open, the Communist party must not make the mistake of

being trapped in the open by exposing its national or district communist

party headquarters, records of illegal machinery, its underground printing

arrangements or the personnel of its Central Executive Committee . The Central

Executive Committee headquarters (of the party proper) must continue

to be guarded in secrecy (and even the problem of redoubling its security

from discovery should be constantly studied) .

“The underground machinery of the Communist party is not merely for

emergencies, but for constant and permanent use . Down to the lowest unitthe

group of ten-every branch and stem of the party structure must continue

to keep its secret addresses and meeting places and to use them in constant

underground functioning . Every member, no matter what his work in the

legal party, must also perform his duties in the underground organization .

“9. The party underground press must continue . The means of pub-

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lishing unknown to and in spite of the capitalist authorities must always be

kept in hand and in use. Under bourgeois rule, no matter how liberal it may

be, a Communist party must never relinquish its facilities for underground

press and, under the circumstances now prevailing in the United States, the

active functioning of the underground press can not be abated. But it would

be foolish to print any considerable amount of literature underground that

could be printed legally . The legal political party will be able to take upon

itself the printing of a large portion of the literature that is not definitely

illegal. It may also be made sponsor for a great many legal communist

newspapers. Legal newspapers must form a very large part of the work of

the mass party. The illegal press must carry the propaganda that the legal

press can not carry, thus making sure that the full communist message is

made clear at all times .

“10. The intellectual workers in these legal institutions of the party must

be subject to the same discipline, wage scale and regulations as underground

party workers. It must always be remembered that the real revolutionary

party-the American Section of the Third International-is the Communist

party of America and that the legal party is but an instrument which it uses

to better carry on its work among the masses . Only through membership in

the American section-the Communist party of America-can American

workers become members of the Communist International .

“Dear comrades, we hope that, in your coming party convention, all of

you will give evidence, in your resolutions and actions, of firm, organic unity

and that your party will prove its ability to measure up to the great responsibilities

that stand before it .

“With communistic greetings .

“Executive committee of the Communist International .

“N. BUKHARIN,

“K. RADEK,

“0. W. KUSINEN,

“Secretary .”

[256]

APPENDIX G

“OUR BOLSHEVIST MOLES”

(Under this caption the London Morning Post published in December,

1922, and January, 1923, a series of articles showing from authentic documents

the activities o f the Communists in Great Britain. By special permission

of the editor of the Post the substance of the articles is herewith

reprinted to illustrate the similarity o f the Communist work in foreign

lands with that in America and as evidence o f the international character o f

the gigantic conspiracy to bring the entire world down to the level of the

workers when the “dictatorship of the proletariat” shall have been established

.

Just as the Moscow Communists hoped to make of the coal miners’

strike in the United States the first step toward armed insurrection against

the Government in the summer of 1922, so the same group planned to use

the British coal strike at the same time . Following is first an editorial from

the London Morning Post of December 28, 1922, the date of the beginning

of the series . Then, in sequence, are the articles .)

We are able to begin today the publication of a series of articles describing

in detail the organization and the methods of what, we say deliberately,

is one of the most dangerous revolutionary conspiracies with which

this country has ever been confronted . The information we shall publish

is drawn from the secret documents of the Communist party . That party

is now the dominating force of the Labor party, which is numerously represented

in Parliament . Those members of the Labor Party who are not

either, overtly or secretly, Communists no longer exert any influence, nor

do they possess a coherent policy . Unable to check the revolutionaries in

the past, the men who are fond of describing their views as moderate and

who deprecate methods of violence, are now dragged impotently in the wake

of the Communists . In the opinion of the Communists, the old-style Labor

leader is no longer worth consideration, and accordingly the order has

gone forth from Moscow that he is to be superseded by the genuine revolutionary.

It must not be imagined that Communism is accurately represented

in the House of Commons by the few noisy persons who have already earned

the contempt alike of the House and of the public . Men much more formidable

are directing the Communist party in this country, which, as we shall

prove, take their orders straight from Moscow . We shall show, also, that

the Communists are formed into a vast secret society, with its centers in

every town and district, and its agents in every walk of society . There is

here disclosed no ordinary manufactured political agitation, such as the

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elder Socialist movement, for which the Communists express the liveliest

contempt.

In the documents from which we shall draw indisputable evidence, it

is clearly shown that the great mining strike was initiated and directed by

the Communists as the first step towards revolution ; and the failure of that

treasonable conspiracy was the subject of severe rebuke on the part of the

notorious Russian Bolshevik, Karl Radek . It was, indeed, by reason of the

defeat of the Communist plot on that occasion that the new Communist organization,

of which we shall give a full account, was instituted . It was dictated

from Moscow, and it is based throughout, as we shall show, on what is

called the Theses of the Communist Internationale. The Communist party

in Great Britain is recognized by Moscow, and as a condition of that recognition

every member of the Communist party must accept and carry into

execution the instructions of the Theses . Members are bound to perform

work both legal and illegal when they are ordered to do so . Those who

fail in obedience “must be excluded from the party .” The Theses of the

Second Congress of the Communist Internationale contain definite and minute

instructions for the dissemination of Bolshevist doctrines, not only

among the “proletariat,” but in every grade of the community . Every convert

to Communism becomes a potential or active agent of revolution, working

under strict and detailed instructions . Groups or “nuclei” are constituted

in all districts, which are under the direction of regional committees,

which in their turn are guided by the central body, which is always in

session in London. The scheme of organization has been elaborated, as our

readers will perceive, with consummate ability . Its main purpose is to

ensure incessant activity in every branch of revolution, from the teaching

of children to the preparation for armed insurrection . The Theses demand

practical results. The leaders of revolution in Moscow are no longer content

with mere dissemination of doctrine or the issuing of manifestos . The

central authority in this country is the Executive Committee of the Communist

party ; which, as we have observed, is the most active force in the

Labor party ; and the Executive Committee in this country is responsible

to the Executive of the Communist Internationale at Moscow, and is bound

by the decisions given by Moscow .

Such is the outline of the very dangerous revolutionary organization

whose workings we shall expose . It should be remembered that we are here

dealing, not with the wild project of a few half-crazed visionaries, but with

the work of bold, cunning, and unscrupulous men, who have not only

planned the revolution in this country but who, with the help of the Labor

party proper, or at least with their connivance, have actually carried into

execution the first measures of the revolutionary campaign . Indeed, so

serious is the menace that we hope none of our readers will dismiss the

information with the comfortable thought that the British people have too

much sense to engage in revolution . Doubtless that consideration is generally

accurate, but the Bolsheviks, who rule the Labor party, have provided

against that contingency also by formulating the principle that, given time

and opportunity, a resolute minority can always “stampede the majority .”

“OUR BOLSHEVIST MOLES”

That is perilously true . The danger, some of whose secrets-but by no

means all-we unmask, is a present and an active danger . It demands not

only the strict attention of the Government but the lively consideration of

every honest citizen . The Communist is the sworn and deadly enemy of

society . Destitute alike of morals and of natural scruple, he is no more to

be tolerated than a wild beast ; and for the same reasons.

At a special Conference of the Communist party of Great Britain, held

in London last March, a Commission was appointed “to review the organization

of the party in the light of the Theses (of the Communist International)

. . . and to make detailed recommendations to the Executive

Committee and to the Annual Conference for the application of the Theses .”

The members of the Commission were Messrs . R. Palmer Dutt (editor of

the

organ of the Red International of Labor Unions) . The following were the

terms of reference:

(1) To draft such revision of the Constitution as may seem necessary

to bring it into accord with the Theses.

(2) To examine and report on the existing divisions, areas and other

units .

(3) To draw up a full scheme for the co-ordination and direction of

groups and nuclei in the Trade Unions and other working-class organizations,

and to make recommendations as to the first steps to be taken in the

practical operation of the scheme .

(4) To consider the organization of the party centre and make recommendations

.

(5) To bring under review the party press and other form of propaganda

in order to make possible a more effective fulfillment of the Theses

in these respects .

The Report of the Commission has been represented to the party,

and was adopted by the annual Conference, held at the Battersea Town

Hall on October 7. It is a remarkable document, and is worthy of very

careful study by employers, Trade Unionists, Co-operators, Government

departments and by all who are fighting Bolshevism . Unfortunately, the

report is only for members of the Communist party . It is, therefore,

necessary for the writer to describe this document in detail, so that those

who may be directly or indirectly affected by the underground burrowings of

our Bolshevist moles will be familiar with their methods and plans . The report

fills nearly seventy-nine pages, and it must be admitted that the plan of

reorganization and the new methods of waging the Bolshevik war on society

are diabolically clever .

The new organization and methods of the Communist party are, as

the report indicates, founded on the Theses of the Communist International .

These were issued in August, 1920, and in December, 1921 . Extracts from

the Theses have been published in the Morning Post . Every organization

recognized by Moscow must accept and carry out the instructions of the

Theses ; and “members of the party who repudiate the conditions and theses

Labour Monthly), M. Inkpin, and M . Pollitt (editor of All Power, an

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adopted by the Communist International must be excluded from the party .”

Members must be prepared to undertake both legal and illegal work when

required to do so by the party leaders or by the Communist International .

The form of organization which has hitherto been generally adopted

by the Socialist parties does not lend itself to the kind of revolutionary

activity desired by the Communist International . After the miners’ strike

last year the British Communists were severely criticized by Karl Radek

because they had failed to obtain from the strike revolutionary results . The

failure was explained as being due mainly to defective organization on the

part of the Communist movement in this country . The new organization

scheme to be described in these articles is the sequel to the criticisms of

the Moscow Chiefs of the Communist party .

Before describing the scheme of organization recommended by the Commission-

and now in process of development-it is necessary to look at the

Theses of the Communist International, on which the new organization of

the Communist party of Great Britain is to be based . The Theses of the

Second Congress of the Communist International, Moscow, August, 1920,

contain the instructions that are of immediate interest . Clause 8 calls

upon the Communists to replace “the old leaders by Communists in all

kinds of proletarian organizations, not only political, but industrial, cooperative,

educational, &c .” Clause 9 states that : “Therefore, the preparation

of the dictatorship of the proletariat must be begun immediately and

in all places by means of the following method, among others” :

In every organization, union or association-beginning with proletarian

ones first-and afterwards in all those of the non-proletarian workers and

exploited masses (political, professional, military, co-operative, educational,

sporting, &c.) must be formed groups or nuclei of Communists-mostly

open ones, but also secret ones, which become necessary in each case when

the arrest or exile of their members or the dispersal of the organization is

threatened . These nuclei, in close contact with one another and with the

Central party, exchanging experiences, carrying on the work of propaganda,

campaign, organization, adapting themselves to all the branches of social

life, to all the various forms and subdivisions of the working masses, must

systematically train themselves, the party, the class, and the masses by such

various work .

. . . The masses must be approached with patience and caution, and

with an understanding of the peculiarities, the special psychology of each

layer or profession .

This extract from the Theses is a sample of the instructions of Moscow,

and the study of the report of the Communist Commission shows that the

orders have been obeyed in every detail . There is scarcely any organization

or branch of social life to escape the open and secret attentions of our

Bolsheviks when their new plan of attack on Society is complete and in,

working order . The scheme of organization to be described in this and the

subsequent articles is most intricate, elaborate and costly ; it penetrates

every phase of social life.

[2601

“OUR BOLSHEVIST MOLES”

THE NEW SCHEME

In the new organization of the Communist forces, every member of the

party “has his own special work and responsibility .” There are no idle

or passive members ; each one will have his allotted task and will work under

strict orders and be subjected to the most rigid discipline . “The method

of sharing out the work and responsibility is by making every member a

member of a working group ; that is to say, either of a special committee

in charge of some special activity under the direction of the District or

Centre, or of a nucleus which is carrying out party policy in some workingclass

organization.” To unify the work of these groups there is a system of

reports, “each group reporting regularly to the directing authority in

charge of the work .” It is further provided that :

Every activity has its leading committee or directing authority, appointed

by and subject to the Executive Committee, which supervises the

actual work and gives day-to-day instructions (not general instructions) on

what to do and what is the correct party line to follow .

The three governing principles of the scheme are :

(1) Centralized Direction.-The establishment of strong directing

centres in conjunction with the party centre .

(2) Division of Work.-The allocation of members to working groups

for special tasks and the drawing of every member into the work by this

means.

(3) Organized Influence in the Working Class as the Aim .-The concentrating

of all activities of our groups, with a view to building up a

network of influence throughout the working class and its organizations .

The Central Authority is the Executive Committee of the Communist

party . This Executive is, as we shall see later, responsible to the Executive

of the Communist International at Moscow, and must report to Moscow

at regular intervals the results of its work in Great Britain . This will be

understood by consulting the new “Statutes and Rules” of the party .

Rule 1 says : “The Communist Party of Great Britain is a section of the

Communist International, and is bound by its decisions .”

THE IMMEDIATE AIM

The Communist Party Executive in London is now forming District

Party Committees. These Districts are not the old geographical divisions

of the country into which the party organization has hitherto been divided .

The new Districts are to begin with those industrial areas in which the

membership of the party is mainly concentrated The Report

states that “the District is the pivot of Communist organization,” and it

quotes the following from the Moscow Theses on Organization (para. 44)

“The thing to be aimed at is that every locality forming an economic,

political, or transportation centre should spread out and form a net of

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organizations within a wide area of the surroundings of the given locality

and the economic political districts adjoining it .”

BUREAUS AND DEPARTMENTS

The District Organization Bureau contains, like the Organizing Bureau

at Headquarters, seven departments . The following departments, with their

numbers as given in the Report, are of public interest :

(1) REGISTER OF MEMBERS, with their qualifications and the

work to which they are allocated . This register will enable the Committee

to keep under review the disposition of members’ activities, and to draft

members for new work as needed . There will be a general register of

individual members, with party record, record in working-class movement

and personal record. In addition, there will be separate registers of the

different organizations for each activity ; Trade Union nuclei, factory nuclei,

Trades Councils, and local Labor party fractions, propaganda committees,

distribution groups, &c . Finally, there will be the special registers of

members with certain qualifications and functions (speakers, instructors,

linguists, &c .) .

(4) DISTRIBUTION . Maintenance and control of the distribution

apparatus of the party, through the groups in the localities and the factories,

both for the sale of literature and for the rapid distribution of

leaflets, Executive cables, &c .

(5) TRANSPORT AND COMMUNICATION. Organization of ways

and means of sending, receiving, and, if necessary, of accommodating literature,

messages, individuals, &c ., and of maintaining lines of communication

with the Centre and also between localities and between workshops .

(6) INFORMATION. Organization of all necessary information concerning

the District through the local information groups and collection

and transmission of information to the Centre .

This information from the District Committees is tabulated and classified

by the corresponding departments of the Organization Bureau at the

Centre. The District Political Bureau also consists of seven departments

which correspond to the departments of the Political Bureau at the Centre .

These include the following :

(1) INDUSTRIAL COMMITTEE . For the direction of the nuclei in

the unions and the workshops and the fractions on Trades Councils and

Local Labor Parties, in accordance with the lines laid down by the Central

Industrial Committee .

(2) – ELECTIONS AND MUNICIPAL COMMITTEE. For election

work (Parliamentary and municipal) and direction of municipal representatives

.

(3) LABOR AND CO-OPERATIVE COMMITTEE . For co-ordination

of work inside Co-operative Societies and Guilds, Labor clubs, and miscellaneous

local Labor organizations, and undermining and propaganda work

in local Social Democratic organizations.

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“OUR BOLSHEVIST MOLES”

(4) EDUCATION COMMITTEE. . For arranging the training classes

of candidates for party membership, special training of party’s workers, organizers,

&c., and instructions of workers outside the party .

(7) POLITICAL AND SUPPLEMENTARY COMMITTEE. For propaganda

and undermining work in Government and bourgeois institutions and

special intelligence.

A REPORT TO MOSCOW

The purpose of this elaborate machinery of organization is indicated in

the above extracts . The main purpose is to obtain control of the industrial

organizations of the workers . Before this scheme of organization had been

devised, the Executive of the Communist party of Great Britain reported to

Moscow that “the Party has 200 propagandists of Communism,” and the party

has nuclei almost in every trade union, and efforts are being pushed forward

to bring these into touch with each other according to the industries, in the

terms of the Theses of the Communist International . . . . All the members

of the party are bound to take an active part in the unemployed agitation

; it is very acute, and whatever has been done to turn the situation to account

in a Communist sense is due to the work of the party . (The Communist

International, Nos . 16-17.)

The members of the party in a locality are combined in small groups .

‘T.hese groups correspond to the German Zehnergruppen, or “Tens,” and are composed of members living within easy walking distance of one

another.” Where the party is strong “these group areas may cover a street

or a block ; in other words, a ward .” There is a Group Leader, who will be

responsible for his group and must see that the members are carrying out

the instructions received from the Local Party Committee . This Committee

directs and co-ordinates the activities of all the groups (also nuclei and

fractions) in the locality, and reports to the District Party Committee . No

slackness is allowed ; every member is under strict supervision . He must

be a working member, “since he could not be a member of the party at all

unless he were a member of a working group . This is the vital secret of the

Theses. . . . Every member has some special qualification, which can

be used in some sphere of the party’s work. It will be the business of the

Party Committee so to organize the groups that they are composed of the

members best suited to the work in hand .” For this reason persons joining

the party must serve a period of probation before being admitted to mem-

THE COMMUNIST PRESS

bersbip .

Before coming to the actual nature of the work which the Committee’s

groups and nuclei of the Communist party will have to do, it is necessary

briefly to summarize the plans for the entire reorganization of the Communist

press . The report of the Commission states that the main party

organ must be “a mass organ, i.e ., an organ of working-class life and strug-

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gle. Its object is not only to agitate, but to organize and train .” The Communist

“should be the newspaper of the working class, and not a small

magazine of miscellaneous articles with a Communist bias .” It must “report

working-class life and struggle in such a way as to give every item an

agitating and organizing value.”

We now come to the vital part of the Communist organization. All

the elaborate and expensive machinery of organization is for a definite

purpose. This purpose has been shown in the extracts from the Moscow

Theses and by the report of the British Communists to the Moscow Headquarters

of the Communist International . What follows is concerned with

this Bolshevist machine at work. Chapter 4 of the Report of the Communist

Commission is headed “Party Activities,” and section 1 of this chapter

describes the work “in the Trade Unions .” It states that (p . 36)

“The work of the party in the Trade Union movement and in the workshops

(factories, mines, docks, railways, shipyards, or other places of

work) is the principal activity before the party in the present period . It

is here that we must build up the leadership of the party in the actual dayto-

day struggle of the workers in order to have the solid basis to proceed

to further struggles . That leadership will not be achieved by the issue

of manifestos, but only by systematic and organized work over the whole

field .

“The field is extremely complicated, and only the highest degree of

organization will secure results. . . . We must never let the “industrial

side,” i . e ., our activity in economic movement, become separate from “party

work,” since the whole direct object of our activity in the economic movement

is not the separate economic struggle, but the common political

struggle, i.e ., the revolutionary struggle for power under the dictatorship ,

of the party. Therefore all our work in these organizations must be primarily

directed towards strengthening the party’s hold ; if we form any independent

movement it must be only as a vehicle for the party’s action, and

all our work must be under the daily direction of the party .”

The Commission explains that the work of the party in the Trade

Unions, “despite its volume,” has failed through lack of common direction .

They had no “hold on the membership,” and no channel through which

the necessary reports and information could be obtained. To overcome

these difficulties there must be organized and directed day-to-day work in

the Unions, and “its aim must be to bring increasing numbers of workers

under the direct leadership of the party . For this reason `nucleus work’ is

not simply the creation of centres of agitation, but one of the most highly

organized forms of the party’s work .”

The aim is to transform the Unions “into mass organizations of the

revolutionary struggle under the leadership of the party . This plan is

not a mechanical process of `capturing’ the Unions . . . The process

is one of actually organizing the workers around the party, and by our

organization from top to bottom of the Union, establishing a real and not

merely a formal, hold upon it,” This is to be accomplished by first organ-

[2641

“OUR BOLSHEVIST MOLES”

izing “our members in their `nuclei’ or groups of party members in each

Trade Union branch .” These nuclei must be “firmly welded together over

the whole country,” and must act under “central direction .” This direction

will come from the Headquarters of the party and the District Committees

will “only act as transmitting centres for nationally decided policies in

each Union to the nuclei affected in their district.”

MANIPULATING THE UNIONS

At the Central Industrial Department of the party in London there

will sit a ,main Industrial Committee, assisted by “Special Advisory Committees

from each of the provincial Unions or groups of Unions . The advisory

Committee of a given Trade Union will consist of our best members

in that Union . it will receive the reports of our nuclei to the Union

either directly or through local or district committees, as also reports of

any officials, executive members, &c ., we may have in the Union.” This

main Industrial Committee at the Centre will divide into sections for (1)

Trade Unions ; (2) Trade Councils ; (3) Workshops ; (4) Press. Similar

Committees will meet at the District Centres “to receive instructions from

the main Industrial Committees, work them out for the District, and pass

them on to the Union nuclei concerned in their District .” A nucleus must

be formed in any Trade Union branch where there are one or more members

of the party .

A Trade Union nucleus is a party organization working in a Trade

Union branch, and consists of party members and candidates in that branch .

A nucleus only exists when it has been organized by or reported itself to

its Leading Committee, and is meeting, working, and reporting regularly .

The nucleus will receive full instructions as to its work at the time when it

is formed by the representative of the Leading Committee accredited for the

purpose, and thereafter will receive particular instructions over any issue

or campaign as occasion arises .

ESPIONAGE

It

Trade Union branches are an organized system of espionage, directed from

the Headquarters of the Communist party . The average Trade Union member

is to be surrounded by the organized spies of Moscow, and his Union

is to be secretly “wangled” into the acceptance of policies devised by the

chiefs of the Communist party and introduced into the Unions by the

underground agents of the party .

The nuclei in several branches of a Union in a locality are to form

“a Local Committee for that Union” in order to co-ordinate the work of the

nuclei in its local branches . In the same way the nuclei in all the local

Trade Union branches, workshops, and the fractions in the Trades Councils,

&c., are to be combined in a Local General Committee . This Committee

takes up any subject or agitation on which all the nuclei should concen-

(2651

will be seen, and Trade Unionists should note, that these nuclei in

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trate . Communists on District Committees or the Executive of a Union

will “be organized in definite party organizations (Fractions), which will

meet and report regularly, and receive their instructions from the Leading

Committee .” Members of the Communist party who are officials in a Union

will be separately organized for party purposes, and will have to furnish

their own reports regularly on the work, together with any information

obtained, and will receive their distinct instructions .

A Local Industrial Organizer will be appointed “to transmit instructions

to the various nuclei” and to supervise their activities. The work of

a nucleus in a Trade Union branch covers a wide field . In addition to the

routine day-to-day work it will :

Organize the Left Wing opposition in all branches around all current

questions . . . it will be prepared for each branch meeting with resolutions,

movers of resolutions, discussions, &c . . . . it will endeavour

to weaken the position of reactionary officials and leaders by pressing issues

which force them to take up an unpopular stand ; . . . it will work

for the election of accredited Communist candidates as officials and delegates

to conferences, &c. ; during strikes its members will be active in the forefront

and pressing for extension of the dispute, and greater solidarity ;

and it will be watchful to keep the Leading Committee informed of all developments,

and to follow carefully the lead given in order to achieve

uniformity in the party’s action .

CONTROL OF INDUSTRY

More important than the nuclei in the Trade Union branches are the

nuclei in the workshops. The Report declares that :

“The factory or workshop is the real unit of the working class, and

should be the main field of our activity . Here, far more than in the localities,

is the basis of the Party’s organization of the workers, and contact

with the working class as a whole, whether organized or unorganized. The

Trade Unions only bring us in contact with a portion of the working class

and only a minority of those who turn up at branch meetings, &c .

The workshop brings us into contact with all the workers on the spot . . .

The Trade Unions can only initiate the struggle. Once the revolutionary

struggle begins the workshop becomes the centre . . . Upon our organization

in the workshops will depend the success of the workers in the

first phase of the revolutionary struggle and their readiness for organization

under the dictatorship of the proletariat .”

Whenever members of the party are employed in a factory or works,

“they must be organized as a responsible party body or nucleus .” The

forms and activities of a workshop nucleus are “manifold and varied, and

the duties include the distribution of “the party paper and literature,”

dinner-hour discussions, formation of social and sports organizations,

taking up of grievances, &c . These are, of course, the general propaganda

duties. Their special task is “to agitate for the formation of factory com-

[2661

“OUR BOLSHEVIST MOLES”

mittees,” especially during a crisis, as these committees tend to “develop

into the conscious struggle of the working class for power.”

BUSINESS SECRETS

If a Factory Committee is formed, or if one already exists, “the nucleus

must concentrate its efforts on securing and maintaining control of it . Our

members must put before the Factory Committee the objective of the control

of industry, and seek to develop the struggle for the control of industry

into the struggle for the dictatorship of the proletariat .”

The real purpose of these factory committees is revealed in a warning

to the nucleus . They are reminded that “workers’ control” is not “our

objective.” It is one of many demands “to develop the struggle and so carry

forward our propaganda.”

BREAKING NEW GROUND

The following instruction is given by the Commission for cases where

the Communists wish to attack a works in which they have no members :

“Special attention will be needed if the party wishes to gain a foothold

in a large and important factory or works where we have as yet no members .

In such cases, when a decision has been taken to make the attempt in regard

to some particular factory, a special campaign will have to be developed

for the purpose, and militant groups will be needed to start the assault . As

a first step there should appear in the party organ some report or news

bearing on the factory question . At the same time meetings should be arranged

outside the factory which would concentrate on matters of particular

interest to the workers in that factory .”

Leaflets, manifestos, &c., will be distributed, and the party organ

pushed . “The number of readers of the paper obtained will indicate the

measure of our success . Once we have obtained our contacts individual

recruiting proceeds .”

Space will not permit of more details concerning these workshop nuclei.

But it must be understood that none of the groups, nuclei and local

committees which have so far been described, is allowed to act on its own

initiative. Everything is done by order and under careful direction . Each

group or nucleus has its appointed leader, who acts under orders from

its Local Committee. This Committee is responsible to the District Committee

and the District Committtee is acting on the instructions of the Executive

Committee at the Centre ; and this Executive is carrying out the orders

of the Executive of the Communist International at Moscow .

The Co-operative movement, with its large funds, has in recent years

attracted the Socialists, and now the Communists intend to penetrate this

movement. The Report we are considering explains the importance of the

Co-operatives to the Bolsheviks . It points out that “very active propaganda

is being carried on by the Labor Party and I . L. P. members to organize

their influence in the co-operatives .” Communists must bring the Co-oper-

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atives into “the current struggle,” and “finally to work to secure controlling

positions in them for our members .” For this purpose every Communist

who is eligible must “join his local co-operative society .”

LOCAL GOVERNMENT FRACTIONS

Considerable attention will be given by the new organization to “work

in local government.” This is “an immediate task before the party.” The

guiding principle is stated in the following terms :

The purpose of the party’s work on Local Government bodies is clearly

stated in the Theses . The Communist party does not enter on Local Government

bodies to help in their work, but to expose and destroy them as part

of the bourgeois machinery and administration . For this purpose the work

on them must always be subordinate to the objects and tactics of the mass

struggle outside. On the other hand, the work on them must never be

merely negative, but must always have positive propaganda value . “We

should not merely oppose demands, but should formulate demands the

struggle for which will clearly expose the class character of local government

and lead to open conflict with the Central Authority .”

The policy and tactics on local government bodies depend on whether

the majority is (a) Communist, (b) Labor, (c) Bourgeois . In all cases the

aim of the Communists is the destruction of the machinery of local government.

During strikes “the local government machinery” must he used

“to serve the purpose of the strike .” “In the actual revolutionary struggle

any hold on local government should be used to stop its operation and replace

it by revolutionary workers’ councils .” A section on this subject is

devoted to the dangers of reformism . “The active participation in the administrative

detail of a Local Governing body has a tendency to cool the

revolutionary ardour of the Communists, and many revolutionaries are afraid

of taking part at all for fear of coming reformists .”

PREJUDICES OF WOMEN.

Chapter 6 of the Bolshevist Report is devoted to the work of the Communist

among women. It begins by declaring that “The

the class struggle cannot be ignored by Communists in any country. .

The seizures of power by the proletariat and the subsequent achievement of

Communism can only be accomplished with the active participation of

the wide masses of the proletarian and semi-proletarian women.” It is

admitted that the task of winning the support of women for Bolshevism

is very great. There are many strong prejudices to overcome . The starting

point must be in the working-class organizations with women members.

These include Trade Unions, the Co-operative Societies, and Guilds . One

of the prejudices to combat is the prevailing prejudice against the par.

ticipation of women in the thick of the fight . “We shall have to fight relentlessly

against a great deal of prejudice of this kind in our own ranks .

Many comrades discourage their wives, sisters, and women friends from at-

[2681

role of women in

“OUR BOLSHEVIST MOLES”

tending party meetings or from taking any part whatever in our work .

This attitude must be overcome.”

The women will be separately organized, and the Women’s Propaganda

Committee will organize “propaganda and agitation among proletarian

women, such organization to remain completely under party control.”

At headquarters therb will be the “Central Women’s Propaganda Committee,”

with a General Organizer. The Report goes on to tabulate the duties of

this Central Committee, one of which will be the “maintenance and continuous

contact with the International Secretariat of Communist Women”

(Moscow) .

The work of the Central Committee and also of the District and Local

Committees will be divided into sections in the manner described in connection

with the Party Executive and the District Party Committees . The

Report states that :

“Thorough division of the work among members of the Committee is

most essential. One member should have charge of the work among housewives

another of that in the co-operative movement, and so on .”

FUNCTIONS OF WOMEN’S GROUPS

The local work will be distributed “among various small working

groups with different functions or fields of activity (such as Co-operative

Guild Groups, Literature Distributors’ Groups, House to .House Propaganda

Groups, &c.) .” Communist women in Trade Unions will join the

party nucleus (where such exists) and will act “on the instructions from

the Nucleus Management Committee or leader .” They will get into personal

contact with the women members of the Trade Union branch, and will

endeavor to get them “to attend classes or instruction groups .” Communist

women are to join the Local Labor Parties “if individual membership of

the Labor party is allowed .” These women members must report to the Committee

under whose direction they are acting . The procedure is the same as

that already given in other cases .

Other activities of women Communists are the holding of street corner

meetings in “proletarian shopping centres” to discuss “the cost of livingbread

meetings-or the care and education of children,” &c . Special attention

must be given to literature for women . “A series of vivid, arresting

short stories, with a strong agitational bias, would also be useful .” Entertainments

likely to attract women will be provided, but “propaganda should

be judiciously mixed with entertainments .”

THE MONEY MYSTERY

Many proposals and technical details of the Communist reorganization

scheme, for lack of space, have been omitted, such as the relations with Communist

Schools for the young and the special features of the Communist

Saturdays and Sundays when members will be called upon to do some

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special work for the Party . But the general features of the organization

have been given, and it is scarcely necessary to remind the reader that the

administrative expenses of the organization will be heavy . Where the

money will come from is not explained in the Report-the subscriptions of

members are quite inadequate to meet the cost of such an elaborate scheme .

But as the plan of organization is based on the instructions of the Moscow

International, it is not unreasonable to suggest that Moscow may be financing

it.

“The final and culminating campaign,” says the Report, “to which

the whole of the Party organization leads up is the open fight for power .”

(p. 74) . Will this cleverly devised plan of the revolutionaries succeed?

Not if the intended victims are made aware of the intentions and methods

of the conspirators . Now we know the plans and policy of the Communist

party and its precious International of Bandits at Moscow, it will not be

difficult to frustrate their revolutionary designs upon society .

INDEX

A

Adaptation of

conditions

Addams, Jane

A. A.

American Relief for Russian Women

and Children

Civil Liberties Bureau 186

Stockholder, RussAmer. Indus. Corporation

Adjustment Committee, Bridgman Con- 81

Adriavneonptlieo,n propaganda center at Advance, a publication 80 Afghanistan, propaganda in 74 Africa

Approved of, by C. P. A 190

Program and aims of 35, 190, 191

Agrarian program

Cost of 115

Legal Agrarian Bureau 115

Of C. P. A 103, 110

Agricultural Schools

Students planted in ill, 115

All-American National Council 53

All-American Technical Committee 228

Allen, Gov. (Kansas)

Allison, Elmer T

c. P . A. to American231L. L 183188, 187• • • • • • • • • • ‘ • 194 African Blood Brotherhood• . . . . 117• • • • • •

88

Advisory Comm., Friends of Soviet

Russia 98

All Power, a publication ‘ 259

All-Russian Cent . Ex. Com 59

All-Russian Jewish Relief Com 137

Affil

Amalgamated Clothing Workers’ Union

iated with Friends of Soviet Russia 98

Children’s Homes in Soviet Russia . . . . 177

Conference for Progressive Political Action

44

Predominantly Jewish organization . . 45, 186

noting report to Moscow

Raising money for 47

Report on, in Baltimore 133

Amalgamated Metal Workers 132

Amalgamated Textile Workers

Pretended hostility to Clothing Workers

138

Represented by W . Z. Foster 95

Strike of, aided by A . C . L. U 122

America

Communism in 23

In counter-revolutionary alliance . . .195, 247

American Association for Labor Legislation

182

Approved by Nat. Inf. Bureau 187

Personnel of organization

American Association of Social Workers 186

American Capitalism 232

American Civil Liberti1e6s, U4n5i, o4n6, 47, 118, 186

Aids arrested Communists 122, 172

Approved by Nat . Inf. Bureau 186

Contributions to Labor Defense Council

176

Early history of . . . . . . . . .120, 121

Funds of 122

Labor Defense Council 174

Linked with Communism 117

• • • 132• • . 183

INDEX

[273 ]

Members file charges against Dept . of

Justice

216

Opinions of 121

American Committee for the Relief of

Russian Children 105

Approved by Nat . Inf. Bureau 187

Four National Committee Members in

M

Russian Fair and Costume Ball 152

Represented by Capt. Paxton Hibben . . 104

American Committee for Russian Famine

Relief

Activities and propaganda 100

Organized by W . W. Liggett 99

American Defense Society 16

Opposition of Negro Communists to . . . 192

Protests landing of Moscow Art Theatre 145

American-Federated Russian Famine Relief

Committee 98

American Federation of Labor 196, 248

Aids Communists 172

Communists have difficulty in gaining

membership 135

Communists working in 24, 52, 134

Conf. for Pro . Polit . Act 44

Federated Press claimed as organ for . 84

Foster heads steel workers 208

Report on J. P. Cannon 148

Represented by J . H . Ralston 216

Trapped by Communists 138

American-Hungarian Workers’ Federation 98

American-Jewish Joint Distribution Committee

187

American Labor Alliance 88, 131

American League to Limit Armaments

53, 120, 121

American Legion 122

Against Communism 162

Disapproved by World War Veterans . 68

Opposition of Negro Communists to . . . 192

American-Lithuanian Workers’ Literary Society

98

American Medical Association 100

American Neutral Conference Committee 121

American Relief Administration 103-104

American Relief for Russian Women and

Children 187

American Union against Militarism

53, 120, 187

American Workers

Danger to 220

Must lead Pan-American Revolution . . 222

Amnesty for political prisoners 199, 256

Amter, Mrs. Sadie 65, 99

Anderson, Miss Mary 183

Anglophobes 195, 196, 247

Anisfeld, Boris 145

Argentine 71, 220, 221

Armed insurrection 211

Army

Communists and the 155

Nuclei in

oscow 105American Jewish Committee 1ST• •- . . • • • • • • • . .

156

Arngold

• . • • • • • . • • • • •

. .

158

Ashurst, Senator (Arizona) 49

Ashworth, Francis 22

Asia 194

Associated Negro Press 194

Atlanta Penitentiary 138, 186

Ault, E. B 86

Avanti, a publication 162

B

Baer, John M 47

Balch, Emily Green 186

Baldwin Locomotive Works 175

Baldwin, Roger N 173, 186

A. C. L. A 117, 123

Application for loan referred to 119

In conferences to help arrested Communists

: 172

Labor Defense Council 173, 174

Organizer,

Intercollegiate

Liberal

League 59

Refuses to fight in war 123

Speaks in New York 175

Balieff 144

Ball, Alexander 22

Ballam, John J 36

Baltic Fleet 157

Baltimore, Communist report on labor

conditions in 133

Barcelona (Spain) anarchist conference . . 94

Barr, Norman B

173

Batt, Dennis 9S, 173, 174

Battersea (England) 259

Beardsley, S . E 173

Bechtold, Eugene 21

Bedacht, Max 23, 119

Belgium, propaganda in 75

Belgrade, propaganda center 75

Bennett, Richard 151

Benton Harbor (Michigan) 20

Berger 61

Berlin, H 173

Berlin (Germany) central office of propaganda

in 75

Berman, Nerma 178

Bernardsville (N. J.) 74

Berthenson, Sergei 145

Biddle family of Philadelphia 125, 175

Big Four Railroad Brotherhoods 44

Binder, Carroll 80

Bisbee deportation 61

Bittleman, Alexander 15, 36

Bizzell, Dr. William B 55

Bloc congressional 89

Block and Co

36

Bloor, Ella Reeves 21, 81, 82, 98

Boch and Bolshevik 22

Bohn, Frank 186

Bolshevik propaganda, organization of . , . . 74

Bolsheviks 7

Bolshevism among negroes 190

Bonus, soldiers’

As a propaganda slogan 161

Capitalization by radicals 54

Demand for, by Communists 199, 251

Bookwalter, Charles 209

Borab Senator William E 7, 8

Ana A. C. L. U 118

And the Amnesty Question 117

Borah Sub-Committee of the Committee on

Foreign Relations of the U. S .

Senate 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12

Borgeson, Sidney E 64

Boring from within 91-92

Boston Evening Transcript 16

Boston

Communist report on labor conditions

133, 135

Police strike 158

School of Theology 119

Boy Scouts 153

Brass Check by Upton Sinclair 82

Brest-Litovsk Treaty 22

Brid an (Mich .) Convention of

P. A 6, 7, 213

Closing scenes 28

INDEX

Presidium of 14

Proposed postponement of 36

Purpose of 85

Raid and prisoners taken 19, 20

Rules of Convention 22

Seizure of papers at 12

Voting at 14

Bridgman cases,

Present status of 207

Briggs, Dean (Harvard) 59

Brigham, William

E : . .

17

British capital 220

Brock, Eugene J 173

Broms, Allen S 98

Bronstrup, Walter Brookhart, Senator (Iowa) 65 49

Brooks, Ward 21 Addressed Bridgman Convention in German

23

Member, Adjustment Committee 24

Manifesto to C. P. A 238

Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers . .45, 52

Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers’ Journal, a publication 52

Brotherhood Locomotive Firemen and Enginemen

47

Brotherhood of Railway Carmen

Brotherhood of Railway Clerks . .

Brotherhood of Railway Electrical Workers

44

Brotherhood of Railroad Signalmen 44

Browder, Earl R 173

Cent . Ex . Com ., C. P. A 15

Convention Committee 37

Labor Defense Council 174

Brown, Cyril 144

Brown, Bishop William Montgomery

Portrait of 106 135

Brown, R. G 217

Brown, William Thurston 81

Brown, J . G 46, 173

Brownstein, H 173 Bryant, Mrs. Louise (Mrs . John Reed) . . 107

Bryn Mawr Summer School for Women

Workers in Industry 48 Buck, Robert M 80, 107, 173-174

Buffalo, Communist report on labor conditions

in 134

Buford, H 138

Bukharin 5-194

Alternate, Politbureau 10

Instructions signed by 249, 256, 13, 183

Presidium of Comintern 12

Buger, Max 209

Burnham, Mrs . George 175 Burke, Rt. Hon. Edmund b, 6 Burman, F 15 Burns, William J 17

Bush, Alfred 81

C

Cablegrams from Moscow to Bridgman

Convention

California 86 Call (New York), a publication 133

Lauds Conf . for Prog . Polit. Action . .

44

PQuuboltiesdh ed by Morris Hillquit 46 Calles, E . Plutarcho . . . 43

Advisory Com., Friends of Soviet Russia

98 Agent, majority faction, . . A 36

Approves Sovietism 148 Cent . Ex . Cow, and Politbureau, C. P.

[ 274 ]

• • 44•, 44 ,106 Canada, radical apers in 71 Cannon, JP . (Jake)

A 15

Cent. Ex. Com ., Cincinnati Com. Party 88

Correspondence . with T . R . Sullivan . . 129

Labor Film Service 147

Mine, Mill and Smelters’ Organization . 147

Metalliferous Miners 148

Western Federation of Miners 148

Capital, American, invested in South

America 220

Capitalism, decay of 169

Capitalists, investments in Latin-America 27

Carlisle, Thomas, Prussianized History . . 6

Carlson, Oliver (E. Connelly, Edwards)

National secretary, Workers’ Party . . . .

65

Organizer, Young Workers’ League . .65, 99

Carney, Jack 80, 98

Carpathians 194

Carrier, Jean Baptist

Caruso 146

Catchwords, revolutionary, see Slogans.

Catholic workers

To be organized against K. K. K 191

Catholic youth Catt, Mrs. Carrie Chapman 153 Caucasus, propaganda in 180 Central America 74 219

Central Control Committee, see Commu- nist Party of Russia .

Cent. Ex. Corn ., C . P. A.

Must guide illegal branch 26

Publishes an illegal organ 26

Central Federated Union (Chicago),

Endorses Labor Film Service 149

Central Famine Relief Committee . . . .142, 143

Central Women’s Propaganda Committee . 269

Centrists in Workers’ Party . . . . 27, 201, 258

Century Theatre (New York) 144

Chadburn Thomas 182

Chaffee, Lecharia : 50, 121, 217 Chambers of Commerce 192 Chaliapin, Feodor 146

Chaplin, Charlie

Entertains William Z. Foster 150

In Communist files 150

Introduced to Comrade Plotkin 151 Speaks at a dinner 152 Statement to 80

Russian Fair and Ball 152

Written to, by R. M. Lovett 83

Chappell, Winifred 119

Charity Organization Society (New York) 184

Chauve-Souris

144

Che-Ka, Commission for Suppression of Counter-Revolution 75, 138

Chicadgitoi,o nCsommunist report on labor con- in 132

Chicago Federation of Labor 98, 174

Chicago Tribune, a publication 46

Chicherin .74, 104

Chikoff, V. V 104 Children, starving in Russia 7

Children’s Homes in Soviet Russia

Raisimoney for 176, 177 Children’s stories of Soviet Russia 72 Chile

Copper of 220

ChiRnaad,ical papers in 71, 219

No strikes in : 147

Propaganda in 74

Christian religion 194

Civil Liberties Bureau 120, 186

Civil Liberties Union (Chicago) 1T4 Civil Service Regulations 165 Class hatred 160 Class struggle 221

Clay, John C 173

INDEX

[275]

Cleveland, Communist report on labor conditions

in 133

Clews, Mrs 150

Code to be used by Communists 38

Cohen, Bela 44

Collectivism

181

Collins, James H 67

Colombia 220

Comintern of Third Internationale . .12, 36, 237

Commissariat of Public Health, Soviet

Russia, represented in New York

City

Commission for the suppression of Counter-

Revolution, see Che-ka

Communism and Christianism 106

Communism

Among the Negrori 189

As a political system 41

In America 6, 20

Thrives on dissatisfaction 23 Communist, The, a publication 185 Official organ, C . P . A 78

Published by a minority 36

Communist, definition of 40

Communist activity in America

Coordination of 27 Size of 40

Communist activity in Latin-America . . . .

27

Sworn enemy to society 259

Communist Internationale, see Third Internationale

Communist movement, early days of . .195, 247

Communist Party of America

Adaptation to American conditions 231

Agrarian program of 110

Appeal from Moscow to, for coal miners 86 Bulletin by Cent. Ex. Com. on industrial

activities 187

Collecting money for 81 Candidates of, for political offices . . . . 40, 41

Concealment of underground apparatus

800, 252

Connection with the masses 802, 253 Control of labor union press . . .200, 262, 253 Convention of ; see Bridgman Conven- tion

Delegation sails for Europe 170 Election of Ex . Com 15

Finances of 129

Follows orders from Moscow 158

Fate of, depending on masses 29

Future suppression 227

Headquarters of, to be secret 204, 255 Increased activity among negroes 193

Information concerning 214

Lawful propaganda machinery of 188

Legality of .25, 84, 85, 201, 202, 211, 226,

Masses, relation to 6 Majority and minority in 201, 258 Necessity of 225 Next task of 196, 247

Not to reform capitalist state 198, 249

Not bound by laws 26 Objective 41 Orders to reunite 171 Relations of illegal (No . 1) to legal

(No . 2) branches 7

Representations to, from Moscow 237

Reports to Moscow 181 Secret conference of 171 Subversiveness of 41 Split in 36 Sole revolutionary party in America . . , 12

Third (Communist) Internationale

13, 26, 264, 266, 203

Trade Union Educational League 28 Task to secure legal existence of 34

101

Workers’ Party 12,

Underground work of 13, 23297

Communist Party of Germany

Manifesto by 163

Communist Party of Great Britain . .258, 259

Bureaus and departments 262

Business secrets of 267

Control of Industry 266

Functions of Women’s Groups 269

Local Government Fractions 268

Objective 261

Propaganda among women 268

Report to Moscow 263

Communist Party of Russia

All-Russian Congress of 1923 8, 9

Anti-religious character of 8

Central Control Committee 9, 11

Composed of proletarians 8

Description of 8

Delegates to All-Russian Congress 9

Members of, and Soviet Government

jobs 8

Monopoly of legality 9

Protection of party members in courts .

9

Russian Soviet Government 10

Third Internationale 10

Communist Parties, Pan-American 221

Communist propaganda in rural districts . 57

Communist schools for the young in England

269

Communist songs 55

Communist trials (St. Josephs) 17

Communist Youth Internationale 153

Communists and Disorder 20

Communists, excluded from Conf. Pro .

Polit. Action 43

Communists in Moscow 257

Communists, raising money for 84

Communists stress class struggle 23

Committee for the Rescue and Education

of Russian Children 187

Compulsory health insurance 182

Comstock, F. Ray 144

Conference for Progressive Political Action

Accomplishments of 48 Communists must guard against 244

Constituent organizations 44

Does work allocated by Moscow 42

Designation a misnomer 42

Endorses Plumb plan 50

Excludes I. W. W. and Communists . . 43

Lauds Soviet Russia 43

Method of organization 48

Not a “front” for C . P . A 42

Organization of 44 Political program of 42, 44

Proposal for legislative veto of court

decisions 60

Questionnaire of 51

Size of 47

Stealing party names 44

Workers’ party delegates, to 42

Congress, U. S.

Consulted by Communists 212

Free speech and 211

Members of, work for Communism 211

Soldiers’ bonus and 161

Congress of Social Workers (San Diego) . 83

Connecticut, Communist Agrarian school

in

. .

.

Connelly, E ., see Oliver Carlson .

Conservative press, propaganda in

Conspiracy

In England

To overthrow government

Constantinople 75,

Constitution of U . S. A

INDEX

.[2761

Contrast, The a film 147, 149

Convention of C. P. A., see Bridgman

Convention

Cook, Comrade 287

Cooper, Lenetta M 178

Cooperative League of America . . . .149, 46, 47

Cooperative movement, in England 267

Cooperatives, farm, state credit for . .199, 2b1

Cooperating committee of

Defendants, Labor Defense Council . . . 174

Coordination, Thesis on 219, 228

Cope, Miss Margaret 175

Cope, Mrs. Walter 175

Copenhagen 75

Copper Trust 219

Cosmopolitan Clubs .

Universities where organized 64

Costello, E. J 80

Cotter, Arthur 81

Coyle, Albert F 45, 52, 80

Cramer, R. D- 80, 178

Cravath, Paul 185

Credit, state, to farmers 199, 251

Crowder, General 219

Cuba, radical papers in 71, 219, 220

Curacao, a battleship 162

Czecho-Slovak Workmen’s Council of

America 98

Czecho-Slovakia, revolutionary conditions

in 23

D

Dallas Co. (Texas) Teachers’ Institute . . 55

Daly, Alice Lorraine 47 Dana, Prof. Harry W. L

Organizer,

Intercollegiate

Liberal

League

59

Lecturer, classes of Young Workers’

League 66

d’Anselme, General 162

Danton 6, 61, 62 150 ‘Davis, J 161 Debs, Eugene V 132, 164, 173

In conferences to assist arrested Communists

172 Labor Defense Council 174 Mistakes o€ 29 Stockholder, Russ-Amer . Indus. Corpo- ration 181 Deer River (Minn.) Finnish radicalism . . 57 De Forest, Robert 185, 186 De Frank, N 173 de Mille, William C 83, 150, 161 Deming, Robert C 149

Democracy, a Study in Applied 190

Democracy, pictured by rench Revolu- tionists 6 Democratic forms 7

Denby, Edwin, Sec’y . of Navy 158, 159

Department of justice 17, 46

Department of tate 8, 213

Deportation Act 138

Deportation of Aliens 212

De Silver, Albert 118, 128

Detroit, Mich.

Communist report on labor in 183

Federation of Labor 98

115

Dictatorship of the Proletariat, see Prole-

78

tarian Dictatorship

Dill, Senator (Washington)

25,7

Directorates, interlocking, see interlocking

211

directorates.

158 Disarmament, encouraged in Army and 6

Navy

74

185

49

155

Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung, a publica . tionDial, The, a publication

Discipline, party, decline of 38

District Industrial Organizer 138

Dorman, D. C 47

Dostoevsky 161

Downie, Thomas R 80

Drake, Francis 84

Drexel 175

Dubro*sky, Dr . David

Capt . Paxton Hibben and 105

Interviews Calles, Mex. premier 106

Jewish Public Committee 101

On Marten’s

Organizes Russian relief 100

Duluth report on labor in 134

Duncan, Isadora 141

Dunne, William F.

Address to Workers’ Party Convention 89

Arrested at Bridgman, Mich 21, 22

C . P . A ., connections 15, 40

Candidate, Governor of New York, 40, 89, 109

Changed with criminal conspiracy 124

Friends of Soviet Russia 98

In prison 12&

Labor Defense Council 173, 174

Duquesne (Pennsylvania) 122

Duse, Eleonora 146

Dutt, R . Palmer 259

Dzerzhinsky 5, 75

E

Early, D . E 65. 99

Eastside (N . Y.) political methods in Moscow

11

Eastman, Crystal 117

Eastman, Max

Amer . Civ. Lib. Union 121

Civil Liber. Bureau 180

Editor, The Liberator

pay roll 10179

Friends Soviet Russia 98

With Claude Mc)zay 190

Ebert-Scheidemann Government (Germany)

163

Edelstein, Morris 173

Edgerly, Lady, see Countess Korzybska . .

Egypt 35

Ekskosovich, Vassilivich 146

Elections, program for, C . P. A 245

Ellis Island 141

Ellsworth, Mrs 83

Emergency Peace Federation 120, 121

Engancho 220

Engdahl, J. Louis

At Convention of Workers’ Party . . . . 88

Ex. Com., C. P . A 15

Speaks in New York 175

Engel England 62

Address to workers of 86

At odds with France 23

Communists in 257

District of 194

In counter-revolutionary alliance . . .195, 247

Refuses to accept deportees 212

Entente 16

Episcopal Church 119

Erickson, Charles 21

Espionage, labor, in England 265

Executive Committees 228

Expenditures, excessive, damaging to the

State 198, 250

F

Famine in Russia

No danger of 142, 177

Famine Scout Clubs 99

[277]

Famine Relief 23

See also Agrarian .

Farmers, State Credit to 199, 251

Appeal to wives of 177, 178, 89

Farms, foreclosures on 199, 251

Farm-Labor Party

C . P. A 45

Labor Defense Council 173-174

Farmers National Council 45, 46

Federal Council, Churches of

Christ in America 119, 187

Federal Reserve Banking System 49

Federal Trade Commission 101, 186

Federated Press,

F. C. Howe, a contributor to 48

Offices in Berlin and Moscow 80

Organ of the Communists 79

Promised $100,000 151

Raising money for 82-84

Supported by Communists 181

Supported by Conf. Pro. Polit . Action 47

Used by Third Internationale 80

Federated Press Bulletin 181

Federated Press League

Objects 80

Bruce Rogers raises money for 160

Federation of Federal Employees 63

Feinberg 80

Ferrer group of anarchists 185

Ferguson, J . E 119

Festetich, Count 44

Fickert 61

Finland

Legality of Communist Party in 25

Revolutionary conditions in 23

Finnish Socialist Federation 88

Finnish Workingmen’s Association 98

First American Conference for Democracy

and Terms of Peace 120

First Legal Aid Bureau 121

Flaherty, Thomas 21

Flora, John C 173

Flynn, Elizabeth Gurley

Amer . Civ .- Lib. Bureau 117

In conference to assist Communists . . . 172

Labor Defense Council 178, 174

Fool, The, a film 151

Ford (Henry) Peace Ship 121

Foreign Policy Association 187

Foreign Relations Committee

U. S . Senate 7

Foreigner&

Among Communists 20

Dependent on radical literature 76

Foster, William Zebulon 6, 7, 12, 15

Aids struggling masses 209

Amer. Civil Lib . Union 94, 117

Arrested at Chicago 13

Attends Syndicalist Conference 93

Attends Anarchist Conference 94

Attends Red Trade Union Internationale

91, 95

At Bridgman Convention 22

Called a disruptionist 84

Charged with violation of Michigan

laws

208

Charlie Chaplin’s guest of honor 150 –

Convention of Maintenance of Way

Employees

128

Defense at St. Josephs, Mich 208

Description of 92, 93

Federated Press, Exec. Board 80

Friends of Sov. Russia 98

Helps arrested Communists 172

Hostility to Gompers 23

Joins I. W. W 98

Labor Defense Council 173

Leaves Bridgman Convention Leader radical wing, A 38 . F. L 52

Leaves I . W. W 95

Member, Home Colony of Anarchists . . 94

Member, A. F . L 28

Not a member of C. P. A 208, 213

Paid agent of Moscow 92

Portrait of 66

Relations with Moscow 28

Secures support for Labor Herald . . . . 208

Secretary, Syndicalist League of

North America 94

Speaks in New York City 175

Succeeded by Jay, G. Brown 46

Trial of, at St. Josephs, Mich 207

Trustee, Garland Fund 80, 151

France

At odds with England 23

Communistic program in trade unions . . 31

Distrust of 194

In Counter-Revolutionary Alliance . .195′, 247

– Legality of Communist party in 25

Refuses to accept deportees 212

Revolution in, brought on by a German

revolution

23

Revolutionary Socialistic Committee . . .

31

France, Senator (Maryland) 126

Frankfurter, Felix

A Modern Revolutionary 6

American Civil Liberties Union 117

Colleague of Zecharia Chaffee 121

Counsel in Mooney case 60

Criticism of, at Harvard 60

Files Charges against Dept . of justice . . 216

Letter to, by Roosevelt 118

Represents President Wilson 61

Franklin, Joseph A 45

Frazier, Senator (N. D.) 49

Freedom, a publication 185

Free love 20

Freeman, The, a publication 78

Free press and free speech 165, 121, 211

Freiheit, a publication

Organ of Jewish Federation of Workers

Party 76

French Revolution 5, 6

French and Russian Revolutions compared

5, 6

Freund, Ernst 187, 216

Friends of Soviet Russia

Approved by the Nat. Inf . Bureau . . . . 187

Activities of 98

Branch of C . P . A 42

Chicago Federation of 149

Circular concerning Russ.-Amer . Indus . Corporation 176

Disposition of funds 98

Dissemination of Communist propaganda

72

Endorsed by Illinois State Federation of

Labor 132

Famine Scout Clubs 72

Finnish support in Deer River 58

Formed by C . P . A 98

Going into the movies 152

Money collected by 97

Sells literature 106

Furuseth, Andrew 182

G

Gage, Lyman J 82, 88

Gale, Zona 186

Garland Foundation

INDEX

[278]

Federated Press expect support from . .

80

Foster, trustee of 94, 161

Foster promises funds of 81

Gartz, Mrs. Kate Crane . . .63, 80, 83, 150, 151

Geier, Anna 75

General Strike, see strike

George Henry 151

Germany

American troops in 163

And world revolution 16

Bolshevization of 16

Communist party in 23

Legality of Communist party in 26

Revolution in 23, 15?

War with 121

Gerson, Percival T 88, 150

Gest, Morris

Financed by Otto Kahn 146

Initiates “Russian” dramatic propaganda

144

Leaves parents and seven brothers and

sisters in Berlin 146

Leaves Odessa 146

Manages Russian Art Theatre 145

Getts, Clark H 80, 83

Gitlow, Benjamin

At Bridgman, Mich 21

Cent . Ex . Com., C. P. A 15

Chairman Presidium 22

Illinois Fed. of Labor 132

Glavlit 12

Godless, The Frontispiece

Gold, Michael 119

Golosor, Leo 65

Golubson, Berlin propaganda official . . . . 75

Gomez, Juan Vincente 220

Gompers, Samuel 221

Hatred of W. Z . Foster for 28, 52

Hostility of, to Trade Union Educational

League 82

Policy of 78

Resigns from A. A . L . L 182

Swung labor to war 29

Goodman, Lena 173

Goose Caucus 288

Gore, Charles W 209

Gorky, Maxim 146

Government of U. S. A .

Communists and the 155

Destruction demanded 165

Overthrow by violence 212, 213

Representative Republican 6

Grable, E. F. 128

Grain elevators 199, 251

Granges, radical 43

Grant, Rev. Percy Stickney 173

Green, William 45

Greenway, Jack 61

Griffiths, D. W 149, 150

Grifliths, George H 46

Griffith, Raymond 181

Grow, Curley 84

Guatemala, 220

H

Haessler, Carl 80

Haiti 219

Hale, Swinburne 217

Hammersmark, Samuel T 107

Hapgood, Norman

Accepts Sinclair’s “Mobland . . 63

Am. Civil Lib. Union 68

Editor, Hearst’s Magazine 68

Harrison, Caleb

Arrested at Bridgman 21

Chairman Presidium 22

Friends Soviet Russia 98

Notified of arrival of detectives 38

Worker’s Party Convention 88

Hartment, Dr. Jacob W 98

Harvard University

As a center of radicalism 58

Associated clubs of 60

Cosmopolitan Club of 64

Negroes from 189

Harvard Liberal Club

Affiliated Amer. Civ. Lib. Union . . . 123

Harvest stiff 111, 118

Harvester Trust 219

Hat, Cap and Millinery Workers 45, 186

Hauffbrauer, Leo 173

Hauptman 151

Havana 220

Hayes, Max S 173

Hayes, Will 141

Not popular with Charlie Chaplin . . . . 150

Negotiations with Charles Recht 152

Haywood, William D., (Big Bill) . .29, 46, 60

Health Insurance 182

Hearst, William R 61

Hearst’s Magazine, a publication 63

Hedlund, Guy 149

Heller, Abraham Aaron

Receives $48,000 from Berlin 74

Helsingfors 75, 162

Henry Curtis Dow Company 36

Henry Street Settlement 183

Herald, New York 144

Herbert, French revolutionary 6, 61

Herrin Massacres 129, 130

Hibben, Captain Paxton 106, 107, 187

Acts for Russian Red Cross 103

Board of U . S . Army appointed to

determine fitness 103

Endorsed by friends of Sov . Russia . . 107

Goes to Moscow 103, 104

Organizes relief drive 108

Praised by Izvestia 105

Personal history 103

Places a wreath on John Reed’s grave . . 107

Plans an appeal to farmers 110

Sails for Berlin 104

Soc. of American Relief for the

Children of Russia 104

Visits of artists to U . S ., planned by . . 143

Hillman, Sidney,

Amer . Com . Relief Russ. Child 104

Close to J . P. Cannon 148

Labor Defense Council 173

Pres., Amal. Cloth. Workers 45

Russian-Amer. Indus. Corp 181

Russian Red Cross 104

Statement concerning Soviet Russia . . 104

Hillquit, Morris

(Misca Hilkowicz) . .46, 61, 117, 121, 148

Hochheimer 151

Hoffman, see Morris Kushinsky .

Hollabar, Allen 83, 150

Holland 75

Hollywood movie colony

canvassed for funds 88

Holmes, Rev. John Haynes

Labor Defense Council 173

Anti-American organizations 121

A. A. L . L 183

Intercollegiate Liberal League 59

In Moscow 105

INDZX

[ 2 7 9 )

Relief for Russian Children

105

Civil Liberties Bureau

186

Holt, Hamilton 121

Home Colony of Anarchists 94

Home, destruction of 20

Hooker, George B 80

Hoover, Sec’y of Commerce 102

Hoover, John E 17

Hopkins, Prince 63, 83, 151

Houghton, Dr. Harris A.

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17

House of Commons 257

Housewives 177

Howatt, Alexander 84, 180

Howe, Fred’k C.

Amer. Civ Lib. Union 46

Howell, Senator (Nebraska) 49

Huebsch, B. W 117

Hughes, Hon. Chas . E., Sec’y of State . . 120

Hull House, Chicago 181

Hungarian Federation in America 283

Hungarian Communist Party 44

Hungarian Socialist Federation 88

Hungary,

Revolutionary conditions in 28

Revolution in 233

I

Idgeskom, see All-Russian Jewish Relief

Committee.

Idiot, The, a play 151

Illegal (No . 1) Branch, C. P. A.

Must continue, violations of law under

cover of, etc 24

Not to be exposed 14

Permanency of 35

Relations to legal (No. 2) branch . . . . 25

To control Communist forces 187

Illinois coal fields 129

Illinois State Federation of Labor . .

182

Imperialism, American 21 , 221

Capitalism in Latin-America 27

I ndia 35, 74

Industrial Activities

Communists in 38, 127, 229

Industrial Communism and the I . W. W. 161

Industrial Court (Kansas) 189, 250

Industrial Unionism 32

Industrial Workers of the World

A criminal organization 61

American Civil Liberties Union 123

Characterization by Communists 113

Defense Committee 45

Excluded from Conf. Pro. Polit. Action 43

Formation of 44

Liquidation of by Communists 136

Labor Defense Council 173

Not concerned in justice 61

Representation at Union Convention . . 128

Red Trades Union Internationale 131

Represented in Workers’ Party 88

William Z . Foster resigns 95

Insinuations, into political organizations

by C. P . A .

41

Insurance, social, by the State

182

Insurance, compulsory health 182

Inter-church World Movement 95, 119

Inter-collegiate Liberal League

Branches addressed by Upton Sinclair 64

Organization of 58, 59

Personnel of 69

Inter-collegiate Socialist League 46, 58

Interlocking directorates 10

International Association of Machinists . .44, 45

International Brotherhood of Blacksmiths

and Helpers 44

International Brotherhood of Boilermakers

44

International Brotherhood of Stationary

Firemen and Oilers 44

Internationale of Former Combatants . . . . 162

International Congress of Women . . 180

International Ladies Garment Workers

Union 47, 131, 132

As a Jewish organization 45, 136

Conditions in Baltimore 183

International League of Working Women 181

International Propaganda Bureau of the

Third Internationale 22, 79

International Secretariat of Communist

Women (Moscow) 269

Internationale, Third, see Third Internationale .

International Trades Union, see Trades

Union Internationale.

International Oxygen Co 74

International Red Cross 99

International Workers’ Famine Relief

Committee 104

International Women’s Suffrage Alliance . .180

Internationalism and World Revolution . . 16

Inwood Country Club 74

Ireland 23, 35

Irish-American Labor Alliance 88

Italian Chamber of Commerce 149

Italian Workers Federation 88

Italy 23, 25

Ivanovitch, Ivan, see Ivan Narodny .

Isvestia,

J

Japan 23, 74, 194, 195, 247

Japanophobia 247

Jesus Christ 119, 131

Jesus-Thinkers 119

Jewish Public Committee 101

Jewish Barbers 183

Jewish Socialist Federation 44, 88

Jewish Workers, to be organized against

K. K. K 191

Jewish Workers’ Federation 88

Jews, Active in Nuclei Work 135

Johnson, Senator (Minnesota) 49

Johnson, Templeton 82

Johnston, William H.

Called a Socialist 43

Conf . Prog. Polit . Action 45

Inter. Machinists Union 43

Lauded by Socialist papers 44, 45

Peoples Legis . Service 43

Jordan, David Starr 121

Journal of the American Bankers

Association

a publication 8, 106, 14379

Jugo-Slavia 25

Jungle, The, a film 148

Jury in trial of William Z . Foster 209

justice, Dept . of 213

K

Kahn, Otto H.

Backs Russian Art Theatre 145, 146

Backs Chauve-Souris 146

Backs Morris Gest 145

Employs Paul Cravath 185

Kaiser, The 183

Kalinin, Mem. Polit. Bureau 10

Kamenev, Rosenfeld

In charge of propaganda 75

INDEX

[ 280]

Member, Polit . Bureau 10

Wife of, sister of Trotzky 19

Kaminsky, Max 65, 99

Kane, Francis Fisher 173, 175, 217

Karolyi 44

Kahub, Mrs. Martha 81, 82

Katayama 12, 158

Katterfield, L. E 119

Keating, Edward 46, 46

Kelley, Robert F 8, 9, 11, 12

Kellogg, Paul U 186

Kelly, Mrs. Florence (Wishnewetzkey) . . 187

Kendrick, Senator (Wyoming) 49

Khinchuck, President of Centroyuz 106

Kirchwey, Freda 173

Kliefoth, A . W 8, 93

Knudson 32

Kolorav 12

Konikow, Mrs . Antoinette F 65

Kopp, Wigdor (Kopelevich) 73

Korea 74

Korzybska, Countess (Lady Edgerly) . . . 82

Kovne 75

Kowalsky, Joseph 138

Krassin, B 74, 143

Krestinsky, Nicholas 104

Kronstadt, Fleet 157

Krumbein, Charles 21

Kuhn, Loeb & Co 1387

Ku Klux Klan

Infiltration of, by Communists 193

Liquidation of, demanded 199, 251

Menace to working class 193

Opposition to negroes 122, 192

Strike breaking body 197, 248

Kun, Bela, see Bela Cohen.

Kursky 75

Kushinsky, Morris (Hoffman) 175

Kusinen 12, 13, 183, 194, 249, 250, 256

L

L abor, Department of 213

L

Labor Age, a publication 46, 47

L abor Banks 46

Labor Board, U. S 198, 250

Labor Defense Council 171, 175 Cooperating Com . Defendants 174

Headquarters of 174

Purpose of 173

Provisional Nat. Com 174

Labor Film Magazine 148

Labor Film Service 147, 149

Labor Film Service Co 148

Labor-Herald, The, a publication

Edited by William Z. Foster 80

Foster secures support for 208

Trade Union Educa . League 66, 91 Labor Monthly,

Labor News, a publication 80 Labor Party (England) 257, 287

Labor Publication Society 45, 47

Labor Review, a publication 80

Labor Temple, (Los Angeles) 81

Labor Union Press, control of 200, 252

Ladies Waist Makers Union 133

La Follette, Senator (Wisconsin)

. . . .49, 61

La Guardia, Congressman (N . Y.)

181

Laisve, a publication 78

Landis award, (Chicago) 132

Lang, Joseph, see Joseph Pogany .

Lapp, Dr. John A 173

Larkin 132

abor, a publication 45, 47a publication 259

IND14X

Lasky, Jesse

150

Lathrop, Rev. Charles M

119

L

Communist activity in 27, 28

Investments and strike breaking in . . . . 220

Masses of 219

Latin-America workers cannot fight alone 220

Laughlin, J . B 47

Lawrence, Mrs . Patrick 121

Laws, shortcomings of our 211

Exec. secty., C . P . A 13

News letter release 36, 289

Lovett, Robert Morse,

Amer . Civil . Lib. Union 117

Fed . Press League 80

Letter to Bruce Rogers 83

Lozovsky 92

Lunacharsky

74

Lusk Committee (N. Y. Legislature)

Report 46, 123, 124, 182, 185, 186

Lazard, Julius 178

Leach, Agnes Brown 188

League for Amnesty for Political

Prisoners

. .

. 120

League for Indus. Democracy . .45, 46, 53, 58

League of Nations 196, 247

League to Enforce Peace 187

Lee, Lila 150, 151

Legal Branch, (No . 2) C. P. A.

. . . 226

See also illegal branch (No. 1) .

Bulletin concerning relations 87

Financing of 85

Relations of branches 24, 165, 225

Lembkin, Cyril 21

Lenin, Nicolai 6, 10, 11

Directs C. P. A . policies 30

Letter to Steinmetz 69

Writings of 62

Orders by

101

Lenin boys 44

Lerner, Max 22

Levin, Emanuel 82

Lewisohn, Adolph 182

Lewisohn, Alice 186

Liberator, a publication

. .79, 119, 185, 190

Liberty, Equality, Fraternity 5

Liebknecht day 66

Liggett, Walter W 99, 100

Lillie, Francis C 173

Lillie, Mrs. Francis C 80

Lindgren, E 125

Mc

McBride, Isaac 100, 106

McCreedy, Maud 80

McGill, James H 100

McKay, Claude 190

McManus 12

McMillan, E 23

McKellar, Senator (Tenn .) 49

McNamaras, The 60

M

MacLean 76

Madden, Martin B 119

Maintenance of Way Union 128

Majestic Theatre, Los Angeles 151

Manes, Rabbi Judah L.

Endorses Labor Film Service 140

Mandel, Benjamin 173

Mandell, Max Solomon 56

Manion, E. J 45

Manly, Basil M 46

Manners, Lady Dtana 146

Marat, French revolutionary 6, 61

Marks, Louis 65

Marriage, church, by Communists in

Russia 8

Martens, Ludwig C . A . R.

Linville, Henry R 173 74, 98, 100, 152, 217

Liquidators, not to be tolerated 38

Literary Digest, a publication 59

Literature, Communist 20

Lithuanian Relief Committee 98

Litvinov

Conducts propaganda section in Reval 75

Member, All-Russ. Cent. Ex. Com. . . 74

“No danger of famine in Russia” 177

Russian Red Cross official 102

Lochner, Louis P 79, 80, 121, 123

Lochray, J . A SO

Lodge, Hon . Henry C. (Mass .)

7, 8, 9, 12, 120

Marx, Karl …, . 62, 178

Marxian theory 67

Marsh, Benjamin C 48, 46

Marvin, Fred R 17, 43, 46

Masses, The 225, 233

Masses, The, a publication 79

Maurer, James H 47, 186

Meat Cutters Union of New York City . . 96

Mediation Commission in Mooney case . . 60

Mellentine, Mrs 81

Mendelsohn, Dr . William 98

Messenger, The, a publication 190

Metalliferous workers 148

Methodist Fed. for Social Service

Loeb, Dr . Jacques 119 121

Loeb, Moritz J 149, 173, 174

London, center of propaganda in 75

Metropolitan Life Insurance Co .

. .184, 185

Metropolitan Opera House (N . Y .)

145

Mexico 71, 105, 219, 220, 221

Lose, Ludwig 15, 98

Los Angeles (Cal.) radical teaching in Michailovsky, Dr . Michael

. . . .100, 101, 105

Michigan, Anti-Syndicalist laws of . .208, 213

Midwest Labor News, a publication . . . .

school of 57 80

Lovejoy, Ow en

A. A. L. L 183

Child Labor Committee 186

Director, Nat . Inf. Bureau 186

Wrote “Shades of Night” Letter to

Debs 186

Lovestone, J. (L. C. Wheat) 7

At Bridgman, Mich 21, 22

Author of Thesis on Relations 33

African Blood Brotherhood 35

Brought $82,000 from Germany 22, 74

Confidential bulletin by 14

Cent. Ex. Com., C. P. A 15

Mihelic, In

22

Military

telligence Section, U. S .

Army 217

Miners, infiltration of Communism

among 82

Minneapolis

Report on labor conditions in 134

Trades unions of, raise money 32

Trades and Labor Council 174

Minor, Robert

Adv. Com. Friends Sov. Russia 98

At Bridgman, Mich 21

Convention committee 37

atin-America . . .