The Grand Design

The Grand Design 

of the 

20th Century 




Douglas Reed 






published: 1977 


“The appalling thing … is not the tumult but the design” 

Lord Acton (Essays on the French Revolution). 


The ways in which people try to explain what is happening in the world around them, whether in 

politics or economics, can be divided roughly into two classes. Or, as some would put it, there are 

two theories of contemporary history. 

The one held by the majority of people hardly deserves to be called a theory, but if that word must 

be used, then let us call it “The Idiot Theory”. Why “The Idiot Theory”? Because it insists that no 

one is to blame for the way history unfolds; things just happen. Likewise, the actions and policies 

of politicians, when they produce results we don’t like, are simply the product of mistaken ideas, 

misunderstandings, lack of sufficient information. Or, as some Americans would say: “History 

unfolds as the cookie crumbles” – the precise way in which the proverbial cookie crumbles being 

beyond all human control. 

The late President Roosevelt, possibly in an unguarded moment, made a simple statement of the 

rival theory when he remarked: “Whatever happens in politics, you may be sure there is someone 

who wanted it to happen and made it happen”. He would have had much to answer for if that test 

had been applied to all that happened while he was President of the United States. 

Douglas Reed was foremost among those who declared, with Roosevelt, that when things happen in 

the world of politics and economics, especially when they continue to happen with marvellous 

consistency, then they are being made to happen and are meant to happen. 

His experience before World War II as the London Times’s Chief Foreign Correspondent in Europe, 

his familiarity with all the principal actors in the unfolding dramas and tragedies of those years, left 

him in no doubt that politicians, as a rule, are activated always by motives, and very often by 

motives which they take the greatest care to conceal. 

The real task for the investigator, therefore, is to look for and find the motive. 

Like so many before him and after him, Reed had merely rediscovered a piece of ancient wisdom 

which the Romans summarised in two words pregnant with meaning: Cui Bono? Or, as we would 

say when trying to unravel some political mystery: Who stands to benefit? 

In this little book Douglas Reed presents in a highly compressed form the story which emerges 

when this simple test of cui bono? is applied to all that has happened in the world since before the 

beginning of the 20th Century, right up to the present day. It is a simple, well written story which 

helps us to understand that changes in the world which disturb most ordinary people, leaving them 

confused and worried about the future, have been deliberately brought about and are part of a 

conspiratorial jig-saw puzzle which he has described as “The Grand Design”. 

Reed rendered a most valuable last service shortly before his death in August 1976 by reducing to 

some 13,000 words a history of our century which could be expanded into enough books to fill a 

large library. 

Those wishing to emancipate themselves from that sickness of mind and heart engendered by what 

they are told by the mass media will be greatly helped by this brilliantly written summary which 

serves as an introduction to the masses of excellent literature available. 

Indeed, there is not a page in Reed’s little book which could not be expanded into a large book. In 

many cases the necessary books are already available. The mention of the American traitor Alger 

Hiss, for example, reminds us that a long shelf would be needed to accommodate the books which 

have been written on this subject alone, the best of them being Witness, by Whittaker Chambers, 

the former Communist, whose evidence it was which sent Hiss to prison for three years. 

Can the story of The Grand Design be still further compressed? We can but try! Conspiratorial 

activity has been going on from time immemorial, conducted by different groups with different 

ends in view. 

Winston Churchill, writing with all the authority of a member of the British Cabinet, made it clear 

in 1922 that he regarded the Bolshevik Revolution, like the French Revolution over 100 years 

earlier, as part of what he called “a worldwide conspiracy”. 

That, however, is only one half of the story of The Grand Design of which Douglas Reed writes. 

The other half can be traced back to Cecil Rhodes, the South African multi-millionaire mining 

magnate, who had grandiose visions of a world government to be run mainly by people of his own 

Anglo-Saxon race, with some assistance from their cousins the Germans. This scheme he launched 

with his millions and it blossomed after his death into the Rhodes Scholarship Trust, the Royal 

Institute of International Affairs and similar organisations in America, the most important of these 

being the Council on Foreign Relations. 

Cecil Rhodes, we may be sure, would turn in his grave if he could see what has happened to his 

own secret and semi-secret enterprise, with its huge funds and its highly intellectualised and 

inflated “idealism” supplied by John Ruskin, high priest of Britain’s so-called Pre-Raphaelite 

movement in art and literature. Rhodes would find that it has been taken over by that other lot of 

conspirators (mentioned by Churchill), whose “ideal” of world government is best exemplified by 

what has happened in the Soviet Union. 

So today the conspiracy is like a highjacked airliner. Many of the passengers, still hypnotised by 

the Rhodes “vision” think they know where they are going, while the highjackers, with 2000 years 

of conspiratorial training and experience behind them, KNOW where they are going – and it is not 

the destination the passengers have in mind. 

It needs only full exposure to thwart and destroy a criminal conspiracy which has many well- 

intentioned but misguided people in its thrall – and no one has contributed more to the process of 

exposure than Douglas Reed. 


February, 1977. 








Part One 


“… We are beginning an era that will make the achievements of the past look like two bits. No limit 

to our progress can be seen … by 1930 we shall be the richest and greatest Country in the world!” 

(The Razor’s Edge by Somerset Maughan) 

Thus spoke one of Mr. Somerset Maugham’s heroines in the 1920’s and all agreed that he 

accurately captured the sanguine American mind. Today, fifty years later, the words sound like a 

joke. The 200th anniversary of the Declaration of Independence has been celebrated and the state of 

America is woefully different from that prognosis: indeed, George Washington, were he to return, 

would shrink appalled from the shape he would behold. 

Inextricably held in the coils of an international conspiracy of which the last eight Presidents were 

the prisoners, his republic is becoming, de facto if not de jure, a satellite of the Soviet Union and 

will not see the year 2000 in anything resembling the shape he bequeathed to it. By “covert and 

insidious methods” (his phrase) the principles and admonitions of his Farewell Speech have been 

abandoned, and America, like a pirated ship, has lost all control of course and destination. 

The conspiracy against nations has succeeded in hijacking the American inheritance of wealth and 

energy and diverting it to the purpose of destroying nations and setting up the world dictatorship. 

Now that the 20th Century is three parts done, the track of the conspiracy can be charted and its 

promoters identified. Only the lunatic fringe and the perjured public men still deny that it exists. 

The initiates have long since made public their plan for a world where nationhood would be a 

punishable offence, a plan, in fact, for a world concentration camp. The great Plan now 

overshadows our every day and is the reason why we live in a present without a future. 

The conspiracy has gained so much ground in this century that the attempt to bring off the final 

coup by the time the Christian clock strikes two thousand seems certain to be made. The instrument 

is ready: the Mafia-like mob in New York called the United Nations: it was created to destroy 


The conspiracy is so old that efforts to trace its ultimate source flounder in the sands of time: the 

fanciful might picture it originating with the devil in council. It has reappeared periodically through 

the ages and between times seemed to become dormant or defunct: but it was always there. 


Five hundred years ago Machiavelli propounded the basic idea of world government: rule without 

any scruple of justice or humanity. Then the conspiracy hibernated for three centuries until the 

Bavarian Government in 1785 discovered the documents of Adam Weishaupt’s Illuminati, which 

showed that it was fully active and as evil as ever. Weishaupt’s disciples gave the Reign of Terror 

during the French Revolution its satanic character. 

Then in the mid-nineteenth century Maurice Joly revived Machiavelli’s ideas in his Dialogue in 

Hell Between Machiavelli and Montesquieu. In 1897 the most explicit exposition of the methods of 

the conspiracy appeared in Russia: The Protocols of the Elders of Zion. 

This title was probably chosen for purposes of obfuscation: too many non-Jewish names have 

appeared, down the centuries until today, in the story of this conspiracy for the Protocols to be 

considered the product of an exclusively Jewish cabal. The thing is evidently a compendium of 

earlier manuals of conspiratorial practice, but it is the clearest and most evil of them. To peruse the 

Protocols is to look into a dark pit filled with writhing, evil shapes: the work induces in most 

people feelings of nausea, of intimate communion with evil. All evil thought since time began is in 

these few pages. 

By the methods there laid down America was infected when this century began: the disease spread 

there and then into the surrounding world, like a cancer. So effective are the age-old practices 

prescribed that the American Republic has been taken over, as it were, by sleight of hand or 

pickpocketry: the victim has remained unaware of his loss or of his own helot’s plight resulting 

from it. 

The Protocols were translated into European languages in the 1920’s, and the effect was explosive. 

Their truth, attested by results already visible, was immediately seen. 

The Times (then still a trustworthy newspaper) asked, “Which malevolent society made these 

schemes and is now triumphing over their realisation? … From where does the weird gift of 

prophecy spring that partly has come true and is partly to be realised? Have we fought these years 

to destroy the nefarious organization of the German Empire, merely to discover behind it a much 

more dangerous conspiracy because of its secrecy?” 

The Times was right: that was exactly the fact of the matter. But when, 25 years later, the outcome 

of yet another war even more clearly revealed the existence of “a much more dangerous 

conspiracy” The Times, with all the world’s newspapers, had nothing to say about it. By that time 

The Times, and all the others, themselves observed that “secrecy” which it thought so dangerous in 

the 1920’s. 


When the Protocols were published “secrecy” (people might have thought) was finished. Far from 

it: the public debate about the Protocols was immediately quashed by a frantic clamour of “forgery” 

and “anti-semitism” from all parts of the world. 

Following the precepts of the Weishaupt papers and the Protocols, the conspiracy proved that it was 

able to control the public debate, and from that day no public man has dared mention this, the most 

important document of our century and the recognisable blueprint of our universal catastrophe. 

“Secrecy” is no longer necessary when open debate is forbidden, and that has become the case. 

A notable authority, Lord Sydenham, took a lonely stand against this conspiracy of silence, to 

which by the 1940’s all the world submitted. The source of the Protocols, he said, was an irrelevant 

matter: the vital thing was the vast store of evil knowledge they contained and the results already 

achieved. As to that, 0. Henry or Damon Runyon might have said, in the American vernacular, 

“You ain’t seen nuthin’ yet”. 

Lord Sydenham died before he could see the much greater spread of the conspiracy and the 

suppression of all public mention of its manual, (in some countries, by actual official ban: in others, 

by tacit agreement among politicians, newspaper owners and editors). The content of the Protocols, 

as Lord Sydenham perceived, was the paramount thing, not the origin. Here some mind or minds 

knew everything that was to happen in the new century, and how it was all to be brought about. The 

same mind or minds knew how the Bolshevist revolution was brought about. 

Even before that revolution America (all unknown to its people) became the creature and financier 

of it. The first open sign of this came in 1917, when America entered the First War. President 

Wilson then welcomed “the wonderful and heartening things” that were happening in Russia (the 

revolution) and the next day authorized credits amounting to 325,000,000 dollars for the 

provisional government there. 


This was the start of something that has continued ever since. Without American money there 

would never have been Communism, or the abandonment of hundreds of millions of people behind 

the Berlin line to a concentration camp lethally enclosed by electrified wire, mines, machine-guns 

mounted on sentry-towers and searchlights that play all night. 

While he was still in Europe Lenin wrote to Angelica Balabanoff, then secretary in Stockholm of 

the International: “Spend millions, tens of millions if necessary: there is plenty of money at our 


The flow of American wealth and treasure in every imaginable form went on through the fourteen 

Rooseveltian years, and those of Truman, Eisenhower, Johnson and Nixon and continues today. It 

began with a man who until his death remained unknown to the American masses and of whom few 

Americans since have heard. This man, behind the scene, enabled the conspiracy to reduce the 

Washingtonian Republic to the plight of hired man of the revolutionary conspiracy. 

He is one of the great wreckers of the 20th Century, and in the destructive effect of his scheming 

the peer of Stalin. His name was Edward Mandell House, and he prefixed it with an unearned 

military title: “Colonel” House. The unusual middle name, “Mandell”, probably held some allusion 

recognisable to fellow-conspirators (who often identify themselves to each other by code-names, as 

the Freemason knows a brother by his handshake). 

This obscure Mr. House, long before the conspiracy triumphed in Russia, was its creature in 

America. He shunned publicity, but engineered the choice of Woodrow Wilson for President in 

1912. Mr. Wilson was the first of the marionette presidents who were required by their captors to 

do what they were told. President Wilson’s welcome to and financial support for the revolution in 

Russia were acts dictated to him, and so was his introduction of the graduated income tax according 

to Karl Marx’s Communist Manifesto. 

The historian owes gratitude to Mr. House (mankind owes him only tribulation) for the revealing 

picture he left of a conspiracy “managing” the frontal politicians from behind the scene. In 1912 a 

leftist American publisher issued a “novel” (Philip Dru, Administrator) authorship of which Mr. 

House disclaimed and then admitted. This described in fictional form a “conspiracy” (the author’s 

word) which succeeded in electing a puppet-president by means of “deception regarding his real 

opinions and intentions”. 


A character in the book (evidently Mr. House himself) enlists the support of a group of wealthy 

men in choosing a candidate for the presidency, and invites a potential candidate to dine “in my 

rooms at the Mandell House”. The candidate (called “Rockland”) is instructed that he must never 

go against the advice of his sponsors. (Here is seen the start of the regime of “the advisers” who 

haunted the White House for the next sixty years and dictated the actions of successive presidents). 

The best known of these “advisers” was Mr. Bernard Baruch, also recognisable in the tale as one of 

the stern “sponsors” of the new puppet-president. Mr. Baruch, who came to be popularly acclaimed 

as “the adviser to six Presidents”, was an obsessed advocate of despotic world government and to 

his “advice” may be traced the disastrous course of American foreign policy which to thoughtful 

Americans (as Mr. Gary Allen says) “for the past three decades has been a compounding mystery 

and concern. Administrations have come and gone like the Ides of March but spring never arrives” 

But Mr. Baruch went on forever, or nearly, and advised his six pupils to follow the path leading to 

despotic world government. The mob, led by the kept press, and ignorant of the kind of advice he 

was giving or of its effect on themselves, lustily applauded the veteran “adviser” through six 


Philip Dru is enthralling reading for the student of this century’s managed ordeal and of the 

conspiracy. “Rockland” (the president-select) “once or twice asserted himself and acted upon 

important matters without having first conferred with the ‘advisers’. For this indiscipline he was 

bitterly assailed by his sponsors’ newspapers and made no further attempt at independence … He 

felt that he was utterly helpless in these strong men’s hands, and so, indeed, he was”. 

President Wilson presumably read the book and if he was capable of feeling humiliation, must have 

suffered severely. He pined into senility and at last was pushed out of the White House (or locked 

away inside it by his second wife, a determined woman who was for some time the de facto 


Another fascinating glimpse of life behind the conspiratorial scene is given in this “novel”: namely, 

that “bugging” was already known to the plotters of 1908! Another man in the plot, a Senator, visits 

one of the big-banker group and tells the whole story of “Rockland’s” nomination and rigged- 

election campaign. He also describes “Rockland’s” “effort for freedom” and his recall to duty, 

“squirming under his defeat”. The “exultant conspirators laugh joyously” at this. 

Their mirth is shortlived because they find that the conversation has been recorded by an 

eavesdropping machine concealed in the next room and given to a newspaper, which publishes it. 

The attentive reader will note that, sixty years later, President Nixon was brought down by “tapes” 

recording his conversations, to which his enemies’ ears listened. 

I append a footnote of my own to this strange story. Mr. Baruch went on his advisory way from 

president to president, but no doubt retained a healthy respect for “bugging” devices. This, I fancy, 

is the reason why he came to be known as “the park-bench statesman”. He could do no wrong and 

the suggestion of “folksiness” implicit in this description made him even more popular with the 

idiot mob. 

The first puppet-president, Wilson, died, the stomach of America having revolted against his 

“League to Enforce Peace” (obviously, by war!) and its amended version, the League of Nations, 

the first trial world-government. The world owed a debt to the America of that period, still with its 

healthy love of country. Wilson was followed by three Presidents, Harding, Coolidge and Hoover, 

who were non-Illuminist, as far as one now can tell, and then the Gadarean slide was resumed with 

the choice and election of Mr. Roosevelt, who hastened from the nomination convention to Mr. 

House in Massachusetts, from whom, evidently, he received the same instructions about his duty to 

his “sponsors” as “Rockland” (Wilson) received in Philip Dru

Mr. House told his biographer in the 1950’s that he “was still very close to the centre of things, 

although few people suspect it.” He was (for the second time) “close to the movement that 

nominated a president” (Roosevelt), and this new president gave him a “free hand in advising the 

then Secretary of State”. 

Such was the ominous sponsorship of a most ill-omened presidency. 


Now followed the disastrous fourteen Roosevelt years. Briefed (as were “Rockland” and Wilson) 

by Mr. House, what Mr. Roosevelt was told to do became clear as soon as he entered the White 

House. He recognised the Soviet Union forthwith and resumed the financing of the Soviet which 

Wilson began. This continued throughout his fourteen years and parallel with it went infiltration of 

Soviet agents into the American Administration, at all levels. 

Roosevelt, a crippled man, was evidently as putty in the hands of his “sponsors”: when a repentant 

Communist informed him that a Soviet agent held a high post in the government, he told his 

informant to “go jump in the lake – but only in much cruder language”. The man he protected was 

the traitor Hiss, who “managed” the Yalta Conference to abandon half of Europe to the Soviet 

plague and was a founding father of the United Nations, the second trial world government. 

Under Mr. Roosevelt the conspiracy spread its cancerous capillaments ever deeper into the 

American body politic. Its mastery of the press and all means of public misinformation produced in 

the American masses that condition of bewildered inertia which the Protocols foresaw as ideal for 

the consummation of the great Plan. Two decades of this treatment anaesthetized the healthy 

instinct which led “the rubes on Main Street” to reject the Wilsonian League. Now the men behind 

the scene worked feverishly to have the world slave state come out of the approaching war against 


“Colonel” House died on the eve of the Second War. Mr. Baruch, his collaborator in the selection 

and disciplining of President Wilson, now became the chief manager of the Washingtonian 

Republic’s decline. Unlike the secretly scheming House, Mr. Baruch was publicly known and 

adulated by the lapdog Press as the permanent adviser of presidents and “park-bench statesman”. 

This name particularly endeared him to the mob, which thought to see in him “the man in the 

street” who from simple fellow-feeling sat among the common “folks” in Central Park. (I think I 

might be the only spectator who related his park- benchmanship to the “bugging” episode in Philip 

Dru, and understood why he took an obvious precaution against being taped). 

Mr. Roosevelt, responding mindlessly to the articulated mechanism of the marionette, may yet have 

realised that he was being used for the aggrandisement of the Communist Empire and the ruination 

of his own country. This is implicit in “a strange statement” (Mr. Robert Sherwood, a Roosevelt 

biographer and White House intimate) which Roosevelt made when urged to quote in a wartime 

speech Mr. Churchill’s encomium: “The United States is now at the highest pinnacle of her power 

and fame”. Roosevelt objected, saying “We may be heading before very long for the pinnacle of 

our weakness”. 

This looks like the open confession of purpose by a man of long servitude to the conspiracy who 

had come to make its destructive ambition his own. This revelation of truth, as always, went 

unheard by the public masses, but probably was bruited around with glee by the Communist 

conspirators who were rife in the Roosevelt Administration. 

When Hitler’s attack in 1941 on Russia brought the Soviet Union into the Allied side, Mr. Baruch’s 

influence became even more powerful, and also his ability to direct the course of the war towards 

the consummation devoutly desired by him. He was ever insistent, in both wars, that the times 

demanded “one man” as an administrator, not a board. In the First War he was the “one man”, 

becoming head of an “Advisory Commission” to the Defence Council, of which an investigating 

committee of Congress said after that war (in 1919):  

It served as the secret government of the United States … it devised the entire 

system of purchasing war supplies, planned a press censorship, designed a system 

of press control … and in a word designed practically every war measure which the 

Congress subsequently enacted, and all this behind closed doors, weeks and even 

months before the U.S. Congress declared war against Germany … There was not 

an act of the so-called war legislation afterwards enacted that had not before the 

actual declaration of war been discussed and settled upon by this Advisory 

Commission … 

The 1914-1918 war ended before Mr. Baruch could show all that he had in store for the American 

people. In 1935 he stated “had the 1914-1918 war gone on another year our whole population could 

have emerged in cheap but serviceable uniforms”, shoe-sizes being the only permissible variation. 

Mr. Baruch in these words revealed his vision of a future America: a faceless mindless mob 

allowed only to do allotted labour, provided with identity numbers and bread cards. 

Mr. Baruch was not appointed to be the “one man” when the Roosevelt War Production Board was 

set up, but the man who was appointed was a creature of his, one Harry Hopkins, and even Mr. 

Baruch could not have disposed of America’s wealth more autocratically than he or more perfectly 

in accordance with the Plan. 


I am not aware that this Mr. Hopkins ever received any particular appointment enabling him to act 

as an imperial despot. Presumably Mr. Roosevelt, who loved to picture himself as the common 

man, just said, “Go right ahead, Harry”. 

Anyway, this Hopkins was the product of the conspiracy and could only by this qualification have 

become permanently resident in the White House. Even Mr. Churchill was taken in by this almost 

illiterate “fixer” who could have boasted (like Mr. House), “No important foreigner has come to 

America without talking to me … All the Ambassadors have reported to me frequently …” 

In past times, when the West was toiling upward to some state of civilization, men who came to 

high places in their countries brought with them some token of experience and qualification. Mr. 

Hopkins had no such background. Like Dr. Kissinger thirty years later, he was publicly unknown 

when he began to bestride the narrow world like a Colossus. He had hopped around in the East Side 

from the claque for Caruso and Geraldine Farrar to a stint with the Red Cross in 1917, returning 

then to charity appeal work in the slums. Acquaintances depict him: “an ulcerous type, intense, 

jittering with nerves, a chain-smoker and black coffee drinker”. 

This man, says Mr. Sherwood, was “in all respects the inevitable Roosevelt favourite”, (a more 

damning disparagement of Mr. Roosevelt could hardly be imagined). He was a dying man from 

1937 and under Roosevelt in the next eight years became the global replanner and dispenser of 

billions. The American Congress and people alike were by that time bamboozled by their president 

and the corrupted press into thinking that all was well, but an occasional voice was heard in 

Congress asking to know more about the uncontrolled, and unrecorded, transfer of treasure to 

Moscow. This annoyed the bountiful donor, who dealt with Congress as the conspirators dealt with 

“Rockland” in Mr. House’s novel. 

“The United States” (he said, in answer to a proposal that before further aid was given to Soviet 

Russia full information should be required about their military situation), “the United States is 

doing things which it would not do for other nations without full information from them. This 

decision to act without full information was made with some misgiving … but there is no 

reservation about the policy … it is constantly being brought up by various groups for rediscussion. 

I propose that no further consideration be given to these requests for rediscussion”. 

Thus spoke Mr. Hopkins from East Side, and lo! it was so! (Whereat the conspirators no doubt 

“laughed joyously”). 

The conspiracy had taken firm grip on the American Republic. When the Second War ended with 

the “peace” conference at Yalta, Stalin saw his own henchmen (including Hiss) on the other side of 

the table so that the parley ended with the abandonment by the Western allies of half Europe to the 

Communist conspiracy. 

The Yalta Conference, historically considered, marked the end of the Washingtonian Republic and 

of the British Empire. The process of dissolution began there. Mr. Roosevelt and his “inevitable 

favourite”, Hopkins, both returned to America to die. These two men did more to destroy the West 

than any invader could have achieved. 


Roosevelt was succeeded by the Vice-President, a Mr. Harry Truman from Missouri, who soon 

gave proof of following dutifully the Wilson-Roosevelt (and House-Baruch) course. Re-elected in 

1948, he declared war on “the Communist aggressor” in Korea in 1950. For a moment the 

American people thought the debacle of the Second War was to be amended and the Communist 

invader trounced. Few, if any of them had read Philip Dru, or they would have known that their 

rulers always practised “deception regarding their real opinions and intentions”. 

The American people responded loyally to the call to rescue at least one small country from the 

Communist plague, and their wartime allies, Britain, Australia, Canada, South Africa and the rest 

sent troops to join in the crusade. 

It was all “deception”. When the successful American commander, MacArthur, wished hotly to 

pursue a beaten enemy across the Yalu, Mr. Truman sacked the general. Then Korea was 

partitioned, like Germany and Europe, and the Communists were left in possession of the northern 

half. This was the first of the “no-win” wars in which American troops were sent to fight against 

aircraft, artillery and armour supplied during the war by Mr. Hopkins to the Communists. 

At this time Hiss had been exposed, the Canadian Government had published the full story of 

Communist agents and spies infiltrating into its administrative machine, and the story of British 

traitors was also beginning to become known. “Communism in government”, therefore, was a 

matter which even the American masses could understand and the cry for a cleaning of the stables 

was growing to a clamour. At this very juncture Mr. Truman (no doubt recalling Mr. Roosevelt’s 

“Go jump in the lake”) dismissed the public demand to “clear out the Communists”, as merely 

“drawing a red herring” across the debate, and the American tragedy (unless it is a comedy) 


Mr. Truman was succeeded in 1952 by General Eisenhower, the formerly unknown American army 

officer who was catapulted over numerous seniors into the supreme command of the Allied 

invasion of 1944. This general used his command power to reject the British General 

Montgomery’s plan to shorten the war by striking hard for Berlin after the successful invasion of 

Normandy. The effect of this obviously politically motivated action was to reserve Berlin, and 

therewith half Europe, to Communist annexation. 


Historically, General Eisenhower must be seen as a conscious agent of the Communist conspiracy. 

He cannot have ignored the obvious effect of his action. He was indeed one of a growing number of 

men in high places who supported the aims of the conspiracy through their membership of an 

invisible-government-type body called the Council on Foreign Relations, which effectively 

operated as a secret world government organisation inside the American machinery of government 

(it was formed in 1921 after the failure of the first experiment in world-government, the League of 

Nations, and with growing strength pursued the ambition all through the inter-war years). 

General Eisenhower began his presidency with the now common, almost obligatory obeisance to 

Mr. Baruch, whose biographer, evidently after consultation with the great Adviser, summarised the 

recommendations which Mr. Baruch would probably make to the new Administration. 

General Eisenhower quickly and dutifully confirmed this prognosis, telling Los Angeles electors, as 

if to demonstrate his servitude, “I believe if Bernie Baruch were here tonight he would subscribe to 

every one of them” (he was referring to recommendations which, according to the biographer, 

“related entirely to preparatory mobilisation for war, controls, global strategy” and the rest of Mr. 

Baruch’s oft-repeated recipes for a “one man” controller, or dictator). 

When the Second War ended Mr. Baruch was 75. His vigour was unabated and his imperial vision 

boundless. The two atom bombs, exploded in August 1945, prompted him to still greater ambitions. 

Like some ancient Hebrew prophet, he cried, “I offer you living or dying”. “Hasten”, he cried. 

“Hasten” (or, as the Broadway barker might have put it, “Hurry, hurry, hurry”). “Hasten, the bomb 

will not wait while we deliberate.” What was needed, obviously, was “one man”. 

Mr. Baruch availed himself of the seeds of human panic sown by the two bombs to proffer himself 

“for the most vital undertaking of his life, the devising of a workable plan for the international 

control of atomic energy, and for achieving its adoption by the Atomic Energy Commission of the 

United Nations” (his biographer). 

President Truman duly appointed Mr. Baruch U.S. representative to the United Nations in March 

1946. The “Baruch Plan” was then worked out “on a park bench” (where else?) together with a 

crony from 1919 Peace Conference days, one Mr. Ferdinand Eberstadt. In those days Messrs. 

House and Baruch had worked hard to push through a “League to Enforce Peace”, but a few 

responsible statesmen were still extant then and they talked it out. 

Nevertheless, all through the between-war years of 1918-1939 the conspirators worked away at 

their pet proposal to set up a supernational high command with “teeth” to enforce its dictates, and 

now Mr. Baruch’s Plan of 1946 went as far as even the most zealous of them could wish. 

He presented his Central Park Plan to the U.N. Atomic Energy Commission in June 1946. He 

began, in Hebrew-prophet vein, by saying: “We (sic) must elect world peace or world destruction.” 

Atomic energy must be used for peaceful purposes and its warlike use be precluded. To that end, 

“we” would have to provide for “immediate, swift and sure punishment of those who violate the 

agreements that are reached by nations”. 

So the “League to Enforce Peace” idea was dished up again: merely, the word “penalisation” was 

substituted for “enforce”, but the same thing was meant: a supernational dictatorship with “teeth”. 

Mr. Baruch’s crowning proposal was for a Nuremberg-type court, apparently of permanent nature, 

to be set up to inflict this “penalisation”. He explained that “individual responsibility and 

punishment” could be prescribed “on the principles applied at Nuremberg by the Soviets, the 

United Kingdom, France and the United States”. 

Finally, Mr. Baruch proposed the creation of “an Authority” (one man?) to supervise all atomic 

energy activities potentially dangerous to world security. “Immediate and certain penalties”, 

continued Mr. Baruch, were to be fixed for illegal possession of an atom bomb or for “wilful 

interference with the activities of The Authority”. 

Even the embattled conspirators in the Western governments and in the United Nations choked 

slightly on this heady stuff, and despite the compliant Mr. Truman’s announcement that the White 

House and State Department endorsed The Plan, it was talked out and shelved – to be brought out 

again after any third war. 

Mr. Baruch then resigned and resumed his permanent Advisorship. He died in 1965 having greatly 

harmed his fellow men and his country. A numerous phalanx of powerful men, ensconced in the 

Council on Foreign Relations, carried on the House-Baruch world-government conspiracy. No 

escape from these toils offered the American Republic in the last quarter of this century. 


From the start of his presidency, General Eisenhower revealed his continuance of the House- 

Baruch line. He looked on the Republican Party, which still contained a dwindling number of 

conservative-minded men, as his enemy, and thought of founding a new party which would offer 

the electorate “enlightened and progressive ideas” (as propounded by Marx and Lenin). He only 

abandoned this idea when Senator Robert Taft, the natural Republican leader, died, and when 

Senator Joseph McCarthy was “censured”. These events left Eisenhower in control of the 

Republican Party, for its sins. 

At that time masses of Americans saw in McCarthy the only man who told the truth about 

Communist infiltration of government and America’s involvement in the world-government 


General Eisenhower, himself tarred with this brush through his abandonment of half Europe to the 

Communist conspiracy, particularly hated Senator McCarthy. This became known and as at a given 

signal the kept press opened up a deafening chorus of “witch-hunt” against McCarthy. Any who 

have kept copies of this Senator’s speeches and pamphlets can check for themselves that he did not 

make unsubstantiated charges. He had no need to: what had become publicly known about the 

treachery of Hiss and the group around him was ample enough to support McCarthy’s arraignment 

of successive presidents. 

But the strength of the conspiracy was shown by the way McCarthy, like others before and after 

him, was politically destroyed. The Senate “censured” McCarthy for “conduct unbecoming a 

Senator”, and Eisenhower warmly thanked the chairman of the censuring committee, one Watkins, 

for “doing a splendid job”. 

When the Eisenhower presidency ended, in 1960, he had served the conspiracy well through 

suppressing public discussion of Soviet infiltration and espionage by his attack on McCarthy. His 

presidential years were rife with Soviet efforts, through a horde of spies in the United States, to 

gain full knowledge about the atom bomb and its method of production. These efforts succeeded, 

so that the Communists made their own bomb. 

The eight Eisenhower years showed that subservience to the World Revolution continued to be the 

paramount rule of American governmental policy. 

Under this paramount law, American generals if they encountered Communism anywhere in the 

globe, were forbidden to defeat it: the Soviet arsenals and armouries were kept bulging with 

armaments paid for with American loans and credits: these were used to kill many thousands of 

American and allied soldiers: and each successive American president became the patron and 

protector of Communism within the governmental ranks. 


In 1960 Eisenhower was succeeded by John Kennedy, scion of an immensely wealthy 

Massachusetts family. He was assassinated before his first four-year term ended, but his previous 

career showed that there would not have been any change, had he lived to complete his term. The 

reason for his assassination has never become publicly known. His life was cut short before he 

could show what he could or would do, but all the signs are that he too would have followed the 

course set by his four predecessors. 

A story was put about that he had “stood up to Moscow” by demanding, and obtaining the 

withdrawal from Cuba of Soviet missiles there, pointed Americaward, which were discovered by 

aerial photography. If this were true, he would have mortally offended the Revolution, and this 

would offer a feasible explanation for his murder. 

The story was as manna in the desert to the American masses, thirsting for an affirmative answer to 

Senator Robert Taft’s question, “Do we really mean our Communist policy?” 

Unhappily, the story was never confirmed and in the context of American policy in this century 

seems improbable, so that the murder remains mysterious. 

Another mysterious event of the short Kennedy presidency was the attack on Cuba by an ill- 

organised force of Cuban exiles, which ended in such an appalling fiasco that it might have been 

betrayed beforehand by someone in the State Department or Council on Foreign Relations. 

The Vice-President, Mr. Lyndon Johnson, took the dead president’s place and occupied it until 

1968 without diverging from the House-Baruch pattern. 

American presidents, because of their subservience to the overriding dogma of world government, 

tended to become shadowy figures and Mr. Johnson was not more sharply focussed than others 

before him. He may be said to have shown zeal in following the Baruch-House, Wilson-Roosevelt- 

Truman-Eisenhower-Kennedy line. 

About that time the “Insiders” of the Council on Foreign Relations let slip a phrase which indicated 

what that line was. Allusions to a “convergence with Communism” appeared here and there in the 

all-powerful, and all-subservient “media”, so that Americans could have gained some idea of what 

was coming to them. 

In 1968 the bewildered mass of Americans thought the end of the long dark tunnel of their 

frustrated hopes was near, for Mr. Richard Nixon stood and was elected with a thumping majority. 

He was the man whose name was connected with an event of 1949 in which Americans of 

traditional allegiance had seen one bright light during the bewildering years: the exposure and 

conviction of the traitor Hiss. True, Hiss was only convicted of “perjury” in denying that he was a 

Communist agent or had abstracted top-secret documents and transmitted them to Moscow: the 

influence of the conspirators was strong enough to protect him from the graver charge of “treason” 

and the greater penalty. Still, he had been forced into the light and had been convicted, and 

Congressman Richard Nixon had done it. 

It seemed that deliverance had come, like a cleansing wind. Here, thought the electors, was a man 

who really “meant his Communist policy”. He had proved it, nineteen years ago, true: but that was 

not forgotten. It was so rare, in these times of presidential protection for spies and traitors, to find a 

man who believed as honest folk believed and suited his actions to his beliefs. There had only been 

one other such, McCarthy, and he had been “smeared” and was dead. 

It was one more illusion, Mr. Nixon was no different from the other presidents. He too was made to 

toe the line. Electioneering, he promised a drastic rooting-out of Communists in government: little, 

or nothing was done. 

Nixon surpassed even previous presidents in deficit-spending on “welfare state” notions. He made 

the familiar pilgrimage to Moscow and virtually wrote off the Soviet wartime Lend-Lease debt of 

$9,100,000,000, and offered a further $2,500,000,000 in credit for the purchase of American 


Fifty years after Wilson, America was still to be the banker of the Revolution. 


Mr. Nixon was accompanied on his Moscow trip by the recently-discovered Dr. Kissinger, born in 

Germany, who in his rocket-like rise to international power and vast undertakings reminded me of 

that other “profoundly ominous man”, Harry Hopkins. 

His first four presidential years showed that Mr. Nixon was doing all he could, by zeal in following 

the Roosevelt-Truman-Eisenhower line, to expunge from the memory of the conspirators his 

achievement in obtaining the conviction of Hiss. It was in vain: all through the twenty years 

between the “media” had maintained an unremitting tirade against him. He had mortally offended 

the conspiracy by that and they could not forgive him or let him forget. 

The conspirators prepared to “get” him. They followed one of the precepts laid down in the 

Protocols for gaining control of politicians or agents likely to be useful. It is, to obtain knowledge 

(or manufacture knowledge) of some shady episode in a man’s past, some scandal which can be 

used to cow or blackmail him. Every Scotland Yard or FBI detective who has had to do with the 

tactics of Communist espionage can quote instances where this technique has been used. 

Now President Nixon’s turn came to suffer this ordeal by forged evidence and mass intimidation. 

Had he read Philip Dru, or understood why Mr. Baruch preferred to do business “on a park bench”, 

he need never have fallen into the trap. 

Early in his second term the American Secret Service installed a monitoring system in the White 

House which in its omniscient knowledge of what went on there probably excelled anything in the 

world. The sound of a human voice automatically set the tapes working. The President could not 

stir in the White House without his movements being recorded and followed by buzzers and 

flashing lights on the monitoring apparatus. Every word the President spoke was recorded, (as he 

thought for his private benefit). 

The reason for this elaborate set-up became clear when the word “Watergate” became part of mob- 

parlance. The Watergate building contained the Democratic Party’s offices. The burglary was done 

with the utmost publicity short of placards proclaiming or loudspeakers announcing: “The 

Democratic offices are being burgled by the President’s order”. After the initial “discovery” one 

burglar returned to the scene of the crime and was found to carry a notebook with (guess what?) a 

White House telephone number in it. 

The word “Watergate” then spread over the world. I was in various countries at the time and grew 

to loathe the spectacle of the booboisie telling each other all about “Watergate” as if they had 

consulted the oracle and now were privy to the most closely guarded secrets of doings and goings- 

on in high places. 

Mr. Nixon, not having read Philip Dru, was taken aback by the sound and fury of the attack on him 

and at first, probably knowing nothing of the “burglary” but what the press told him, could not take 

the affair seriously, so that he refused assent when a Senate Committee, investigating the affair, 

called for tapes of his private conversations (unhappily for him, these were not “private”: they were 

overheard by those out to “get” the president). 

The tapes! They had been spinning endlessly, recording every word of his innumerable 

conversations. The president thought them privileged, private. But someone had listened to these 

miles and miles of tapes, someone on the watch for the smallest slip or contradiction. The President 

appealed against the Senate Committee’s order to produce the tapes and the Supreme Court upheld 

the Senate Committee’s order. By this time it was obvious to all that the tapes contained something 

which might be used against the President, and that someone knew what it was. The exact portions 

of the tapes to be produced were specified. The President, obviously, had been surrounded by spies 

in his own White House. 

The plot thickened to its appointed end. On June 23, 1972 the President’s voice had directed the 

Central Intelligence Agency to halt the Federal Bureau of Investigation’s enquiry into the 

“burglary”. On May 22, 1973 the President had made a public statement denying that any use had 

been made of the Central Intelligence Agency “for domestic political purposes”. 

A gasp of horror went through the great country where two presidents had refused to remove the 

Soviet arch traitor from the State Department (in Mr. Truman’s case the Canadian Prime Minister, 

no less, had provided the ignored information) and had given him protection to do his worst for the 

United States: the same country where a third president had used all his influence to have the one 

consistent anti-Communist censured and made politically outcast. 

Now the kept press and radio kept up their clamour that President Nixon was guilty of the heinous 

crime of “covering up” (the burglary) and of “obstructing the course of justice”. In the White House 

the cloaked men, the keepers of “the tapes”, gathered round the president and whispered “Resign, 


The cumulative strain was too much for Mr. Nixon, who already had twenty-five years of this 

unrelenting vituperation behind him. His physical collapse was visible in the pictures shown. By 

the methods described in the Protocols and in Mr. House’s “novel”, he was thrown out of office, the 

first American President ever to be so humiliated. 

The conspiracy won its greatest victory. What American president would dare to step out of line, 

after this! 


The Vice-President, Mr. Gerald Ford, succeeded to the White House. He was an appointed, not an 

elected vice-president, having been chosen by Mr. Nixon when his original vice-president, Mr. 

Spiro Agnew, fell by the wayside somewhere along the line. 

In the light of preceding events ‘It was difficult to see Mr. Ford doing anything so unorthodox as 

rebelling against the forces which had proved too strong for all preceding presidents in this century. 

He, in turn, appointed Mr. Nelson Rockefeller as vice-president, who is on record as saying “When 

you think of what I had, what else was there to aspire to?” (but the White House). His appointment 

brought him (as Mr. Gary Allen commented) “within a heartbeat” of the White House. 

Mr. Nelson Rockefeller is a member of an enormously wealthy family, or dynasty, whose interests 

are worldwide and deep-rooted. The “conspirators” of Mr. House’s Story of Tomorrow, (which has 

proved to be a photographic forecast of all that has happened in and to America in this century) 

were immensely wealthy men. The massive fortunes accumulated in America by a relatively small 

group of men in the last hundred years have been put to serve the purpose of the Revolution, and of 

the world dictatorship designed to come of it. 

These great fortunes have usually left behind them great bequests ostensibly to be devoted to noble- 

sounding purposes, particularly “international peace”. Most of them have in fact served as hidey- 

holes for agents of the conspiracy: they are exempt from the “graduated income tax” introduced by 

Woodrow Wilson at his “sponsors'” behest. 

The fact is demonstrable that the Communist revolution was from the start financed by money from 

America and that the great fortunes substantially contribute to the “invisible government” (the 

Council on Foreign Relations) which for decades now has been steering America towards 

“convergence with Communism”, and towards the ultimate world super-state. Thus Mr. Nelson 

Rockefeller’s appearance on the stage at this late (possibly penultimate) stage in the game is of 

particular interest. 

The student of these affairs constantly finds himself confronted by other, less-advanced seekers to 

truth who snarl at him, “Why would rich men support Communism, eh? Explain that. It doesn’t 

make sense!” 

This writer always advises such innocents abroad to accept the incontrovertible fact that the thing 

is, and to work back from that point to the “Why?” He might take as starting point the testimony of 

an unassailable authority, Professor Carroll Quigley (Tragedy, And Hope, Macmillan, London, 

1966). Professor Quigley, who has the advantage of himself being of the “Insiders” with inside 

experience of the conspiracy at work, says, “There does exist and has existed for a generation an 

international … network which operates, to some extent, in the way the radical Right believes the 

Communists act … This network … has no aversion to co-operating with the Communists … and 

frequently does so.” 

Another diligent explorer, Mr. Gary Allen (The C.F.R., Conspiracy To Rule The World, American 

Opinion, Belmont, Mass., 1969) says, “Why would international bankers and financiers be 

interested in promoting a Socialist World Government? Clearly, socialism is only the bait to obtain 

the support of the political underworld and to create the structure necessary to maintain dictatorial 

control. What this small group of financiers and cartel-oriented businessmen are interested in is 

monopolistic control over the world’s natural resources, trade, transportation and communications 

… something that despite their great wealth they could not achieve otherwise. Therefore the super- 

capitalists become super-socialists, realising that only a World Government under their control can 

give them the power necessary to achieve their goal. Only this could explain why these extremely 

wealthy men would be willing to support movements which seem to be aimed at their own 

























Part Two 


I quoted at the start the word of Mr. Maugham’s American heroine about the boundless future of the 

United States: “… by 1930 we shall be the richest and greatest country in the world … no limit to 

our progress can be seen …” 

About the same time (the 1920’s) Mr. Noel Coward was composing a patriotic milestone drama 

about England, Cavalcade, which met the public yearning for reassurance about the future and 

made him, as he says, “extremely popular”. As the curtain fell, his heroine, glass in hand, drank “to 

the hope that this country of ours, which we love so much will find dignity and greatness and peace 

again …” 

The positive expectations of Mr. Maugham’s “Isabel” and the wistful hopes of Mr. Coward’s “Jane” 

were alike doomed to disappointment. 

England, in fact, was caught in the same world-government conspiracy that was destroying 

America, and its leaders promoted the aims of the conspiracy as effectively as Presidents Wilson 

and Roosevelt. 

The plight of the American Republic, seventy years after the House-Baruch partners “captured” 

President Wilson and set him to work preparing the One Government Of All The World, was 

bound to have some effect on the other English-speaking country across the Atlantic, the one where 

I was born. 


Mr. Winston Churchill once during the Second War said that England and America were going to 

get “somewhat mixed up” and added that he could not stop that process even if he wished: he 

welcomed it. 

He was a man of occasional, strange paradoxes. A patriot of patriots, he never explained that 

strange statement, which to most Englishmen, and probably to most Americans, was inexplicable 

and unwelcome. He had no brief for so disputable an assertion. When he made it America was 

evidently, to any diligent observer, in the grip of a conspiracy which was dragging it towards 

“convergence with Communism” and the World Slave State. Mr. Churchill’s whole life-story 

seemed sure to make him shun any involvement with “world government” plans. 

Oddly, like all American presidents of this century, he was a devotee of Mr. Bernard Baruch, 

whose world-government efforts went back to the first World War and the bid at the Versailles 

Peace Conference to set up a “League to Enforce Peace”; a first attempt to establish world 

government in the confusion following a world war, which was foiled by the able Secretary of 

State, Mr. Robert Lansing, who clearly saw the intention to foist war upon the world in the name of 

peace (Mr. Lansing was soon removed from office, the first of a long series of Americans who paid 

the price for opposing the conspiracy). 

A significant incident in Mr. Churchill’s career was the receipt of a deathbed letter to him from 

President Roosevelt asking him “to see Bernie Baruch as soon as convenient …” Mr. Churchill 

answered that “Bernie is one of my oldest friends and I am telegraphing to say how glad I am he is 

coming. He is a very wise man.” 

The two had “long and intimate talks”. During these Mr. Baruch presumably spoke of the atom 

bomb soon to be exploded (it would never have been dropped without the foreknowledge and 

approval of the great Adviser) and may have informed Mr. Churchill of his intention to propose the 

establishment (once the bomb had been exploded) of an authority with monopolistic rights in its 

use and control, and power to inflict quick and condign punishment on any who offended The 


History does not record what Mr. Churchill thought about this, the greatest Baruch Plan: it would 

obviously have meant that “dissolution of the British Empire over which I have not become the 

King’s first Minister in order to preside”. 


The dissolution of that Empire followed before his death. His inner feeling about the world 

government, which was evidently meant to be set up in its wake, is unclear. In 1920, when the 

revolution in Russia and its authors were subjects of lively public discussion (this was before an 

occult censorship effectively stopped all free discussion of such matters) Mr. Churchill wrote an 

article in the Illustrated Sunday Herald which showed that he perfectly understood the nature and 

authors of the revolution and the methods of conspiracy. Being asked in 1953 for permission to 

reprint that article, he had his secretary refuse. 

Certainly, Bernie (“a very wise man”) would not have approved of that article, for his favourite 

notion, the despotic world government with powers of enforcement, was the very child of that 

revolution. Mr. Churchill must certainly have been aware of the world government conspiracy 

because in various forms it preoccupied the minds of many leading men during his lifetime and he 

moved in their company. 

In the later decades of the 19th century, when England and the Empire were at the zenith of their 

might and renown under the great Queen, the world government conspiracy (as the developing 

fluid of time now reveals) was already eating, cancer-like, at the entrails of the Commonwealth. 

The conspirators were no cloak-and-dagger persons of the Cafés des Exilés type. They were public 

men of renown and great wealth, as in America. 


The man whose name first appears in the story on the eastern side of the Atlantic, although his 

ideas obviously grew out of earlier conspiracies such as that of Weishaupt, was John Ruskin. He 

was of the type for which the modern vernacular has found the name, Do-Gooder, a tribe of which 

may be said that the evil they do lives long after them. He was deeply moved, in that period of the 

industrial revolution, by the contrast between great wealth in Victorian England, and the poverty of 

the lower orders, and became famous, in his day, for his impassioned championship of “the 

downtrodden masses”. 

Ruskin’s life ended with a mental breakdown, as is sometimes the lot of beings who come to think 

themselves godlike. Ruskin’s “new imperialism” rested on the theory, which he imparted to his 

aristocratic students at Oxford, that their privileged lot in life could not be preserved unless the 

English lower classes were absorbed into it, and it extended to “the non-English masses throughout 

the world”. 

Ruskin’s ideas made a great and fatal impression on the mind and life of Cecil Rhodes, the gold- 

and-diamond multi-millionaire from Kimberley. Rhodes’s name is commemorated in that of the 

little country, Rhodesia, which seventy years after his death is waging a lonely struggle against a 

world of enemies, leagued together in the world-government-conspiracy, on the path of which 

Rhodesia is a small but obdurate obstacle. 

What Rhodes’s ambition was is a question befogged by the different opinions of his biographers, 

who assert variously that “the government of the world was his simple desire” or that he wanted to 

“paint the map of Africa red” (i.e. British). 

The words of his first will should make the matter clear (but where, in conspiracy, which always 

deals in “deception regarding real intentions and opinions” is anything ever quite clear?) for he 

states the ambition of “extending British rule throughout the world … and founding so great a 

power as to hereafter render wars impossible and promote the interests of humanity”. World- 

government proponents always proclaim that eternal peace will come of their plans, and 

simultaneously contend (as Mr. Baruch ever contended) that war must be made on any who 

question their dominion, so that this verbal flourish need not be taken seriously. 

What is clear is that out of Rhodes’s initial moves grew the world-government conspiracy that 

undermined all good government in England and America in the century that followed Rhodes’s 

death in 1902. 

Rhodes’s wills set up the secret society which was to pursue his ambition through the century to 

come. The first (the secret society will) took the Society of Jesus as organisational model 

(Weishaupt similarly used the Jesuitical structure as model for his Illuminati). 


Another will endowed the “Rhodes Scholarships” under which young men from the Empire, 

Germany and America were to be brought to Oxford for specialised training so that “after thirty 

years there would be between two and three thousand men in the prime of life scattered all over the 

world, each one of whom would have impressed on his mind in the most susceptible period of his 

life the dream of the Founder, each one of whom, moreover, would have been specially, 

mathematically selected towards the Founder’s purpose …” 

What, then, was the Founder’s purpose? Was it “simply the government of the world” or “the 

extension of British rule throughout the world”? Rhodes’s planning took definite shape in 1891 

when, with his collaborator and literary apostle, William Stead, he formed his secret society with 

himself as leader and Stead, Lord Esher and Sir John Milner (later British High Commissioner for 

South Africa) as members of an executive committee. A “Circle of Initiates” was to be formed with 

Mr. Balfour, Lord Rothschild, Sir Harry Johnston and other personages prominent on the South 

African scene. The outer circle (the pattern of circles-within-circles used by Weishaupt and the 

Communists) was to be an “association of Helpers” (in the Communist vocabulary such “helpers” 

are known as “friends” or “useful fools”.) 

If Rhodes’s dream or purpose was in fact “to extend the British Empire to encompass the world” its 

dissolution within sixty years of his death in 1902 was this “imperial statesman’s” mocking epitaph. 

If his “simple desire” (a biographer, Mrs Millin) was “government of the world”, the conspiracy he 

set in motion was far advanced towards this aim after those sixty years. 

He left behind him a “circle” of publicly renowned men who were (privately) devoted to that 

ambition. Outwardly they appeared to be rocklike pillars of Empire (as their counterparts in 

America seemed to be steadfast upholders of the Declaration of Independence). 

Lord Milner became leader of the Round Table organisation begotten by Rhodes’s secret society of 

1891. When I joined The Times in 1921 I became vaguely aware of the existence of a band of 

brothers known as “Lord Milner’s young men”. I little recked, then, of what they might be at, or 

could ever imagine that their work, fifty years later, would entwine itself, poison-ivy-like, around 

my life and lot. One of them, Mr. Geoffrey Dawson, became editor of The Times in my day. 

Another initiate was Mr. Philip Kerr who held many offices in British South Africa and became, as 

Lord Lothian, British Ambassador at Washington. Another was Mr. Lionel Curtis, who took over 

leadership of the Round Table group when Lord Milner died. Something in the South African air 

seems to have produced this abundant crop of Round Table schemers at that period. 

Some of these gentlemen took the loftiest view of the shape their future world government would 

assume. Lord Lothian held that “we should strive to build the Kingdom of Heaven on this earth” 

(and added that the leadership in that task “must fall first and foremost upon the English-speaking 

peoples”). At that phase in his scheming “Colonel” House across the Atlantic was also talking about 

rebuilding the world on a basis of the “solidarity of the Anglo-Saxon peoples”. 

On both sides of the Atlantic the conspiracy was from the start one of wealthy men: in South 

Africa, Rhodes, Lord Rothschild (to whom Rhodes at one stage bequeathed his money), Sir Abe 

Bailey and Alfred Beit: in America, the great money-dynasties of Morgan, Rockefeller, Carnegie 

and others. One might naively wonder if these great men ever considered the human suffering their 

ambition would involve, particularly during the Second War, which brought the conspiracy a giant 

stride nearer its goal. Probably not: great men as a rule are completely cynical about any whom the 

Juggernaut crushes, provided that the Juggernaut continues towards the destination which they 



The great men involved in this often had differing views about the shape of the consummation 

desired by them. The languid and lisping Mr. Balfour, a typical fin de siecle figure, much in 

demand by the ladies for their Victorian patball parties, held that the world government should be a 

Jewish one. Mr. House, across the Atlantic, wrote of establishing “Socialism as dreamed by Karl 

Marx” as the golden rule of world government. 

Before and after the First War the conspiracies of Rhodes and House began to converge. In the 

antechambers of World War One the schemers were already busy preparing to set up world 

government on the ruins. The attempt, at that first bid, was foiled by the American people, who 

spotted the thief in the woodpile, and discarded President Wilson. 

The One World conspirators at once regrouped and reorganised their forces for the next bid, 

through another war. Mr. Lionel Curtis was charged to reshape the Round Table group and 

established throughout the “English-speaking” lands separate “front organisations” (to use the 

Communist phraseology) each pursuing the common ambition behind a facade of fine-sounding 


In England this became the Royal Institute of International Affairs, which absorbed the 

membership of the ci-devant Round Table group. In America Mr. House’s dictum about “deception 

regarding real opinions and intentions” was honoured in the name chosen for the new body which 

was incorporated in 1921: the Council on Foreign Relations. 

In the next fifty years, until today, this became the invisible government of the United States, 

supplying the government with increasing numbers of its graduates and in fact directing American 

state policy towards that “convergence with Communism” which is the truth behind the official 

protestations of undeviating antagonism to Communism. 

This CFR has become the protégé of the great banking dynasties and its membership now 

comprises fourteen hundred leading names in American banking, industry and communications. 

This invisible government has provided the men to fill nearly all the top posts in the Administration 

during the past forty-five years. Hence the course of American foreign policy, which by rights is 

the domain of the Secretary of State. For many years every Secretary of State has been a CFR man, 

and when he was not, a CFR appointee was leapfrogged over him. Witness President Roosevelt’s 

Harry Hopkins in the Second War and Dr. Kissinger today: both these publicly unknown men 

bestrode the narrow world like a colossus and the groundlings paid the price. 

The innocents abroad (and who is not “abroad” in this dark and haunted terrain of international 

conspiracy?) can always be heard plaintively asking, “Why?”, or alternatively, “How can wealthy 

men back those who seek to destroy them?” 

I am not in these great men’s minds but think the answer is contained in some words which I heard 

the late Lord Birkenhead use, once long ago. This was in the late ‘Twenties, when even to hint that 

peace might not be eternal was to earn the epithet, “Warmonger”. Lord Birkenhead, a realist said 

warningly, “There are still glittering prizes to be won” (by making war), and the next morning had 

the whole coyote-like press pack yelping “Warmonger” at him. 

I see no other explanation for these dealers in death (for such their worldwide concentration camp 

would be) than this dazzling allure of the glittering prize. The One-Worlders aim at monopolistic 

control of the sources of wealth, of which they now control only “a piece”. Total control cannot be 

acquired by purchase and payment: only world government offers the ultimate seat of power. In 

Karl Marx’s paradise this absolute power would obtain: in that utopia the human being would be 

nothing, a zero. 

An authority with long-term inside knowledge of the conspiracy, (Prof. Carrol Quigley, Tragedy & 

Hope, Macmillan 1966) says:  

There has existed for a generation an international network which operates to some 

extent in the way that the radical Right believes the Communists act. In fact, this 

network, which we may indicate as the Round Table Groups, has no aversion to co- 

operating with the Communists, or any other groups, and frequently does so. 

In the two decades following its incorporation in Paris in 1921 the CFR went from strength to 

strength, and prepared, through its stranglehold on American foreign policy, to prepare the way for 

the next attempt to set up world government after another war. When it came, its agents were able 

to present the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbour (of which warning had been given to and ignored 

by President Roosevelt) as a dastardly surprise (“a day which will live in infamy”). 

While the war went on the CFR was busy, through an Advisory Committee on Post-War Foreign 

Policy completely staffed by its appointees, laying the basis for the World State designed to come 

of it. This group designed the United Nations as the keystone of the World Superstate, and at the 

founding conference at San Francisco in 1945 the man subsequently convicted as a Communist 

traitor (Alger Hiss), was Secretary General. 




When the Second War ended I, and many other British writers, left the suffocating climate of post- 

war England, where the Socialists waited, like vultures on a bough, for the England where I grew 

up to breath its last. 

I was already, in my little way, a victim of the great conspiracy. Before the Second War I published 

a book which gave warning of its imminent approach, and because it broke out promptly I was held 

up as a man of brilliant foresight and insight. My eminence lasted but an instant. When I saw, and 

wrote, that the war was being fought merely to build up Communism, I was howled down as a 

Fascist and soon found that I was on every publisher’s black list. 

Thus I brought no illusions with me to South Africa where I arrived, like Othello, my occupation 

gone. For the next thirty years the spate of anonymous letters and newspaper attacks continued, that 

is, until today. Humble workaday scribe though I was, I found that the world-government 

conspirators could not, or would not forget me: no sparrow might fall from a roof, I gathered, but 

that their minions plausibly presented this as a foul, reactionary and counter-revolutionary deed. 

Even I was not beneath their notice, I found from this unending vituperation. That was not the 

worst: I saw that the last chapter of my life, like the twenty years between the two wars, was to be 

spent in the shadow of another threatening war: and it, like the other two wars, was designed to be 

one more move towards world government. 

After two years in South Africa I paid a visit to America and was there when the abominable Hiss 

was at last exposed and (reluctantly) convicted. I saw how numerous were his friends and patrons, 

how powerful they were to protect him and cover up his deeds. I saw that the man who denounced 

him was pilloried on every hand, reduced to poverty, kept in fear of his life (he soon died: the other 

still lives). I saw how the Widow Roosevelt, the “Madame de Farge” of the conspiracy, openly 

placed herself before him and even referred jeeringly, in court, to his accuser as “the defendant”. 

I felt in my journalist’s bones that this America could not long survive in the shape hitherto familiar 

to the world: it was rotting at the core. I learned of things more directly menacing to South Africa, 

and to me and my young wife and her babes who lived there. 

I learned that President Truman, having stepped from the vice-presidential into the presidential 

shoes on Roosevelt’s death, had grandiose plans for Africa, where he had never been, of which he 

knew nothing. 

I saw the red light at once. Had Mr. Truman inherited the House-Baruch plan from Mr. Roosevelt? 

If so, life in South Africa was going to be precarious. 

Mr. Truman soon showed that he had indeed inherited the fatal “sponsors”. I believe he was never 

outside America before he became president: he was a typical product of the American political 

machine, which, as manipulated by the House-Baruch group, produced presidents pre-tailored to a 

pattern of submissiveness. 

Now Mr. Truman, or someone in his name, produced a programme of bountiful undertakings in the 

world, Point Four of which related to Africa, a place quite unknown to him. Under “Point Four” he 

proposed to build great roads and railways, ports and airports and the like more. Obviously he had 

neither the knowledge nor the experience to have hit on such notions unaided. Someone was 

speaking through him, Charlie McCarthy-like. 

Simultaneously, the Communist leader in America (at that time, a Mr. Earl Browder) came out with 

a programme of gigantic undertakings in Africa which was in its essentials a duplicate of Mr. 

Truman’s Point Four. 

Neither of these benefactors, America and the Soviet Union, had any presence or foothold in 

Africa. How, then did they propose to get there and do these wonderful things? At this point my 

blood ran cold, as the saying is: I saw what was coming and returned to Africa with visions of 

earlier thundercloud days in Austria, Czechoslovakia and Poland heavy on my spirit. 

I wrote a book about my discoveries in America (Far and Wide). I think it was the last one I was 

allowed to get published in England and it brought me even more obloquy than the preceding three 

or four. This book acquired a habit of vanishing from library shelves. Librarians, consulted by me, 

said they knew this was happening but could not catch the “book-burners”. 


The parallelism of American and Soviet policy, under the invisible guiding hand of the CFR, was 

again shown by this announcement of the two great Plans. The two “World Powers” (with the 

enfeebled British one trotting behind them like a carriage dog) were united in the resolve to carry 

out Lenin’s dictum that the expulsion of the colonial powers from their territories was essential to 

the achievement of the world revolution. The Soviet power avowedly desired this: American 

presidents continued to preach opposition to Communism and to practise support of it. President 

Roosevelt protected the Communist traitors in his administration: President Truman sacked the 

American general who wanted to win the war against Communism in Korea. 

The game went on, plain for all to see, but very few perceived its meaning. 

Next, President Truman, evidently desiring to show zeal to his sponsors, sent a roving emissary to 

Africa, a Mr. Mennen “Soapy” Williams, who stumped the continent calling for South Africa to be 

“brought to its knees”. 

Africa (this became obvious) was to be the new area of Communist expansion, aided and financed 

by America. 

Following Mr. Truman’s lead, every aspiring politician and newspaper editor in the world joined in 

furious attack on the White governments in Southern Africa, and this continues as I write, nearly 

thirty years later. 

This down-with-the-White-man campaign was immensely popular with politicians everywhere, 

who always rejoice to be able to divert attention from matters at home by pointing a finger at 

countries far away, and the further the better. Thus, politicos in places as distant from the scene as 

Australia and New Zealand, the enslaved countries behind the Berlin Wall, and the banana 

republics of Central America happily stayed in office year after year by this simple method of 

crying “Fie!” and sternly gazing in the direction of South Africa, thousands of miles away across 

the oceans. 


Africa at that period was a continent of order under the colonial powers, Britain, France, Belgium 

and Portugal. Unnumbered centuries of infant mortality, lethal diseases, slave raiding and tribal 

wars had left it a depopulated continent until the white man came, who put a stop to all those 

things, so that in the 19th century it rapidly became an over-populated continent. 

The orderly process, and the rule of law, were all to be changed when the conspiracy took Africa in 

hand. America and the Soviet Union set out hand in hand to destroy everything that had been 

gained, and to recreate Darkest Africa. American politicians fell into paroxysms of simulated moral 

indignation about the colonial powers and their treatment of the Black man (who soon would look 

back on the colonial era, when a man could call on the law even against his chief and the witch 

doctor, as the golden age). 

In America all the politicians saw in the anti-White man campaign a vote-winning ticket. Macaulay 

might have said of America at that time, even more truly than of the England of his day, that “We 

know of no spectacle so ridiculous as the public in one of its periodical fits of morality”. For 

example, a Mr. Robert Kennedy (younger brother of the late President John Kennedy) came to 

Africa with his wife and was accorded the hospitality of Natal University for a violent diatribe 

against the South African Government. I watched this disreputable performance with the eyes of a 

man who had seen two generations of politicians whipping the mob towards its own destruction. 

In America, too, Mrs. Roosevelt, gave much vent (publicly) to her feelings of indignation and 

compassion about the Black man, and helped (privately) to arrange for supplies of arms to the 

terrorists in Angola. 

What was coming was clear: America, under any president at all, was to help Communism take 

over Africa. 

For a decade this farce continued and then, lo presto and behold, the colonial powers revealed that 

they too were in the plot. There was no irresistible pressure on them to quit. They received their 

marching orders from somewhere and just upped and went. One day they were there and the next 

they were gone, reacting like marionettes to the hidden strings. Belgium went first, then France 

pulled out of Algeria, and then … 

Ah, then! Was Britain to desert and dissolve the Empire, and to abandon alike the White people 

there and the Black ones who still in some places seen by me kept the picture of the great Queen in 

their kraals and trading stores? 

Yes, even that. The man chosen to read the dictated death sentence was the British Prime Minister 

of the day, a Mr. Harold Macmillan. He spoke with the turn of voice and phrase which the frontal 

politicians of my unfortunate country are adept in using to gloss over an act of perfidy. 

“The wind of change”, Mr. Macmillan told the Cape Town Parliament, was blowing Britain out of 

Africa. The wind of change! In any anthology of political prevarication this rates a high place. The 

wind bloweth where it listeth, and no “wind” was blowing the Empire away. It was being broken up 

by decisions reached long before in secret conclave, and its demolition was done to clear the way 

for the world-government conspiracy. 

Followed, in all the British territories, the pantomime of abdication: flags being lowered, plumed 

hats and gold-encrusted uniforms worn a last time, a Royal Personage handing over the deeds and 

so on. The only truth behind this woeful pageant was that the Black man was being handed back to 



In the next ten years the Black man foretasted the future which had been arranged for him. 

“Independent” Black states emerged on all hands, and in all of them the politician with the most 

guns shouldered his way to the front and took over, to be thrust aside a little later by another of the 

same kind who had been supplied with weapons by someone or other. The tale of carnage and 

chaos will never be told: it followed the same pattern everywhere, and the world was indifferent to 

it anyway. Darkest Africa was back. 

Of the White man’s era only South Africa remained (which immediately broke away from the 

Empire), and Rhodes’s Rhodesia, which saw that it was to be betrayed and proclaimed 

Independence on the Washingtonian model on November 11, 1965, and the eastern and western 

coastal territories of Mozambique and Angola, where the Portuguese had been since before the 

British Empire or the America Republic were thought of. 

The Sixties and Seventies, therefore, were filled with the enraged clamour of the outer world 

(particularly America and England) against these remaining White-governed territories. In England 

the Socialists were in office and they had long awaited the moment of imperial demise, like 

vultures on a bough intent on the victim’s last breath. The Socialist leader, a Mr. Harold Wilson, 

habitually used the language of George III’s prime minister, Lord North, about the Rhodesians. 

They were “rebels”, he declared. 

After canvassing the feeling of the British army about an attack on Rhodesia, and drawing blank, he 

announced at Blackpool (to the cheers of terrorists in the balcony) that he would give 

“unconditional support” in arms to the Communist bands which succeeded to power in the 

Portuguese territories neighbouring Rhodesia when the beleaguered Portuguese, after thirteen years 

of siege by the entire world, collapsed in 1973. 

I was in Rhodesia, Angola and Mozambique during these years, and although my own part in the 

imbroglio was but that of one small leaf in a gale, I felt that I was hard done by, after my 

embittering years in Europe between the wars, in being caught up in yet another chapter of the great 

conspiracy’s expansionist thrusts. 

I returned from Rhodesia, Mozambique and Angola to South Africa to await what yet might come. 

What came, in 1975, was the proof that Mr. Truman’s “Point Four” of 25 years earlier, was a simple 

restatement of the parallelism of American and Soviet policy, jointly leading to a Communist 

takeover in Africa. 

Angola gave clear token of that. Soviet arms, originally financed by America, were supplied to one 

of the contending factions which fought for power when the Portuguese left, and the Soviet called 

in Cuban troops to ensure the victory of that faction. 

The American President at that time was named Ford (the only difference between successive 

presidents was that of name: in subservience to the overriding world government conspiracy they 

were all alike) and he was seen, a shadowy figure on the television screen, making sounds of 

formal disapproval of the Soviet and Cuban incursions into Africa. 

The real effect of these sotto voce remonstrances was nil: America led the world in tacitly accepting 

the deed and the appearance of Black Communist states on the eastern and western shores of 


By this time it was obvious that no American president, with the example of President Nixon’s 

overthrow ever in his mind, would presume to affront the pupils of the House-Baruch school, 

embattled in the Council on Foreign Relations. Whichever contestant might win the 1976 

presidential election, nothing would change: and that would hold good for any subsequent election. 



Thus I awaited my closing years in South Africa. Already, many years before, one of the 

enormously wealthy “peace” endowments in America (the Carnegie one) had produced a battle 

plan, complete to the last ballistic detail, for an attack on South Africa by air, sea and land. This 

open involvement of America in the Communist conspiracy has hung over South Africa ever since 

it was published in 1965. From my personal eyrie, overlooking the turbulent scene, I saw in it the 

co-ordination of another holocaust, the essential third stage in the conspiracy to bring about the 


At the age I have reached, for a’ that, my personal interest in the great melodrama is only to see to 

it, if I possibly can, that any tombstone of mine shall have the inscription, “He survived!” My 

ambitions are modest, and for more than that I do not hope. The conspiracy has progressed so far 

that it will not, possibly cannot stop now. Too many leading men are enchained to it for that. 

While they are in power over us, we shall all continue to be Gadarea-bound, and the new age of 

darkness is nigh upon us. When that comes we shall all need to start again and work for another 

renaissance. Many good men and true are preparing now for that, and tomorrow’s day will be theirs. 

The perjurers and their kept press will call it the counter-revolution. Its proper name will be The 

Conspiracy Of Truth. 

*** prepared by Truth Seeker – *** 

Know the Truth and the Truth shall make you free 

(John 8:32)

Published on April 17, 2009 at 3:34 am  Leave a Comment  

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