Wall Street And The Rise Of Hitler

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TABLE OF CONTENTS 

PREFACE 

INTRODUCTION: Unexplored Facets of Nazism 

CHAPTER 1: Wall Street Paves the Way for Hitler 

CHAPTER 2: The Empire of I.G. Farben 

CHAPTER 3: General Electric Funds Hitler 

CHAPTER 4: Standard Oil Duels World War II 

CHAPTER 5: I.T.T. Works Both Sides of the War 

CHAPTER 6: Henry Ford and the Nazis 

CHAPTER 7: Who Financed Adolf Hitler? 

CHAPTER 8: Putzi: Friend of Hitler and Roosevelt 

CHAPTER 9: Wall Street and the Nazi Inner Circle 

CHAPTER 10: The Myth of “Sidney Warburg” 

CHAPTER 11: Wall Street-Nazi Collaboration in World War II 

CHAPTER 12: Conclusions 

Appendix A 

 Program of the National Socialist German Workers Party 

Appendix B 

 AffIdavit of Hjalmar Schacht 

Appendix C 

 Entries in the “National Trusteeship” Account 

Appendix D 

 Letter from the U.S. War Department to Ethyl Corporation 

Appendix E 

 Extract from Morgenthau Diary (Germany) 

BIBLIOGRAPHY 

PREFACE 

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PREFACE 

This is the third and final volume of a trilogy describing the role of the American corporate socialists, otherwise known as the Wall Street 

financial elite or the Eastern Liberal Establishment, in three significant twentieth-century historical events: the 1917 Lenin-Trotsky Revolution 

in Russia, the 1933 election of Franklin D. Roosevelt in the United States, and the 1933 seizure of power by Adolf Hitler in Germany. 

Each of these events introduced some variant of socialism into a major country — i.e., Bolshevik socialism in Russia, New Deal socialism in 

the United States, and National socialism in Germany. 

Contemporary academic histories, with perhaps the sole exception of Carroll Quigley’s Tragedy And Hope, ignore this evidence. On the other 

hand, it is understandable that universities and research organizations, dependent on financial aid from foundations that are controlled by this 

same New York financial elite, would hardly want to support and to publish research on these aspects of international politics. The bravest of 

trustees is unlikely to bite the hand that feeds his organization. 

It is also eminently clear from the evidence in this trilogy that “public-spirited businessmen” do not journey to Washington as lobbyists and 

administrators in order to serve the United States. They are in Washington to serve their own profit-maximizing interests. Their purpose is not 

to further a competitive, free-market economy, but to manipulate a politicized regime, call it what you will, to their own advantage. 

It is business manipulation of Hitler’s accession to power in March 1933 that is the topic of Wall Street and the Rise of Hitler. 

ANTONY C. SUTTON 

July, 1976 

 

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INTRODUCTION: Unexplored Facets of Naziism 

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INTRODUCTION 

Unexplored Facets of Naziism 

Since the early 1920s unsubstantiated reports have circulated to the effect that not only German industrialists, but also Wall Street financiers, 

had some role — possibly a substantial role — in the rise of Hitler and Naziism. This book presents previously unpublished evidence, a great 

deal from files of the Nuremburg Military Tribunals, to support this hypothesis. However, the full impact and suggestiveness of the evidence 

cannot be found from reading this volume alone. Two previous books in this series, Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution1 and Wall Street 

and FDR,2 described the roles of the same firms, and often the same individuals and their fellow directors, hard at work manipulating and 

assisting the Bolshevik revolution in Russia in 1917, backing Franklin D. Roosevelt for President in the United States in 1933, as well as 

aiding the rise of Hitler in pre-war Germany. in brief, this book is part of a more extensive study of the rise of modern socialism and the 

corporate socialists. 

This politically active Wall Street group is more or less the same elitist circle known generally among Conservatives as the “Liberal 

Establishment,” by liberals (for instance G. William Domhoff) as “the ruling class,”3 and by conspiratorial theorists Gary Allen4 and Dan 

Smoot5 as the “Insiders.” But whatever we call this self-perpetuating elitist group, it is apparently fundamentally significant in the 

determination of world affairs, at a level far behind and above that of the elected politicians. 

The influence and work of this same group in the rise of Hitler and Nazi Germany is the topic of this book. This is an area of historical research 

almost totally unexplored by the academic world. It is an historical minefield for the unwary and the careless not aware of the intricacies of 

research procedures. The Soviets have long accused Wall Street bankers of backing international fascism, but their own record of historical 

accuracy hardly lends their accusations much credence in the West, and they do not of course criticize support of their own brand of fascism. 

This author falls into a different camp. Previously accused of being overly critical of Sovietism and domestic socialism, while ignoring Wall 

Street and the rise of Hitler, this book hopefully will redress an assumed and quite inaccurate philosophical imbalance and emphasize the real 

point at issue: Whatever you call the collectivist system — Soviet socialism, New Deal socialism, corporate socialism, or National socialism — 

it is the average citizen, the guy in the street, that ultimately loses out to the boys running the operation at the top. Each system in its own way 

is a system of plunder, an organizational device to get everyone living (or attempting to live) at the expense of everyone else, while the elitist 

leaders, the rulers and the politicians, scalp the cream off the top. 

The role of this American power elite in the rise of Hitler should also be viewed in conjunction with a little-known aspect of Hitlerism only 

now being explored: the mystical origins of Naziism, and its relations with the Thule Society and with other conspiratorial groups. This author 

is no expert on occultism or conspiracy, but it is obvious that the mystical origins, the neo-pagan historical roots of Naziism, the Bavarian 

Illuminati and the Thule Society, are relatively unknown areas yet to be explored by technically competent researchers. Some research is 

already recorded in French; probably the best introduction in English is a translation of Hitler et la Tradition Cathare by Jean Michel 

Angebert.6 

Angebert reveals the 1933 crusade of Schutzstaffel member Otto Rahn in search of the Holy Grail, which was supposedly located in the Cathar 

stronghold in Southern France. The early Nazi hierarchy (Hitler and Himmler, as well as Rudolph Hess and Rosenberg) was steeped in a 

neo-pagan theology, in part associated with the Thule Society, whose ideals were close to those of the Bavarian Illuminati. This was a 

submerged driving force behind Naziism, with a powerful mystical hold over the hard-core S.S. faithful. Our contemporary establishment 

historians barely mention, let alone explore, these occult origins; consequently, they miss an element equally as important as the financial 

origins of National Socialism. 

In 1950 James Stewart Martin published a very readable book, All Honorable Men7 describing his experiences as Chief of the Economic 

Warfare Section of the Department of Justice investigating the structure of Nazi industry. Martin asserts that American and British 

businessmen got themselves appointed to key positions in this post-war investigation to divert, stifle and muffle investigation of Nazi 

industrialists and so keep hidden their own involvement. One British officer was sentenced by court martial to two years in jail for protecting a 

Nazi, and several American officials were removed from their positions. Why would American and British businessmen want to protect Nazi 

businessmen? In public they argued that these were merely German businessmen who had nothing to do with the Nazi regime and were 

innocent of complicity in Nazi conspiracies. Martin does not explore this explanation in depth, but he is obviously unhappy and skeptical about 

it. The evidence suggests there was a concerted effort not only to protect Nazi businessmen, but also to protect the collaborating elements from 

American and British business. 

The German businessmen could have disclosed a lot of uncomfortable facts: In return for protection, they told very little. It is undoubtedly not 

coincidental that the Hitler industrialists on trial at Nuremburg received less than a slap on the wrist. We raise the question of whether the 

Nuremburg trials should not have been held in Washington — with a few prominent U.S. businessmen as well as Nazi businessmen in the 

dock! 

Two extracts from contemporary sources will introduce and suggest the theme to be expanded. The first extract is from Roosevelt’s own files. 

The U.S. Ambassador in Germany, William Dodd, wrote FDR from Berlin on October 19, 1936 (three years after Hitler came to power), 

concerning American industrialists and their aid to the Nazis: 

Much as I believe in peace as our best policy, I cannot avoid the fears which Wilson emphasized more than once in 

conversations with me, August 15, 1915 and later: the breakdown of democracy in all Europe will be a disaster to the people. 

But what can you do? At the present moment more than a hundred American corporations have subsidiaries here or cooperative 

understandings. The DuPonts have three allies in Germany that are aiding in the armament business. Their chief ally is the I. G. 

Farben Company, a part of the Government which gives 200,000 marks a year to one propaganda organization operating on

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American opinion. Standard Oil Company (New York sub-company) sent $2,000,000 here in December 1933 and has made 

$500,000 a year helping Germans make Ersatz gas for war purposes; but Standard Oil cannot take any of its earnings out of the 

country except in goods. They do little of this, report their earnings at home, but do not explain the facts. The International 

Harvester Company president told me their business here rose 33% a year (arms manufacture, I believe), but they could take 

nothing out. Even our airplanes people have secret arrangement with Krupps. General Motor Company and Ford do enormous 

businesses/sic] here through their subsidiaries and take no profits out. I mention these facts because they complicate things and 

add to war dangers.

Second, a quote from the diary of the same U.S. Ambassador in Germany. The reader should bear in mind that a representative of the cited 

Vacuum Oil Company — as well as representatives of other Nazi, supporting American firms — was appointed to the post-war Control 

Commission to de-Nazify the Nazis: 

January 25. Thursday. Our Commercial Attache brought Dr. Engelbrecht, chairman of the Vacuum Oil Company in Hamburg, 

to see me. Engelbrecht repeated what he had said a year ago: “The Standard Oil Company of New York, the parent company of 

the Vacuum, has spent 10,000,000 marks in Germany trying to find oil resources and building a great refinery near the 

Hamburg harbor.” Engelbrecht is still boring wells and finding a good deal of crude oil in the Hanover region, but he had no 

hope of great deposits. He hopes Dr. Schacht will subsidize his company as he does some German companies that have found no 

crude oil. The Vacuum spends all its earnings here, employs 1,000 men and never sends any of its money home. I could give him 

no encouragement.

And further: 

These men were hardly out of the building before the lawyer came in again to report his difficulties. I could not do anything. I 

asked him, however: Why did the Standard Oil Company of New York send $1,000,000 over here in December, 1933, to aid the 

Germans in making gasoline from soft coal for war emergencies? Why do the International Harvester people continue to 

manufacture in Germany when their company gets nothing out of the country and when it has failed to collect its war losses? He 

saw my point and agreed that it looked foolish and that it only means greater losses if another war breaks loose.10 

The alliance between Nazi political power and American “Big Business” may well have looked foolish to Ambassador Dodd and the American 

attorney he questioned. In practice, of course, “Big Business” is anything but foolish when it comes to promoting its own self-interest. 

Investment in Nazi Germany (along with similar investments in the Soviet Union) was a reflection of higher policies, with much more than 

immediate profit at stake, even though profits could not be repatriated. To trace these “higher policies” one has to penetrate the financial 

control of multinational corporations, because those who control the flow of finance ultimately control the day-to-day policies. 

Carroll Quigley11 has shown that the apex of this international financial control system before World War II was the Bank for International 

Settlements, with representatives from the international banking firms of Europe and the United States, in an arrangement that continued 

throughout World War II. During the Nazi period, Germany’s representative at the Bank for International Settlements was Hitler’s financial 

genius and president of the Reichsbank, Hjalmar Horace Greeley Schacht. 

Hjalmar Horace Greeley Schacht 

Wall Street involvement with Hitler’s Germany highlights two Germans with Wall Street connections — Hjalmar Schacht and “Putzi” 

Hanfstaengl. The latter was a friend of Hitler and Roosevelt who played a suspiciously prominent role in the incident that brought Hitler to the 

peak of dictatorial power — the Reichstag fire of 1933.12 

The early history of Hjalmar Schacht, and in particular his role in the Soviet Union after the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917, was described in 

my earlier book, Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution. The elder Schacht had worked at the Berlin office of the Equitable Trust Company 

of New York in the early twentieth century. Hjalmar was born in Germany rather than New York only by the accident of his mother’s illness, 

which required the family to return to Germany. Brother William Schacht was an American-born citizen. To record his American origins, 

Hjalmar’s middle names were designated “Horace Greeley” after the well-know Democrat politician. Consequently, Hjalmar spoke fluent 

English and the post-war interrogation of Schacht in Project Dustbin was conducted in both German and English. The point to be made is that 

the Schacht family had its origins in New York, worked for the prominent Wall Street financial house of Equitable Trust (which was controlled 

by the Morgan firm), and throughout his life Hjalmar retained these Wall Street connections.13 Newspapers and contemporary sources record 

repeated visits with Owen Young of General Electric; Farish, chairman of Standard Oil of New Jersey; and their banking counterparts. In brief, 

Schacht was a member of the international financial elite that wields its power behind the scenes through the political apparatus of a nation. He 

is a key link between the Wall Street elite and Hitler’s inner circle. 

This book is divided into two major parts. Part One records the buildup of German cartels through the Dawes and Young Plans in the 1920s. 

These cartels were the major supporters of Hitler and Naziism and were directly responsible for bringing the Nazis to power in 1933. The roles 

of American I. G. Farben, General Electric, Standard Oil of New Jersey, Ford, and other U.S. firms is outlined. Part Two presents the known 

documentary evidence on the financing of Hitler, complete with photographic reproduction of the bank transfer slips used to transfer funds 

from Farben, General Electric, and other firms to Hitler, through Hjalmar Horace Greeley Schacht. 

Footnotes: 

(New York: Arlington House Publishers, 1974) 

(New York: Arlington House Publishers, 1975)

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The Higher Circles: The Governing Class in America, (New York: Vintage, 1970) 

None Dare Call It Conspiracy, (Rossmoor: Concord Press, 1971). For another view based on “inside” documents, see Carroll 

Quigley, Tragedy and Hope, (New York: The Macmillan Company, 1966) 

The Invisible Government, (Boston: Western Islands, 1962) 

Published in English as The Occult and the Third Reich, (The mystical origins of Naziism and the search for the Holy Grail), 

(New York: The Macmillan Company, 1974). See also Reginald H. Phelps, ” ‘Before Hitler Came:’ Thule Society and Germanen 

Orden” in the Journal of Modern History, September 1968, No. 3. 

(Boston: Little Brown and Company, 1950) 

Edgar B. Nixon, ed., Franklin D. Roosevelt and Foreign Affairs, Volume III: September 1935-January 1937, (Cambridge: 

Belknap Press, 1969), p. 456. 

Edited by William E. Dodd Jr. and Martha Dodd, Ambassador Dodd’s Diary, 1933-1938, (New York: Harcourt Brace and 

Company, 1941), p. 303. 

10 

Ibid, p. 358. 

11 

Quigley, op. cit. 

12 

For more information about “Putzi” Hanfstaengl, see Chapter Nine. 

13 

See Sutton, Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution, op. cit., for Sehacht’s relations with Soviets and Wall Street, and his 

directorship of a Soviet bank. 

BACK 

CHAPTER ONE: Wall Street Paves the Way for Hitler 

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CHAPTER ONE 

Wall Street Paves the Way for Hitler 

The Dawes Plan, adopted in August 1924, fitted perfectly into the plans of the German General Staffs military economists. 

(Testimony before United States Senate, Committee on Military Affairs, 1946.) 

The post-World War II Kilgore Committee of the United States Senate heard detailed evidence from government officials to the effect that, 

…when the Nazis came to power in 1933, they found that long strides had been made since 1918 in preparing Germany for war 

from an economic and industrial point of view.

This build-up for European war both before and after 1933 was in great part due to Wall Street financial assistance in the 1920s to create the 

German cartel system, and to technical assistance from well-known American firms which will be identified later, to build the German 

Wehrmacht. Whereas this financial and technical assistance is referred to as “accidental” or due to the “short-sightedness” of American 

businessmen, the evidence presented below strongly suggests some degree of premeditation on the part of these American financiers. Similar 

and unacceptable pleas of “accident” were made on behalf of American financiers and industrialists in the parallel example of building the 

military power of the Soviet Union from 1917 onwards. Yet these American capitalists were willing to finance and subsidize the Soviet Union 

while the Vietnam war was underway, knowing that the Soviets were supplying the other side. 

The contribution made by American capitalism to German war preparations before 1940 can only be described as phenomenal. It was certainly 

crucial to German military capabilities. For instance, in 1934 Germany produced domestically only 300,000 tons of natural petroleum products 

and less than 800,000 tons of synthetic gasoline; the balance was imported. Yet, ten years later in World War II, after transfer of the Standard 

Oil of New Jersey hydrogenation patents and technology to I. G. Farben (used to produce synthetic gasoline from coal), Germany produced 

about 6 1/2 million tons of oil — of which 85 percent (5 1/2 million tons) was synthetic oil using the Standard Oil hydrogenation process. 

Moreover, the control of synthetic oil output in Germany was held by the I. G. Farben subsidiary, Braunkohle-Benzin A. G., and this Farben 

cartel itself was created in 1926 with Wall Street financial assistance. 

On the other hand, the general impression left with the reader by modern historians is that this American technical assistance was accidental 

and that American industrialists were innocent of wrongdoing. For example, the Kilgore Committee stated: 

The United States accidentally played an important role in the technical arming of Germany. Although the German military 

planners had ordered and persuaded manufacturing corporations to install modern equipment for mass production, neither the 

military economists nor the corporations seem to have realized to the full extent what that meant. Their eyes were opened when 

two of the chief American automobile companies built plants in Germany in order to sell in the European market, without the 

handicap of ocean freight charges and high German tariffs. Germans were brought to Detroit to learn the techniques of 

specialized production of components, and of straight-line assembly. What they saw caused further reorganization and refitting 

of other key German war plants. The techniques learned in Detroit were eventually used to construct the dive-bombing Stukas …. 

At a later period I. G. Farben representatives in this country enabled a stream of German engineers to visit not only plane plants 

but others of military importance, in which they learned a great deal that was eventually used against the United States.

Following these observations, which emphasize the “accidental” nature of the assistance, it has been concluded by such academic writers as 

Gabriel Kolko, who is not usually a supporter of big business, that: 

It is almost superfluous to point out that the motives of the American firms bound to contracts with German concerns Were not 

pro. Nazi, whatever else they may have been.

Yet, Kolko to the contrary, analyses of the contemporary American business press confirm that business journals and newspapers were fully 

aware of the Nazi threat and its nature, while warning their business readers of German war preparations. And even Kolko admits that: 

The business press [in the United States] was aware, from 1935 on, that German prosperity was based on war preparations. 

More important, it was conscious of the fact that German industry was under the control of the Nazis and was being directed to 

serve Germany’s rearmament, and the firm mentioned most frequently in this context was the giant chemical empire, I. G. 

Farben.

Further, the evidence presented below suggests that not only was an influential sector of American business aware of the nature of Naziism, but 

for its own purposes aided Naziism wherever possible (and profitable) —with full knowledge that the probable outcome would be war 

involving Europe and the United States. As we shall see, the pleas of innocence do not accord with the facts. 

1924: The Dawes Plan 

The Treaty of Versailles after World War I imposed a heavy reparations burden on defeated Germany. This financial burden — a real cause of 

the German discontent that led to acceptance of Hitlerism — was utilized by the international bankers for their own benefit. The opportunity to 

float profitable loans for German cartels in the United States was presented by the Dawes Plan and later the Young Plan. Both plans were 

engineered by these central bankers, who manned the committees for their own pecuniary advantages, and although technically the committees 

were not appointed by the U.S. Government, the plans were in fact approved and sponsored by the Government.

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Post-war haggling by financiers and politicians fixed German reparations at an annual fee of 132 billion gold marks. This was about one 

quarter of Germany’s total 1921 exports. When Germany was unable to make these crushing payments, France and Belgium occupied the Ruhr 

to take by force what could not be obtained voluntarily. In 1924 the Allies appointed a committee of bankers (headed by American banker 

Charles G. Dawes) to develop a program of reparations payments. The resulting Dawes Plan was, according to Georgetown University 

Professor of International Relations Carroll Quigley, “largely a J.P. Morgan production.”5 The Dawes Plan arranged a series of foreign loans 

totaling $800 million with their proceeds flowing to Germany. These loans are important for our story because the proceeds, raised for the 

greater part in the United States from dollar investors, were utilized in the mid-1920s to create and consolidate the gigantic chemical and steel 

combinations of I. G. Farben and Vereinigte Stahlwerke, respectively. These cartels not only helped Hitler to power in 1933; they also 

produced the bulk of key German war materials used in World War II. 

Between 1924 and 1931, under the Dawes Plan and the Young Plan, Germany paid out to the Allies about 86 billion marks in reparations. At 

the same time Germany borrowed abroad, mainly in the U.S., about 138 billion marks — thus making a net German payment of only three 

billion marks for reparations. Consequently, the burden of German monetary reparations to the Allies was actually carried by foreign 

subscribers to German bonds issued by Wall Street financial houses — at significant profits for themselves, of course. And, let it be noted, 

these firms were owned by the same financiers who periodically took off their banker hats and donned new ones to become “statesmen.” As 

“statesmen” they formulated the Dawes and Young Plans to “solve” the “problem” of reparations. As bankers, they floated the loans. As Carroll 

Quigley points out, 

It is worthy of note that this system was set up by the inter. national bankers and that the subsequent lending of other people’s 

money to Germany was very profitable to these bankers.

Who were the New York international bankers who formed these reparations commissions? 

The 1924 Dawes Plan experts from the United States were banker Charles Dawes and Morgan representative Owen Young, who was president 

of the General Electric Company. Dawes was chairman of the Allied Committee of Experts in 1924. In 1929 Owen Young became chairman of 

the Committee of Experts, supported by J.P. Morgan himself, with alternates T. W. Lamont, a Morgan partner, and T. N. Perkins, a banker 

with Morgan associations. In other words, the U.S. delegations were purely and simply, as Quigley has pointed out, J. P. Morgan delegations 

using the authority and seal of the United States to promote financial plans for their own pecuniary advantage. As a result, as Quigley puts it, 

the “international bankers sat in heaven, under a rain of fees and commissions.”7 

The German members of the Committee of Experts were equally interesting. In 1924 Hjalmar Schacht was president of the Reichsbank and 

had taken a prominent role in organization work for the Dawes Plan; so did German banker Carl Melchior. One of the 1928 German delegates 

was A. Voegler of the German steel cartel Stahlwerke Vereinigte. In brief, the two significant countries involved — the United States and 

Germany —were represented by the Morgan bankers on one side and Schacht and Voegler on the other, both of whom were key characters in 

the rise of Hitler’s Germany and subsequent German rearmament. 

Finally, the members and advisors of the Dawes and Young Commissions were not only associated with New York financial houses but, as we 

shall later see, were directors of firms within the German cartels which aided Hitler to power. 

1928: The Young Plan 

According to Hitler’s financial genie, Hjalmar Horace Greeley Schacht, and Nazi industrialist Fritz Thyssen, it was the 1928 Young Plan (the 

successor to the Dawes Plan), formulated by Morgan agent Owen D. Young, that brought Hitler to power in 1933. 

Fritz Thyssen claims that, 

I turned to the National Socialist Party only after I became convinced that the fight against the Young Plan was unavoidable if 

complete collapse of Germany was to be prevented.

The difference between the Young Plan and the Dawes Plan was that, while the Young Plan required payments in goods produced in Germany 

financed by foreign loans, the Young Plan required monetary payments and “In my judgment [wrote Thyssen] the financial debt thus created 

was bound to disrupt the entire economy of the Reich.” 

The Young Plan was assertedly a device to occupy Germany with American capital and pledge German real assets for a gigantic mortgage held 

in the United States. It is noteworthy that German firms with U.S. affiliations evaded the Plan by the device of temporary foreign ownership. 

For instance, A.E.G. (German General Electric), affiliated with General Electric in the U.S., was sold to a Franco-Belgian holding company 

and evaded the conditions of the Young Plan. It should be noted in passing that Owen Young was the major financial backer for Franklin D. 

Roosevelt in the United European venture when FDR, as a budding Wall Street financier, endeavoured to take advantage of Germany’s 1925 

hyperinflation. The United European venture was a vehicle to speculate and to profit upon the imposition of the Dawes Plan, and is clear 

evidence of private financiers (including Franklin D. Roosevelt) using the power of the state to advance their own interests by manipulating 

foreign policy. 

Schacht’s parallel charge that Owen Young was responsible for the rise of Hitler, while obviously self-serving, is recorded in a U.S. 

Government Intelligence report relating the interrogation of Dr. Fritz Thyssen in September, 1945: 

The acceptance of the Young Plan and its financial principles increased unemployment more and more, until about one million 

were unemployed. People were desperate. Hitler said he would do away with unemployment. The government in power at that 

time was very bad, and the situation of the people was getting worse. That really was the reason of the enormous success Hitler 

had in the election. When the last election came, he got about 40%.

However, it was Schacht, not Owen Young, who conceived the idea which later became the Bank for International Settlements. The actual 

details were worked out at a conference presided over by Jackson Reynolds, “one of the leading New York bankers,” together with Melvin

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Traylor of the First National Bank of Chicago, Sir Charles Addis, formerly of the Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation, and various 

French and German bankers.10 The B.I.S. was essential under the Young Plan as a means to afford a ready instrument for promoting 

international financial relations. According to his own statements, Schacht also gave Owen Young the idea that later became the post-World 

War II International Bank for Reconstruction and Development: 

“A bank of this kind will demand financial co-operation be, tween vanquished and victors that will lead to community of interests 

which in turn will give rise to mutual confidence and understanding and thus promote and ensure peace.” 

I can still vividly recall the setting in which this conversation took place. Owen Young was seated in his armchair puffing away 

at his pipe, his legs outstretched, his keen eyes fixed unswervingly on me. As is my habit when propounding such arguments I 

was doing a quiet steady “quarter-deck” up and down the room. When I had finished there was a brief pause. Then his whole 

face lighted up and his resolve found utterance in the words: 

“Dr. Schacht, you gave me a wonderful idea and I am going to sell it to the world.11 

B.I.S. — The Apex of Control 

This interplay of ideas and cooperation between Hjalmar Sehacht in Germany and, through Owen Young, the J.P. Morgan interests in New 

York, was only one facet of a vast and ambitious system of cooperation and international alliance for world control. As described by Carroll 

Quigley, this system was “… nothing less than to create a world system of financial control, in private hands, able to dominate the political 

system of each country and the economy of the world as a whole.12 

This feudal system worked in the 1920s, as it works today, through the medium of the private central bankers in each country who control the 

national money supply of individual economies. In the 1920s and 1930s, the New York Federal Reserve System, the Bank of England, the 

Reichs-bank in Germany, and the Banque de France also more or less influenced the political apparatus of their respective countries indirectly 

through control of the money supply and creation of the monetary environment. More direct influence was realized by supplying political 

funds to, or withdrawing support from, politicians and political parties. In the United States, for example, President Herbert Hoover blamed his 

1932 defeat on withdrawal of support by Wall Street and the switch of Wall Street finance and influence to Franklin D. Roosevelt. 

Politicians amenable to the objectives of financial capitalism, and academies prolific with ideas for world control useful to the international 

bankers, are kept in line with a system of rewards and penalties. In the early 1930s the guiding vehicle for this international system of financial 

and political control, called by Quigley the “apex of the system,” was the Bank for International Settlements in Basle, Switzerland. The B.I.S. 

apex continued its work during World War II as the medium through which the bankers — who apparently were not at war with each other — 

continued a mutually beneficial exchange of ideas, information, and planning for the post-war world. As one writer has observed, war made no 

difference to the international bankers: 

The fact that the Bank possessed a truly international staff did, of course, present a highly anomalous situation in time of war. 

An American President was transacting the daily business of the Bank through a French General Manager, who had a German 

Assistant General Manager, while the Secretary-General was an Italian subject. Other nationals occupied other posts. These 

men were, of course, in daily personal contact with each other. Except for Mr. McKittrick [see infra] theft were of course 

situated permanently in Switzerland during this period and were not supposed to be subject to orders of their government at any 

time. However, the directors of the Bank remained, of course, in their respective countries and had no direct contact with the 

personnel of the Bank. It is alleged, however, that H. Schacht, president of the Reichsbank, kept a personal representative in 

Basle during most of this time.13 

It was such secret meetings, “… meetings more secret than any ever held by Royal Ark Masons or by any Rosicrucian Order…”14 between the 

central bankers at the “apex” of control that so intrigued contemporary journalists, although they only rarely and briefly penetrated behind the 

mask of secrecy. 

Building the German Cartels 

A practical example of international finance operating behind the scenes to build and manipulate politico-economic systems is found in the 

German cartel system. The three largest loans handled by the Wall Street international bankers for German borrowers in the 1920s under the 

Dawes Plan were for the benefit of three German cartels which a few years later aided Hitler and the Nazis to power. American financiers were 

directly represented on the boards of two of these three German cartels. This American assistance to German cartels has been described by 

James Martin as follows: “These loans for reconstruction became a vehicle for arrangements that did more to promote World War II than to 

establish peace after World War I.15 

The three dominant cartels, the amounts borrowed and the Wall Street floating syndicate were as follows: 

German Cartel Wall Street 

Syndicate Amount Issued 

Allgemeine  

Elektrizitats- 

Gesellschaft (A.E.G.) 

(German General 

Electric) 

National City 

Co. $35,000,000 

Vereinigte Stahlwerke 

(United Steelworks) Dillon, Read & 

Co. $70,225,000

CHAPTER ONE: Wall Street Paves the Way for Hitler 

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American I.G.  

Chemical (I.G. 

Farben) 

National City 

Co. $30,000,000 

Looking at all the loans issued, it appears that only a handful of New York financial houses handled the German reparations financing. Three 

houses — Dillon, Read Co.; Harris, Forbes & Co.; and National City Company — issued almost three-quarters of the total face amount of the 

loans and reaped most of the profits: 

Wall Street 

Syndicate 

Manager 

Participation in 

German industrial 

 issues in U.S. 

capital market 

Profits on 

German 

loans* Percent 

of total 

Dillon, Read & Co. $241,325,000 $2.7 million 29.2 

Harris, Forbes & Co. 186,500,000 1.4 million 22.6 

National City Co. 173,000,000 5.0 million 20.9 

Speyer & Co. 59,500,000 0.6 million 7.2 

Lee, Higginson & Co. 53,000,000 n.a 6.4 

Guaranty Co. of N.Y. 41,575,000 0.2 million 5.0 

Kuhn, Loeb & Co. 37,500,000 0.2 million 4.5 

Equitable Trust Co. 34,000,000 0.3 million 4.1 

______________________ _________ 

TOTAL $826,400,000 $10.4 million 99.9 

Source: See Appendix A 

*Robert R. Kuczynski, Bankers Profits from German Loans 

(Washington, D.C.: Brookings Institution, 1932), p. 127. 

After the mid-1920s the two major German combines of I.G. Farben and Vereinigte Stahlwerke dominated the chemical and steel cartel system 

created by these loans. Although these firms. had a voting majority in the cartels for only two or three basic products, they were able — 

through control of these basics — to enforce their will throughout the cartel. I.G. Farben was the main producer of basic chemicals used by 

other combines making chemicals, so its economic power position cannot be measured only by its capacity to produce a few basic chemicals. 

Similarly, Vereinigte Stahlwerke, with a pig-iron capacity greater than that of all other German iron and steel producers combined, was able to 

exercise far more influence in the semi-finished iron and steel products cartel than its capacity for pig-iron production suggests. Even so the 

percentage output of these cartels for all products was significant: 

Vereinigte Stahlwerke 

products Percent of German total 

production in 1938 

Pig iron 50.8 

Pipes and tubes 45.5 

Heavy plate 36.0 

Explosives 35.0 

Coal tar 33.3 

Bar steel 37.1 

I.G. Farben Percent of German total 

production in 1937 

Synthetic methanol 100.0 

Magnesium 100.0 

Chemical nitrogen 70.0 

Explosives 60.0 

Synthetic gasoline 

(high octane) 46.0 (1945) 

Brown coal 20.0 

Among the products that brought I.G. Farben and Vereinigte Stahlwerke into mutual collaboration were coal tar and chemical nitrogen, both of 

prime importance for the manufacture of explosives. I. G. Farben had a cartel position that assured dominance in the manufacture and sale of 

chemical nitrogen, but had only about one percent of the cok-ing capacity of Germany. Hence an agreement was made under which Farben 

explosives subsidiaries obtained their benzol, toluol, and other primary coal-tar products on terms dictated by Vereinigte Stahlwerke, while 

Vereinigte Stahlwerke’s explosives subsidiary was dependent for its nitrates on terms set by Farben. Under this system of mutual collaboration

CHAPTER ONE: Wall Street Paves the Way for Hitler 

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and inter-dependence, the two cartels, I.G. Farben and Vereinigte Stahlwerke, produced 95 percent of German .explosives in 1957-8 on the eve 

of World War II. This production was from capacity built by American loans and to some extent by American technology. 

The I. G. Farben-Standard Oil cooperation for production of synthetic oil from coal gave the I. G. Farben cartel a monopoly of German 

gasoline production during World War II. Just under one half of German high octane gasoline in 1945 was produced directly by I. G. Farben 

and most of the balance by its affiliated companies. 

In brief, in synthetic gasoline and explosives (two of the very basic elements of modern warfare), the control of German World War II output 

was in the hands of two German combines created by Wall Street loans under the Dawes Plan. 

Moreover, American assistance to Nazi war efforts extended into other areas.17 The two largest tank producers in Hitler’s Germany were Opel, 

a wholly owned subsidiary of General Motors (controlled by the J.P. Morgan firm), and the Ford A. G. subsidiary of the Ford Motor Company 

of Detroit. The Nazis granted tax-exempt status to Opel in 1936, to enable General Motors to expand its production facilities. General Motors 

obligingly reinvested the resulting profits into German industry. Henry Ford was decorated by the Nazis for his services to Naziism. (See p. 

93.) Alcoa and Dow Chemical worked closely with Nazi industry with numerous transfers of their domestic U.S. technology. Bendix Aviation, 

in which the J.P. Morgan-controlled General Motors firm had a major stock interest, supplied Siemens & Halske A. G. in Germany with data 

on automatic pilots and aircraft instruments. As late as 1940, in the “unofficial war,” Bendix Aviation supplied complete technical data to 

Robert Bosch for aircraft and diesel engine starters and received royalty payments in return. 

In brief, American companies associated with the Morgan-Rockefeller international investment bankers — not, it should be noted, the vast 

bulk of independent American industrialists — were intimately related to the growth of Nazi industry. It is important to note as we develop our 

story that General Motors, Ford, General Electric, DuPont and the handful of U.S. companies intimately involved with the development of 

Nazi Germany were — except for the Ford Motor Company — controlled by the Wall Street elite — the J.P. Morgan firm, the Rockefeller 

Chase Bank and to a lesser extent the Warburg Manhattan bank.18 This book is not an indictment of all American industry and finance. It is an 

indictment of the “apex” — those firms controlled through the handful of financial houses, the Federal Reserve Bank system, the Bank for 

International Settlements, and their continuing international cooperative arrangements and cartels which attempt to control the course of world 

politics and economics. 

Footnotes: 

United States Congress. Senate. Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Committee on Military Affairs. Elimination of German 

Resources for War. Report pursuant to S. Res. 107 and 146, July 2, 1945, Part 7, (78th Congress and 79th Congress), 

(Washington: Government Printing Office, 1945), hereafter cited as Elimination of German Resources. 

Elimination of German Resources, p. 174. 

Gabriel Kolko, “American Business and Germany, 1930-1941,” The Western Political Quarterly, Volume XV, 1962. 

Ibid, p. 715. 

Carroll Quigley, op. cit. 

Ibid, p. 308. 

Carroll Quigley, op. cit., p. 309. 

Fritz Thyssen, I Paid Hitler, (New York: Farrar & Rinehart, Inc., n.d.), p. 88. 

U.S. Group Control Council (Germany), Office of the Director of Intelligence, Intelligence Report No. EF/ME/1, 4 September 

1945. Also see Hjalmar Schacht, Confessions of “the old Wizard”, (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1956) 

10 

Hjalmar Schacht, op cit., p. 18. Fritz Thyssen adds, “Even at the time Mr, Dillon, a New York Banker of Jewish origin whom I 

much admire told me ‘In your place I would not sign the plan.'” 

11 

Ibid, p. 282. 

12 

Carroll Quigley, op. cit., p. 324. 

13 

Henry H. Schloss, The Bank for International Settlements (Amsterdam,: North Holland Publishing Company, 1958) 

14 

John Hargrave, Montagu Norman, (New York: The Greystone Press, n.d.). p. 108. 

15 

James Stewart Martin, op. cit., p. 70. 

16 

See Chapter Seven for more details of Wall Street loans to German industry. 

17 

See Gabriel Kolko, op. cit., for numerous examples. 

18 

In 1956 the Chase and Manhattan banks merged to become Chase Manhattan.

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BACK

CHAPTER TWO: The Empire of I.G. Farben 

2 of 8 

The process for manufacturing tetra-ethyl lead? essential for aviation gasoline, was obtained by I. G. Farben from the United States, and in 

1939 I.G. was sold $20 million of high-grade aviation gasoline by Standard Oil of New Jersey. Even before Germany manufactured tetra-ethyl 

lead by the American process it was able to “borrow” 500 tons from the Ethyl Corporation. This loan of vital tetra-ethyl lead was not repaid 

and I.G. forfeited the $1 million security. Further, I.G. purchased large stocks of magnesium from Dow Chemical for incendiary bombs and 

stockpiled explosives, stabilizers, phosphorus, and cyanides from the outside world. 

In 1939, out of 43 major products manufactured by I.G., 28 were of “primary concern” to the German armed forces. Farben’s ultimate control 

of the German war economy, acquired during the 1920s and 1930s with Wall Street assistance, can best be assessed by examining the 

percentage of German war material output produced by Farben plants in 1945. Farben at that time produced 100 percent of German synthetic 

rubber, 95 percent of German poison gas (including all the Zyklon B gas used in the concentration camps), 90 percent of German plastics, 88 

percent of German magnesium, 84 percent of German explosives, 70 percent of German gunpowder, 46 percent of German high octane 

(aviation) gasoline, and 33 percent of German synthetic gasoline.5 (See Chart 2-1 and Table 2-1.) 

Table 2-1: German Army (Wehrmacht) Dependence on I.G. Farben Production 

(1943): 

Product Total German Production Percent Produced by 

I.G. Farben 

Synthetic Rubber 118,600 tons 100 

Methanol 251,000 tons 100 

Lubricating Oil 60,000 tons 100 

Dyestuffs 31,670 tons 98 

Poison Gas — 95 

Nickel 2,000 tons 95 

Plastics 57,000 tons 90 

Magnesium 27,400 tons 88 

Explosives 221,000 tons 84 

Gunpowder 210,000 tons 70 

High Octane (Aviation)  

Gasoline 650,000 tons 46 

Sulfuric Acid 707,000 tons 35 

Chart 2-1: German Army (Wehrmacht) Dependence on I.G. Farben Production (1943) 

Dr. von Schnitzler, of the I.G. Farben Aufsichsrat, made the following pertinent statement in 1943: 

It is no exaggeration to say that without the services of German chemistry performed under the Four Year Plan the prosecution 

of modern war would have been unthinkable.

Unfortunately, when we probe the technical origins of the more important of these military materials — quite apart from financial Support for 

Hitler — we find links to American industry and to American businessmen. There were numerous Farben arrangements with American firms, 

including cartel marketing arrangements, patent agreements, and technical exchanges as exemplified in the Standard Oil-Ethyl technology 

transfers mentioned above. These arrangements were used by I.G. to advance Nazi policy abroad, to collect strategic information, and to 

consolidate a world-wide chemical cartel. 

One of the more horrifying aspects of I.G. Farben’s cartel was the invention, production, and distribution of the Zyklon B gas, used in Nazi 

concentration camps. Zyklon B was pure Prussic acid, a lethal poison produced by I.G. Farben Leverkusen and sold from the Bayer sales office 

through Degesch, an independent license holder. Sales of Zyklon B amounted to almost three-quarters of Degesch business; enough gas to kill 

200 million humans was produced and sold by I.G. Farben. The Kilgore Committee report of 1942 makes it clear that the I.G. Farben directors 

had precise knowledge of the Nazi concentration camps and the use of I.G. chemicals. This prior knowledge becomes significant when we later 

consider the role of the American directors in I.G.’s American subsidiary. The 1945 interrogation of I.G. Farben director yon Schnitzler reads: 

Q. What did you do when they told you that I.G. chemicals was [sic] being used to kill, to murder people held in concentration 

camps? 

A. I was horrified. 

Q. Did you do anything about it? 

A. I kept it for me [to myself] because it was too terrible …. I asked Muller-Cunradi is it known to you and Ambros and other 

directors in Auschwitz that the gases and chemicals are being used to murder people. 

Q. What did he say? 

A. Yes: it is known to all I.G. directors in Auschwitz.7 

There was no attempt by I.G. Farben to halt production of the gases — a rather ineffective way for von Schnitzler to express any concern for 

human life, “because it was too terrible.”

CHAPTER TWO: The Empire of I.G. Farben 

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The Berlin N.W. 7 office of I.G. Farben was the key Nazi overseas espionage center. The unit operated under Farben director Max Ilgner, 

nephew of I.G. Farben president Hermann Schmitz. Max Ilgner and Hermann Schmitz were on the board of American I.G., with fellow 

directors Henry Ford of Ford Motor Company, Paul Warburg of Bank of Manhattan, and Charles E. Mitchell of the Federal Reserve Bank of 

New York. 

At the outbreak o£ war in 1939 VOWI employees were ordered into the Wehrmacht but in fact continued to perform the same work as when 

nominally under I.G. Farben. One of the more prominent of these Farben intelligence workers in N.W. 7 was Prince Bernhard of the 

Netherlands, who joined Farben in the early 1930s after completion of an 18-month period of service in the black-uniformed S.S.8 

The U.S. arm of the VOWI intelligence network was Chemnyco, Inc. According to the War Department, 

Utilizing normal business contacts Chemnyco was able to transmit to Germany tremendous amounts of material ranging from 

photographs and blueprints to detailed descriptions of whole industrial plants.

Chemnyco’s vice president in New York was Rudolph Ilgner, an American citizen and brother of American I, G. Farben director Max Ilgner. 

In brief, Farben operated VOWI, the Nazi foreign intelligence operation, before World War II and the VOWI operation was associated with 

prominent members of the Wall Street Establishment through American I.G. and Chemnyco. 

The U.S. War Department also accused I.G. Farben and its American associates of spearheading Nazi psychological and economic warfare 

programs through dissemination of propaganda via Farben agents abroad, and of providing foreign exchange for this Nazi propaganda. 

Farben’s cartel arrangements promoted Nazi economic warfare — the outstanding example being the voluntary Standard Oil of New Jersey 

restriction on development of synthetic rubber in the United States at the behest of I. G. Farben. As the War Department report puts it: 

The story in short is that because of Standard Oil’s determination to maintain an absolute monopoly of synthetic rubber 

developments in the United States, it fully accomplished I.G.’s purpose of preventing United States production by dissuading 

American rubber companies from undertaking independent research in developing synthetic rubber processes.10 

In 1945 Dr. Oskar Loehr, deputy head of the I.G. “Tea Buro,” confirmed that I. G. Farben and Standard Oil of New Jersey operated a 

“preconceived plan” to suppress development of the synthetic rubber industry in the United States, to the advantage of the German Wehrmacht 

and to the disadvantage of the United States in World War II. 

Dr. Loehr’s testimony reads (in part) as follows: 

Q. Is it true that while the delay in divulging the buna [synthetic rubber] processes to American rubber companies was taking 

place, Chemnyco and Jasco were in the meantime keeping I.G. well informed in regard to synthetic rubber development in the 

U.S.? 

A. Yes. 

Q. So that at all times I.G. was fully aware of the state of the development of the American synthetic rubber industry? 

A. Yes. 

Q. Were you present at the Hague meeting when Mr. Howard [of Standard Oil] went there in 1939? 

A. No. 

Q. Who was present? 

A. Mr. Ringer, who was accompanied by Dr. Brown of Ludwigshafen. Did they tell you about the negotiations? 

A. Yes, as far as they were on the buna part of it. 

Q. Is it true that Mr. Howard told I.G. at this meeting that the developments in the U.S. had reached such a stage that it would no 

longer be possible for him to keep the information in regard to the buna processes from the American companies? 

A. Mr. Ringer reported it. 

Q. Was it at that meeting that for the first time Mr. Howard told I.G. the American rubber companies might have to be informed 

of the processes and he assured I.G. that Standard Oil would control the synthetic rubber industry in the U.S.? Is that right? 

A. That is right. That is the knowledge I got through Mr. Ringer. 

Q. So that in all these arrangements since the beginning of the development of the synthetic rubber industry the suppression of 

the synthetic rubber industry in the U.S. was part of a preconceived plan between I.G. on the one hand and Mr. Howard of 

Standard Oil on the other? 

A. That is a conclusion that must be drawn from the previous facts.11 

I.G. Farben was pre-war Germany’s largest earner of foreign exchange, and this foreign exchange enabled Germany to purchase strategic raw 

materials, military equipment, and technical processes, and to finance its overseas programs of espionage, propaganda, and varied military and 

political activities preceding World War II. Acting on behalf of the Nazi state, Farben broadened its own horizon to a world scale which 

maintained close relations with the Nazi regime and the Wehrmaeht. A liaison office, the Vermittlungsstelle W, was established to maintain 

communications between I.G. Farben and the German Ministry of War:

CHAPTER TWO: The Empire of I.G. Farben 

4 of 8 

The aim of this work is the building up o.[ a tight organ izatton for armament in the I.G. which could be inserted without 

difficulty in the existing organization of the I.G. and the individual plants. In the case of war, I.G. will be treated by the 

authorities concerned with armament questions as one big plant which, in its task for the armament, as far as it is possible to do 

so from the technical point of view, will regulate itself without any organizational influence from outside (the work in this 

direction was in principle agreed upon with the Ministry of War Wehrwirtschaftsant) and from this office with the Ministry of 

Economy. To the field of the work of the Vermittlungsstelle W belongs, besides the organizational set-up and long-range 

planning, the continuous collaboration with regard to the armament and technical questions with the authorities of the Reich 

and with the plants of the I.G.12 

Unfortunately the files of the Vermittlungsstelle offices were destroyed prior to the end of the war, although it is known from other sources that 

from 1934 onwards a complex network of transactions evolved between I.G. and the Wehrmacht. In 1934 I. G. Farben began to mobilize for 

war, and each I.G. plant prepared its war production plans and submitted the plans to the Ministries of War and Economics. By 1935-6 war 

games were being held at I.G. Farben plants and wartime technical procedures rehearsed.13  These war games were described by Dr. Struss, 

head of the Secretariat of I.G.’s Technical Committee: 

It is true that since 1934 or 1935, soon after the establishment of the Vermittlungsstelle W in the different works, theoretical war 

plant games had been arranged to examine how the effect of bombing on certain factories would materialize. It was particularly 

taken into consideration what would happen if 100- or 500-kilogram bombs would fall on a certain factory and what would be 

the result of it. It is also right that the word Kriegsspiele was used for it. 

The Kriegsspiele were prepared by Mr. Ritter and Dr. Eckell, later on partly by Dr. yon Brunning by personal order on Dr. 

Krauch’s own initiative or by order of the Air Force, it is not known to me. The tasks were partly given by the Vermittlung-sstelle 

W and partly by officers of the Air Force. A number of officers of all groups of the Wehrmacht (Navy, Air Force, and Army) 

participated in these Kriegsspiele. 

The places which were hit by bombs were marked in a map of the plant so that it could be ascertained which parts of the plant 

were damaged, for example a gas meter or an important pipe line. As soon as the raid finished, the management of the plant 

ascertained the damages and reported which part of the plant had to stop working; they further reported what time would be 

required in order to repair the damages. In a following meeting the consequences of the Kriegsspiele were described and it was 

ascertained that in the case of Leuna [plant] the damages involved were considerably high; especially it was found out that 

alterations of the pipe lines were to be made at considerable cost.14 

Consequently, throughout the 1930s I. G. Farben did more than just comply with orders from the Nazi regime. Farben was an initiator and 

operator for the Nazi plans for world conquest. Farben acted as a research and intelligence organization for the German Army and voluntarily 

initiated Wehrmacht projects. In fact the Army only rarely had to approach Farben; it is estimated that about 40 to 50 percent of Farben 

projects for the Army were initiated by Farben itself. In brief, in the words of Dr, von Schnitzler: 

Thus, in acting as it had done, I.G. contracted a great responsibility and constituted a substantial aid in the chemical domain 

and decisive help to Hitler’s foreign policy, which led to war and to the ruin of Germany. Thus, I must conclude that I.G. is 

largely responsible for Hitler’s policy, 

Polishing I. G. Farben’s Public Image 

This miserable picture of pre-war military preparation was known abroad and had to be sold — or disguised — to the American public in order 

to facilitate Wall Street fund-raising and technical assistance on behalf of I. G. Farben in the United States. A prominent New York public 

relations firm was chosen for the job of selling the I.G. Farben combine to America. The most notable public relations firm in the late 1920s 

and 1930s was Ivy Lee & T.J. Ross of New York. Ivy Lee had previously undertaken a public relations campaign for the Rockefellers, to 

spruce up the Rockefeller name among the American public. The firm had also produced a syncophantic book entitled USSR, undertaking the 

same clean-up task for the Soviet Union — even while Soviet labor camps were in full blast in the late 20s and early 30s. 

From 1929 onwards Ivy Lee became public relations counsel for I. G. Farben in the United States. In 1934 Ivy Lee presented testimony to the 

House Un-American Activities Committee on this work for Farben.15 Lee testified that I.G. Farben was affiliated with the American Farben 

firm and “The American I.G. is a holding company with directors such people as Edsel Ford, Walter Teagle, one of the officers of the City 

Bank …. ” Lee explained that he was paid $25,000 per year under a contract made with Max Ilgner of I.G. Farben. His job was to counter 

criticism levelled at I.G. Farben within the United States. The advice given by Ivy Lee to Farben on this problem was acceptable enough: 

In the first place, I have told them that they could never in the world get the American people reconciled to their treatment of the 

Jews: that that was just foreign to the American mentality and could never be justified in the American public opinion, and there 

was no use trying. 

In the second place, anything that savored of Nazi propaganda in this country was a mistake and ought not to be under. taken. 

Our people regard it as meddling with American affairs, and it was bad business.16 

The initial payment of $4,500 to Ivy Lee under this contract was made by Hermann Schmitz, chairman of I.G. Farben in Germany. It was 

deposited in the New York Trust Company under the name of I. G. Chemic (or the “Swiss I.G.,” as Ivy Lee termed it). However, the second 

and major payment of $14,450 was made by William von Rath of the American I.G. and also deposited by Ivy Lee in New York Trust 

Company, for the credit of his personal account. (The firm account was at the Chase Bank.) This point about the origin of the funds is 

‘important when we consider the identity of directors of American I.G., because payment by American I.G. meant that the bulk of the Nazi 

propaganda funds were not of German origin. They were American funds earned in the U.S. and under control of American directors, although 

used for Nazi propaganda in the United States. 

In other words, most of the Nazi propaganda funds handled by Ivy Lee were not imported from Germany.

CHAPTER TWO: The Empire of I.G. Farben 

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The use to which these American funds were put was brought out under questioning by the House Un-American Activities Committee: 

Mr. DICKSTEIN. As I understand you, you testified that you received no propaganda at all, and that you had nothing to do with 

the distribution of propaganda in this country? 

Mr. LEE. I did not testify I received none Mr. Dickstein. 

Mr. DICKSTEIN. I will eliminate that part of the question, then. 

Mr. LEE. I testified that I disseminated none whatever. 

Mr. DICKSTEIN. Have you received or has your firm received any propaganda literature from Germany at any time? 

Mr. LEE. Yes, sir. 

Mr. DICKSTEIN. And when was that? 

Mr. LEE. Oh, we have received — it is a question of what you call propaganda. We have received an immense amount of 

literature. 

Mr. DICKSTEIN. You do not know what that literature was and what it contained? 

Mr. LEE. We have received books and pamphlets and newspaper clippings and documents, world without end. 

Mr. DICKSTEIN. I assume someone in your office would go over them and see what they were? 

Mr. LEE. Yes, sir. 

Mr. DICKSTEIN. And then after you found out what they were, I assume you kept copies of them? 

Mr. LEE. In some cases, yes: and in some, no. A great many of them, of course, were in German, and I had what my son sent 

me. He said they were interesting and significant, and those I had translated or excerpts of them made.17 

Finally, Ivy Lee employed Burnham Carter to study American new paper reports on Germany and prepare suitable pro-Nazi replies. It should 

be noted that this German literature was not Farben literature, it was official Hitler literature: 

Mr. DICKSTEIN. In other words, you receive this material that deals with German conditions today: You examine it and you 

advise them. It has nothing to do with the German Government, although the material, the literature, is official literature of the 

Hitler regime. That is correct, is it not? 

Mr. LEE. Well, a good deal of the literature was not official. 

Mr. DICKSTEIN. It was not I.G. literature, was it? 

Mr. LEE. No; I.G. sent it to me. 

Mr. DICKSTEIN. Can you show us one scrap of paper that came in here that had anything to do with the I.G.? 

Mr. LEE. Oh, yes. They issue a good deal of literature. But I do not want to beg the question. There is no question whatever that 

under their authority I have received an immense amount of material that came from official and unofficial sources. 

Mr. DICKSTEIN. Exactly. In other words, the material that was sent here by the I.G. was material spread — we would call it 

propaganda t by authority of the German Government. But the distinction that you make in your statement is, as I take it, that the 

German Government did not send it to you directly; that it was sent to you by the I.G. 

Mr. LEE. Right. 

Mr. DICKSTEIN. And it had nothing to do with their business relations just now. 

Mr. LEE. That is correct. 

The American I.G. Farben 

Who were the prominent Wall Street establishment financiers who directed the activities of American I.G., the I.G. Farben affiliate in the 

United States promoting Nazi propaganda? 

American I.G. Farben directors included some of the more prominent members of Wall Street. German interests re-entered the United States 

after World War I, and successfully overcame barriers designed to keep I.G. out of the American market. Neither seizure of German patents, 

establishment of the Chemical Foundation, nor high tariff walls were a major problem. 

By 1925, General Dyestuff Corporation was established as the exclusive selling agent for products manufactured by Gasselli Dyestuff 

(renamed General Aniline Works, Inc., in 1929) and imported from Germany. The stock of General Aniline Works was transferred in 1929 to 

American I.G. Chemical Corporation and later in 1939 to General Aniline & Film Corporation, into which American I.G. and General Aniline 

Works were merged. American I.G. and its successor, General Aniline & Film, is the unit through which control of I.G.’s enterprises in the 

U.S. was maintained. The stock authorization of American I.G. was 3,000,000 common A

CHAPTER TWO: The Empire of I.G. Farben 

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shares and 3,000,000 common B shares. In return for stock interests in General Aniline Works and Agfa-Ansco Corporation, I.G. Farben in 

Germany received all the B shares and 400,000 A shares. Thirty million dollars of convertible bonds were sold to the American public and 

guaranteed as to principal and interest by the German I.G. Farben, which received an option to purchase an additional 1,000,000 A shares. 

Table 2-2: The Directors of American I.G. at 1930: 

American I,G. 

Director Citizenship Other Major Associations 

Carl BOSCH German FORD MOTOR CO. A-G 

Edsel B. FORD U.S. FORD MOTOR CO. DETROIT 

Max ILGNER German Directed I.G. FARBEN N.W.7 

(INTELLIGENCE) office. Guilty at 

Nuremberg War Crimes Trials. 

F. Ter MEER German Guilty at Nuremberg War Crimes Trials 

H.A. METZ U.S. Director of I.G. Farben Germany and 

BANK OF MANHATTAN (U.S.) 

C.E. MITCHELL U.S. Director of FEDERAL RESERVE BANK 

OF N.Y. and NATIONAL CITY BANK 

Herman SCHMITZ German On boards of I.G. Farben (President) 

(Germany) Deutsche Bank (Germany) and 

BANK FOR INTERNATIONAL 

SETTLEMENTS. Guilty at Nuremberg 

War Crimes Trials. 

Walter TEAGLE U.S. Director FEDERAL RESERVE BANK 

OF NEW YORK and STANDARD OIL 

OF NEW JERSEY 

 W.H. yon RATH Naturalized Director of GERMAN GENERAL U.S. 

ELECTRIC (A.E.G.) 

Paul M. WARBURG U.S. First member of the FEDERAL RESERVE 

BANK OF NEW YORK and BANK OF 

MANHATTAN 

W.E. WEISS U.S. Sterling Products 

 

Source: Moody’s Manual of Investments; 1930, p. 2149. 

Note: Walter DUISBERG (U.S.), W. GRIEF (U.S.), and Adolf KUTTROFF (U.S.) were 

also Directors of American I.G. Farben at this period. 

The management of American I.G. (later General Aniline) was dominated by I.G. or former I.G. officials. (See Table 9..9..) Hermann Schmitz 

served as president from 1929 to 1936 and was then succeeded by his brother, Dietrich A. Schmitz, a naturalized American citizen, until 1941. 

Hermann Schmitz, who was also a director of the bank for International Settlements, the “apex” of the international financial control system. 

He remained as chairman of the board of directors from 1936 to 1939. 

The original board of directors included nine members who were, or had been, members o[ the board of I.G. Farben in Germany (Hermann 

Schmitz, carl Bosch, Max Ilgner, Fritz ter Meer, and Wilfred Grief), or had been previously employed by I.G. Farben in Germany (Walter 

Duisberg, Adolph Kuttroff, W.H. yon Rath, Herman A. Metz). Herman A. Metz was an American citizen, a staunch Democrat in politics and a 

former comptroller of the City of New York. A tenth, W.E. Weiss, had been under contract to I.G. 

Directors of American I.G. were not only prominent in Wall Street and American industry but more significantly were drawn from a few 

highly influential institutions:

CHAPTER TWO: The Empire of I.G. Farben 

7 of 8 

The remaining four members of the American I.G. board were prominent American citizens and members of the Wall Street financial elite: 

C.E. Mitchell, chairman of National City Bank and the Federal Reserve Bank of New York; Edsel B. Ford, president of Ford Motor Company; 

W.C. Teagle, another director of Standard Oil of New Jersey; and, Paul Warburg, first member of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York and 

chairman of the Bank of Manhattan Company. 

Directors of American I.G. were not only prominent in Wall Street and American industry but more significantly were drawn from a few 

highly influential institutions. (See chart above.) 

Between 1929 and 1939 there were changes in the make-up of the board of American I.G. The number of directors varied from time to time, 

although a majority always had I.G. backgrounds or connections, and the board never had less than four American directors. In 1939 — 

presumably looking ahead to World War II — an effort was made to give the board a more American complexion, but despite the resignation 

of Hermann Schmitz, Carl Bosch, and Walter Duisberg, and the appointment of seven new directors, seven members still belonged to the I.G. 

group. This I.G. predominance increased during 1940 and 1941 as American directors, including Edsel Ford, realized the political 

unhealthiness of I.G. and resigned. 

Several basic observations can be made from this evidence. First, the board of American I.G. had three directors from the Federal Reserve 

Bank of New York, the most influential of the various Federal Reserve Banks. American I.G. also had interlocks with Standard Oil of New 

Jersey, Ford Motor Company, Bank of Manhattan (later to become the Chase Manhattan), and A.E.G. (German General Electric). Second, 

three members of the board of this American I.G. were found guilty at Nuremburg War Crimes Trials. These were the German, not the 

American, members. Among these Germans was Max Ilgner, director of the I.G. Farben N.W. 7 office in Berlin, i.e., the Nazi pre-war 

intelligence office. If the directors of a corporation are collectively responsible for the activities of the corporation, then the American directors 

should also have been placed on trial at Nuremburg, along with the German directors — that is, if the purpose of the trials was to determine 

war guilt. Of course, if the purpose of the trials had been to divert attention away from the U.S. involvement in Hitler’s rise to power, they 

succeeded very well in such an objective. 

Footnotes: 

German firms have a two-tier board of directors. The Aufsichsrat concerns itself with overall supervision, including financial 

policy, while the Vorstand is concerned with day-to-day management. 

Taken from Der Farben-Konzern 1928, (Hoppenstedt, Berlin: I928), pp. 4-5. 

Elimination of German Resources, p. 943. 

Ibid, p. 945. 

New York Times, October 21, 1945, Section 1, pp. 1, 12. 

Ibid, p. 947. 

Elimination of German Resources. 

Bernhard is today better known for his role as chairman of the secretive, so-called Bilderberger meetings. See U.S. Congress, 

House of Representatives, Special Committee on Un-American Activities, Investigation of Nazi Propaganda Activities and 

Investigation of Certain other Propaganda Activities. 73rd Congress, 2nd Session, Hearings No. 73-DC-4. (Washington: 

Government Printing Office, 1934), Volume VIII, p. 7525. 

Ibid p. 949. 

10 

Ibid p. 952. 

11 

Ibid p. 1293. 

12 

Ibid p. 954. 

13 

Ibid p. 954. 

14 

Ibid, pp. 954-5. 

15 

U.S. Congress. House of Representatives, Special Committee on Un-American Activities, Investigation of Nazi Propaganda 

Activities and Investigation of Certain Other Propaganda Activities, op. cit. 

16 

Ibid, p. 178. 

CHAPTER TWO: The Empire of I.G. Farben 

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17 

Ibid, p. 183. 

18 

Ibid, p. 188. 

BACK 

CHAPTER THREE: General Electric Funds Hitler 

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CHAPTER THREE 

General Electric Funds Hitler 

Among the early Roosevelt fascist measures was the National Industry Recovery Act (NRA) of June 16, 1933. The origins of this 

scheme are worth repeating. These ideas were first suggested by Gerard Swope of the General Electric Company … following 

this they were adopted by the United States Chamber of Commerce …. (Herbert Hoover, The Memoirs of Herbert Hoover: The 

Great Depression, 1929-1941, New York: The Macmillan Company, 1952, p. 420) 

The multi-national giant General Electric has an unparalleled role in twentieth-century history. The General Electric Company electrified the 

Soviet Union in the 1920s and 1930s, and fulfilled for the Soviets Lenin’s dictum that “Socialism = electrification.”1 The Swope Plan, created 

by General Electric’s one-time president Gerard Swope, became Franklin D. Roosevelt’s New Deal, by a process deplored by one-time 

President Herbert Hoover and described in Wall Street and FDR.2 There was a long-lasting, intimate relationship between Swope and Young 

of General Electric Company and the Roosevelt family, as there was between General Electric and the Soviet Union. In 1936 Senator James A. 

Reed of Missouri, an early Roosevelt supporter, became aware of Roosevelt’s betrayal of liberal ideas and attacked the Roosevelt New Deal 

program as a “tyrannical” measure “leading to despotism, [and] sought by its sponsors under the communistic cry of ‘Social Justice.'” Senator 

Reed further charged on the floor of the Senate that Franklin D. Roosevelt was a “hired man for the economic royalists” in Wall Street and that 

the Roosevelt family “is one of the largest stockholders in the General Electric Company.”3 

As we probe into behind-the-scenes German interwar history and the story of Hitler and Naziism, we find both Owen D. Young and Gerard 

Swope of General Electric tied to the rise of Hitlerism and the suppression of German democracy. That General Electric directors are to be 

found in each of these three distinct historical categories — i.e., the development of the Soviet Union, the creation of Roosevelt’s New Deal, 

and the rise of Hitlerism — suggests how elements of Big Business are keenly interested in the socialization of the world, for their own 

purposes and objectives, rather than the maintenance of the impartial market place in a free society.4 General Electric profited handsomely 

from Bolshevism, from Roosevelt’s New Deal socialism, and, as we shall see below, from national socialism in Hitler’s Germany. 

General Electric in Weimar Germany 

Walter Rathenau was, until his assassination in 1922, managing director of Allgemeine Elekrizitats Gesellschaft (A.E.G,), or German General 

Electric, and like Owen Young and Gerard Swope, his counterparts in the U.S., he was a prominent advocate of corporate socialism. Walter 

Rathenau spoke out publicly against competition and free enterprise, Why? Because both Rathanau and Swope wanted the protection and 

cooperation of the state for their own corporate objectives and profit. (But not of course for anybody else’s objectives and profits.) Rathanau 

expressed their plea in The New Political Economy: 

The new economy will, as we have seen, be no state or governmental economy but a private economy committed to a civic power 

of resolution which certainly will require state cooperation for organic consolidation to overcome inner friction and increase 

production and endurance.

When we disentangle the turgid Rathenau prose, this means that the power of the State was to be made available to private firms for their own 

corporate purposes, i.e., what is popularly known as national socialism. Rathenau spoke out publicly against competition and free enterprise. 

inheritance.”6 Not their own wealth, so far as can be determined, but the wealth of others who lacked political pull in the State apparatus. 

Owen D. Young of General Electric was one of the three U.S. delegates to the 1923 Dawes Plan meeting which established the German 

reparations program. And in the Dawes and Young Plans we can see how some private firms were able to benefit from the power of the State. 

The largest single loans from Wall Street to Germany during the 1920s were reparations loans; it was ultimately the U.S. investor who paid for 

German reparations. The cartelization of the German electrical industry under A.E.G. (as well as the steel and chemical industries discussed in 

Chapters One and Two) was made possible with these Wall Street loans: 

Date of 

Offering Borrower  Managing Bank 

in the U.S. 

 Face 

Amount 

of Issue 

  Jan. 26, 1925 Allgemeine 

Elektrizitats-Gesellschaft 

(A. E, G.) 

National City Co. $10,000,000 

Dec. 9, 1925 Allgemeine National 

City Co. 

Elektrizitats-Gesellschaft 

(A. E.G. ) 

10,000,000 

 May 22, 1928 Allgemeine 

Elektrizitats- 

Gesellschaft (A.E.G.) 

National City Co. 10,000,000 

June 7, 1928 Allgemeine 

Elektrizitats-Gesellschaft 

(A. E.G.) 

National City Co.  5,000,000

CHAPTER THREE: General Electric Funds Hitler 

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Vereinigte Stahlwerke Wolff 

Nathan 

Kirdorf 

Goldschmidt 

Direct Finance, 

see p. 57 

Krupp Nathan 

Klotzbach Direct Finance, 

see p. 59 

I.G. Farben Bucher  

Flechtheim  

von Rath 

Direct Finance, 

see p. 57 

Allianz u. 

Stuttgarten Verein 

Phoenix 

von Rath 

Wolff 

Fahrenhorst 

Reported, but not 

substantiated 

see p. 57 

Thyssen Fahrenhorst Direct Finance, 

see p. 104 

Demag Fahrenhorst  

Flick see p. 57 

Dynamit 

Gelsenkirchener 

Bergwerks 

Flechtheim 

Kirdorf 

Flechtheim 

Through I.G. Farben 

Direct Finance, 

see p. 57 

International General 

Electric Young 

Swope  

Minor 

Baldwin 

Through A.E.G., 

see p. 52 

American I.G. Farben von Rath Through I.G. Farben 

see p. 47 

International Bank 

(Amsterdam) H. Furstenberg 

Goldschmidt Not known 

Osram through A.E.G. directors. On the board of A.E,G., apart from the four American directors (Young, Swope, Minor, and Baldwin), we 

find Pferdmenges of Oppenheim & Co. (another Hitler financier), and Quandt, who owned 75 percent of Accumlatoren-Fabrik, a major direct 

financier of Hitler. In other words, among the German board members of A.E.G. we find representatives from several of the German firms that 

financed Hitler in the 1920s and 1930s. 

General Electric and the Financing of Hitler 

The tap root of modern corporate socialism runs deep into the management of two affiliated multi-national corporations: General Electric 

Company in the United States and its foreign associates, including German General Electric (A.E.G.), and Osram in Germany. We have noted 

that Gerard Swope, second president and chairman of General Electric, and Walter Rathanau of A.E.G. promoted radical ideas for control of 

the State by private business interests. 

From 1915 onwards International General Electric (I.G.E.), located at 120 Broadway in New York City, acted as the foreign investment, 

manufacturing, and selling organization for the General Electric Company. I.G.E. held interests in overseas manufacturing companies 

including a 25 to 30-percent holding in German General Electric (A.E.G.), plus holdings in Osram G.m.b.H. Kommanditgesellschaft, also in 

Berlin. These holdings gave International General Electric four directors on the board of A.E.G., and another director at Osram, and significant 

influence in the internal domestic policies of these German companies. The significance of this General Electric ownership is that A.E.G. and 

Osram were prominent suppliers of funds for Hitler in his rise to power in Germany in 1933. A bank transfer slip dated March 2, 1933 from 

A.E.G. to Delbruck Schickler & Co. in Berlin requests that 60,000 Reichsmark be deposited in the “Nationale Treuhand” (National 

Trusteeship) account for Hitler’s use. This slip is reproduced on page 56. 

I.G. Farben was the most important of the domestic financial backers of Hitler, and (as noted elsewhere) I.G. Farben controlled American I.G. 

Moreover, several directors of A.E.G. were also on the board of I.G. Farben — i.e., Hermann Bucher, chairman of A.E.G. was on the I.G. 

Farben board; so were A.E.G. directors Julius Flechtheim and Walter von Rath. I.G. Farben contributed 30 percent of the 1933 Hitler National 

Trusteeship (or takeover) fund. 

Walter Fahrenhorst of A.E.G. was also on the board of Phoenix A-G, Thyssen A-G and Demag A-G — and all were contributors to Hitler’s 

fund. Demag A-G contributed 50,000 RM to Hitler’s fund and had a director with A.E.G.— the notorious Friedrich Flick, and early Hitler 

supporter, who was later convicted at the Nuremberg Trials. Accumulatoren Fabrik A-G was a Hitler contributor (25,000 RM, see page 60) 

with two directors on the A.E.G. board, August Pfeffer and Gunther Quandt. Quandt personally owned 75 percent of Accumulatoren Fabrik. 

Osram Gesellschaft, in which International General Electric had a 16 2/3rds direct interest, also had two directors on the A.E.G. board: Paul 

Mamroth and Heinrich Pferls. Osram contributed 40,000 RM directly to the Hitler fund. The Otto Wolff concern, Vereinigte Stahlwerke A-G, 

recipient of substantial New York loans in the 1920s, had three directors on the A.E.G. board: Otto Wolff, Henry Nathan and Jakob 

Goldschmidt. Alfred Krupp yon Bohlen, sole owner of the Krupp organization and an early supporter of Hitler, was a member of the 

Aufsichsrat of A.E.G. Robert Pferdmenges, a member of Himmler’s Circle of Friends, was also a director of A, E.G. 

In other words, almost all of the German directors of German General Electric were financial supporters of Hitler and associated not only with 

A.E.G. but with other companies financing Hitler. 

Walter Rathenau14 became a director of A,E.G. in 1899 and by the early twentieth century was a director of more than 100 corporations.

CHAPTER THREE: General Electric Funds Hitler 

4 of 7 

Rathenau was also author of the” Rathenau Plan,” which bears a remarkable resemblance to the “Swope Plan” — i.e., FDR’s New Deal but 

written by Swope of G.E. In other words, we have the extraordinay coincidence that the authors of New Deal-tike plans in the U.S. and 

Germany were also prime backers of their implementers: Hitler in Germany and Roosevelt in the U.S. 

Swope was chairman of the board of General Electric Company and International General Electric. In 1932 the American directors of A.E.G, 

were prominently connected with American banking and political circles as follows: 

GERARD SWOPE Chairman of International General Electric and 

president of General Electric Company, director of 

National City Bank (and other companies), director of A.E.G. 

and Osram in Germany. Author of 

FDR’s New Deal and member of numerous Roosevelt 

organizations. 

Owen D. Young Chairman of board of General Electric, and deputy chairman, 

Federal Reserve Bank of New York. Author, with J. P, 

Morgan, of the Young Plan which superseded the Dawes Plan 

in 1929. (See Chapter One.) 

CLARK H. Minor President and director of International General Electric, 

director of British Thomson Houston, Compania Generale di 

Electtricita (Italy), and Japan Electric Bond & Share Company 

(Japan). 

In brief, we have hard evidence of unquestioned authenticity (see p, 56) to show that German General Electric contributed substantial sums to 

Hitler’s political fund. There were four American directors of A.E.G. (Baldwin, Swope, Minor, and Clark), which was 80 percent owned by 

International General Electric. Further, I.G.E. and the four American directors were the largest single interest and consequently had the greatest 

single influence in A.E.G. actions and policies. Even further, almost all other directors of A.E.G. were connected with firms (I. G. Farben, 

Accumulatoren Fabrik, etc.) which contributed directly — as firms — to Hitler’s political fund. However, only the German directors of A.E.G 

were placed on trial in Nuremburg in 1945. 

Technical Cooperation with Krupp 

Quite apart from financial assistance to Hitler, General Electric extended its assistance to cartel schemes with other Hitler backers for their 

mutual benefit and the benefit of the Nazi state. Cemented tungsten carbide is one example of this G.E.-Nazi cooperation. Prior to November 

1928, American industries had several sources for both tungsten carbide and tools and dies containing this hard-metal composition. Among 

these sources were the Krupp Company of Essen, Germany, and two American firms to which Krupp was then shipping and selling, the Union 

Wire Die Corporation and Thomas Prosser & Son. In 1928 Krupp obligated itself to grant licenses under United States patents which it owned 

to the Firth-Sterling Steel Company and to the Ludlum Steel Company. Before 1928, this tungsten carbide for use in tools and dies sold in the 

United states for about $50 a pound. 

The United States patents which Krupp claimed to own were assigned from Osram Kommanditgesellschaft, and had been previously assigned 

by the Osram Company of Germany to General Electric. However, General Electric had also developed its own patents, principally the Hoyt 

and Gilson patents, covering competing processes for cemented tungsten carbide. General Electric believed that it could utilize these patents 

independently without infringing on or competing with Krupp patents. But instead of using the G.E. patents independently in competition with 

Krupp, or testing out its rights under the patent laws, General Electric worked out a cartel agreement with Krupp to pool the patents of both 

parties and to give General Electric a monopoly control of tungsten carbide in the United States. 

The first step in this cartel arrangement was taken by Carboloy Company, Inc., a General Electric subsidiary, incorporated for the purpose of 

exploiting tungsten carbide. The 1920s price of around $50 a pound was raised by Carboloy to $458 a pound. Obviously, no firm could sell 

any great amounts of tungsten carbide in this price range, but the price would maximize profits for G.E. In 1934 General Electric and Carboloy 

were also able to obtain, by purchase, the license granted by Krupp to the Ludlum Steel Company, thereby eliminating one competitor. In 

1936, Krupp was induced to refrain from further imports into the United States. Part of the price paid for the elimination from the American 

market of tungsten carbide manufactured abroad was a reciprocal undertaking that General Electric and Carboloy would not export from the 

U.S. Thus these American companies tied their own hands by contract, or permitted Krupp to tie their hands, and denied foreign markets to 

American industry. Carboloy Company then acquired the business of Thomas Prosser & Son, and in 1937, for nearly $1 million, Carboloy 

acquired the competing business of the Union Wire Die Corporation. By refusing to sell, Krupp cooperated with General Electric and Carboloy 

to persuade Union Wire Die Corporation to sell out. 

Licenses to manufacture tungsten carbide were then refused. A request for license by the Crucible Steel Company was refused in 1936. A 

request by the Chrysler Corporation for a license was refused in 1938. A license by the Triplett Electrical Instrument Company was refused on 

April 25, 1940. A license was also refused to the General Cable Company. The Ford Motor Company for several years expressed strong 

opposition to the high-price policy followed by the Carboloy Company, and at one point made a request for the right to manufacture for its 

own use. This was refused. As a result of these tactics, General Electric and its subsidiary Carboloy emerged in 1936 or 1937 with virtually a 

complete monopoly of tungsten carbide in the United States. 

In brief, General Electric — with the cooperation of another Hitler supporter, Krupp — jointly obtained for G,E. a monopoly in the U.S. for 

tungsten carbide. So when World War II began, General Electric had a monopoly at an established price of $450 a pound — almost ten times 

more than the 1928 price — and use in the U.S. had been correspondingly restricted, 

A.E.G. Avoids the Bombs in World War II 

By 1939 the German electrical industry had become closely affiliated with two U.S. firms: International General Electric and International

CHAPTER THREE: General Electric Funds Hitler 

5 of 7 

Telephone and Telegraph. The largest firms in German electrical production and their affiliations listed in order of importance were: 

Firm and Type 

of Production Percent of German 

1939 production U.S. Affiliated 

Firm 

Heavy Current Industry 

General Electric (A.E.G. ) 40 percent International General Electric 

Siemens Schukert A.G. 40 percent None 

Brown Boveri et  Cie 17 percent None 

Telephone and Telegraph 

Siemens und Halske 60 percent None 

Lorenz A.G. 85 percent I.T.T 

Radio 

Telefunken (A.E.G. after 

1941) 60 percent International General Electric 

Lorenz 35 percent I.T.T. 

Wire and Cable 

Felton &  Guilleaume A.G. 20 percent I.T.T. 

Siemens 20 percent None 

A.E.G. 20 percent International General Electric 

In other words, in 1939 the German electrical equipment industry was concentrated into a few major corporations linked in an international 

cartel and by stock ownership to two .major U.S. corporations. This industrial complex was never a prime target for bombing in World War II. 

The A.E.G. and I.T.T. plants were hit only incidentally in area raids and then but rarely. The electrical equipment plants bombed as targets 

were not those affiliated with U.S. firms. It was Brown Boveri at Mannheim and Siemensstadt in Berlin — which were not connected with the 

U.S. — who were bombed. As a result, German production of electrical war equipment rose steadily throughout World War II, peaking as late 

as 1944. According to the U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey reports, “In the opinion of Speers’ assistants and plant officials, the war effort in 

Germany was never hindered in any important manner by any shortage of electrical equipment.”15 

One example of the non-bombing policy for German General Electric was the A. E.G. plant at 185 Muggenhofer Strasse, Nuremburg. Study of 

this plant’s output in World War II is of interest because it illustrates the extent to which purely peacetime production was converted to war 

work. The pre-war plant manufactured household equipment, such as hot plates, electric ranges, electric irons, toasters, industrial baking ovens, 

radiators, water heaters, kitchen ovens, and industrial heaters. In 1939, 1940 and 1941, most of the Nuremburg plant’s production facilities 

were used for the manufacture of peacetime products. In 1942 the plant’s production was shifted to manufacture of war equipment. Metal parts 

for communications equipment and munitions such as bombs and mines were made. Other war production consisted of parts for searchlights 

and amplifiers. The following tabulation very strikingly shows the conversion to war work: 

Year Total sales 

 in 1000 RM Percent 

for war Percent ordinary 

production 

1939 12,469 5 95 

1940 11,754 15 85 

1941 21,194 40 60 

1942 20,689 61 39 

1948 31,455 67 33 

1944 31,205 69 31 

The actual physical damage by bombing to this plant was insignificant. No serious damage occurred until the raids of February 20 and 21, 

1945, near the end of the war, and then protection had been fairly well developed. Raids during which bombs struck in the plant area and the 

trifling damage done are listed as follows: 

Date of raid Bombs striking plant Damage done 

March 8, 1943 30 stick type I.B. Trifling, but 3 storehouses outside 

the main plant destroyed. 

Sept. 9, 1944 None (blast damage) Trifling, glass and blackout curtain 

damage. 

Nov. 26, 1944 14000 lb. HE in open space 

in plant grounds Wood shop destroyed,  water main 

broken. 

Feb. 20, 1945 2 HE 3 buildings damaged. 

Feb. 21, 1945 5 HE, many I.B.’s  Administration bldg. 

destroyed & enameling 

works damaged by HE. 

Another example of a German General Electric plant not bombed is the A.E.G. plant at Koppelsdorf producing radar sets and bomber 

antennae. Other A.E.G. plants which were not bombed and their war equipment production were: 

LIST OF A.E.G. FACTORIES NOT BOMBED IN WORLD WAR II

CHAPTER THREE: General Electric Funds Hitler 

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Name of Branch Location Product 

1. Werk Reiehmannsdoff  

mit Unterabteilungen in 

Wallendorf und 

Unterweissbach 

Kries Saalfeld Measuring Instruments 

2. Werk Marktschorgast Bayreuth Starters 

3. Werk F18ha Sachsen Short Wave Sending Sets 

4. Werk Reichenbach Vogtland Dry Cell Batteries 

5. Werk Burglengefeld Sachsen/S.E. Chemnitz Heavy Starters 

6. Werk Nuremburg Belringersdorf/ 

Nuremburg Small Components 

7. Werk Zirndorf Nuremburg Heavy Starters 

8. Werk Mattinghofen Oberdonau 1 KW Senders 250 Meters & 

long wave for torpedo boats 

& U-boats 

9. Unterwerk Neustadt Coburg Radar Equipment 

That the A.E.G. plants in Germany were not bombed in World War II was confirmed by the United States Strategic Bombing Survey, officered 

by such academics as John K. Galbraith and such Wall Streeters as George W. Ball and Paul H. Nitze. Their “German Electrical Equipment 

Industry Report” dated January 1947 concludes: 

The industry has never been attacked as a basic target system, but a few plants, i.e. Brown Boveri at Mannheim, Bosch at 

Stuutgart and Siemenstadt in Berlin, have been subjected to precision raids; many others were hit in area raids.17 

At the end of World War II an Allied investigation team known as FIAT was sent to examine bomb damage to German electrical industry 

plants. The team for the electrical industry consisted of Alexander G.P.E. Sanders of International Telephone and Telegraph of New York, 

Whit-worth Ferguson of Ferguson Electric Company, New York, and Erich J. Borgman of Westinghouse Electric. Although the stated 

objective of these teams was to examine the effects on Allied bombing of German targets, the objective of this particular team was to get the 

German electrical equipment industry back into production as soon as possible. Whirworth Ferguson wrote a report dated March 31, 1945 on 

the A.E.G. Ostland-werke and concluded, “this plant is immediately available for production of fine metal parts and assemblies.18 

To conclude, we find that both Rathenau of A.E.G. and Swope of General Electric in the U.S. had similar ideas of putting the State to work for 

their own corporate ends. General Electric was prominent in financing Hitler, it profited handsomely from war production — and yet it 

managed to evade bombing in World War II. Obviously the story briefly surveyed here deserves a much more thorough — and official — 

investigation. 

Footnotes: 

For the technical details see the three-volume study, Antony C. Sutton, Western Technology and Soviet Economic Development, 

(Stanford, California: Hoover Institution Press, 1968, 1971), 1973), hereafter cited as Western Technology Series. 

(New York: Arlington House Publishers, 1975) 

New York Times, October 6, 1936. See also Antony C. Sutton, Wall Street and FDR, op. cit. 

Of course, socialist pleading by businessmen is still with us. Witness the injured cries when President Ford proposed 

deregulation of airlines and trucking. See for example Wall Street Journal, November 25, 1975. 

Mimeographed Translation in Hoover Institution Library, p. 67. Also see Walter Rathenau, In Days to Come, (London: Allen & 

Unwin, n.d.) 

Ibid, p. 249. 

New York Times, July 2, 1929. 

Ibid, July 28, 1929. 

Ibid, August 2, 1929 and August 4, 1929. 

10 

Ibid, August 6, 1929. 

11 

Ibid, February 2, 1930. 

12 

Ibid, February 2, 1930. 

13 

Ibid, May 11, 1930. For the prewar machinations of General Electric, Osram, and the Dutch company N.V. Philips 

Gloeilampenfabrieken of Eindhoven Holland, see Chapter 11, “Electric Eels,” in James Stewart Martin, op cit. Martin was Chief

CHAPTER THREE: General Electric Funds Hitler 

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of the Economic Warfare Division of the U.S. Department of Justice and comments that “The A.E.G. of Germany was largely 

controlled by the American company, General Electric.” The assumption by this author is that the G.E. influence was somewhat 

less than controlling although substantial enough. Because of Martin’s official position and access to official documents, not 

known to the author, his statement that A.E.G. was “largely controlled” by U.S. General Electric cannot be lightly dismissed. 

However, if we accept that G.E. “largely controlled” A.E.G., then the most serious questions arise which clamor for 

investigation. A.E.G. was a prime financier of Hitler and “control” would more deeply implicate the U.S. parent company than is 

suggested by the evidence presented here. 

14 

Son of Emil Rathenau, founder of A.E.G., born in 1867 and assassinated in 1922. 

15 

The United States Strategic Bombing Survey, German Electrical Equipment Industry/Report, (Equipment Division, January 

1947), p. 4. 

16 

U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey, Plant Report of A.E.G. (Allgemeine Elektrizitats Gesellschaft), Nuremburg, Germany: June 

1945), p. 6. 

17 

p. 3. Consequently, “production during the war was adequate until November 1944” and “in the opinion of Speer assistants 

and plant officials the war effort in Germany was never hindered in any important manner by any shortage of electrical 

equipment.” Difficulties arose only at the very end of the war when the whole economy was threatened with collapse. The report 

concluded, “All important needs for electrical equipment in 1944 may therefore be said to have been met, since plans were 

always optimistic.” 

18 

U.S. Strategic Bombing Survey, AEG-Ostlandwerke GmbH, by Whitworth Ferguson, 31 May 1945. 

BACK 

CHAPTER FOUR: Standard Oil Fuels World War II 

1 of 5 

CHAPTER FOUR 

Standard Oil Fuels World War II 

In two gears Germany will be manufacturing oil and gas enough out of soft coal for a long war. The Standard Oil of New York is 

furnishing millions of dollars to help. (Report from the Commercial Attaché, U.S. Embassy in Berlin, Germany, January 1933, to 

State Department in Washington, D.C,) 

The Standard Oil group of companies, in which the Rockefeller family owned a one-quarter (and controlling) interest,1 was of critical 

assistance in helping Nazi Germany prepare for World War II. This assistance in military preparation came about because Germany’s relatively 

insignificant supplies of crude petroleum were quite insufficient for modern mechanized warfare; in 1934 for instance about 85 percent of 

German finished petroleum products were imported. The solution adopted by Nazi Germany was to manufacture synthetic gasoline from its 

plentiful domestic coal supplies. It was the hydrogenation process of producing synthetic gasoline and iso-octane properties in gasoline that 

enabled Germany to go to war in 1940 — and this hydrogenation process was developed and financed by the Standard Oil laboratories in the 

United States in partnership with I.G. Farben. 

Evidence presented to the Truman, Bone, and Kilgore Committees after World War II confirmed that Standard Oil had at the same time 

“seriously imperiled the war preparations of the United States.”2 Documentary evidence was presented to all three Congressional committees 

that before World War II Standard Oil had agreed with I.G. Farben, in the so-called Jasco agreement, that synthetic rubber was within Farben’s 

sphere of influence, while Standard Oil was to have an absolute monopoly in the U.S. only if and when Farben allowed development of 

synthetic rubber to take place in the U.S.: 

Accordingly [concluded the Kilgore Committee] Standard fully accomplished I.G.’s purpose of preventing United States 

production by dissuading American rubber companies from undertaking independent research in developing synthetic rubber 

processes.

Regrettably, the Congressional committees did not explore an even more ominous aspect of this Standard Oil — I.G. Farben collusion: that at 

this time directors of Standard Oil of New Jersey had not only strategic warfare affiliations to I.G. Farben, but had other links with Hitler’s 

Germany — even to the extent of contributing, through German subsidiary companies, to Heinrich Himmler’s personal fund and with 

membership in Himmler’s Circle of Friends as late as 1944. 

During World War II Standard Oil of New Jersey was accused of treason for this pre-war alliance with Farben, even while its continuing 

wartime activities within Himmler’s Circle of Friends were unknown. The accusations of treason were vehemently denied by Standard Oil. One 

of the more prominent of these defenses was published by R.T. Haslam, a director of Standard Oil of New Jersey, in The Petroleum Times 

(December 25, 1943), and entitled “Secrets Turned into Mighty War Weapons Through I.G. Farben Agreement.”4 This was an attempt to turn 

the tables and present the pre-war collusion as advantageous to the United States. 

Whatever may have been Standard Oil’s wartime recollections and hasty defense, the 1929 negotiations and contracts between Standard and 

I.G. Farben were recorded in the contemporary press and describe the agreements between Standard Oil of New Jersey and I.G. Farben and 

their intent. In April 1929 Walter C. Teagle, president of Standard Oil of New Jersey, became a director of the newly organized American I.G. 

Farben. Not because Teagle was interested in the chemical industry but because, 

It has for some years past enjoyed a very close relationship with certain branches of the research work of the I.G. 

Farbenin-dustrie which bear closely upon the oil industry.

It was announced by Teagle that joint research work on production of oil from coal had been carried on for some time and that a research 

laboratory for this work was to be established in the United States.6 In November 1929 this jointly owned Standard — Farben research 

company was established under the management of the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey, and all research and patents relating to 

production of oil from coal held by both I.G. and Standard were pooled. Previously, during the period 1926-1929, the two companies had 

cooperated in development of the hydrogenation process, and experimental plants had been placed in operation in both the U.S. and Germany. 

It was now proposed to erect new plants in the U.S. at Bayway, New Jersey and Baytown, Texas, in addition to expansion of the earlier 

experimental plant at Baton Rouge. Standard announced: 

… the importance of the new contract as applied to this country lay in the fact that it made certain that the hydrogenation 

process would be developed commercially in this country under the guidance of American oil interests.7 

In December 1929 the new company, Standard I.G. Company, was organized. F.A. Howard was named president, and its German and 

American directors were announced as follows: E.M. Clark, Walter Duisberg, Peter Hurll, R.A. Reidemann, H.G. Seidel, Otto von Schenck, 

and Guy Wellman. 

The majority of the stock in the research company was owned by Standard Oil. The technical work, the process development work, and the 

construction of three new oil-from-coal plants in the United States was placed in the hands of the Standard Oil Development Company, the 

Standard Oil technical subsidiary. It is clear from these contemporary reports that the development work on oil from coal was undertaken by 

Standard Oil of New Jersey within the United States, in Standard Oil plants and with majority financing and control by Standard. The results of 

this research were made available to I.G. Farben and became the basis for the development of Hitler’s oil from-coal-program which made 

World War II possible. 

The Haslam article, written by a former Professor of Chemical Engineering at M.I.T. (then vice president of Standard Oil of New Jersey)

CHAPTER FOUR: Standard Oil Fuels World War II 

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argued — contrary to these recorded facts — that Standard Oil was able, through its Farben agreements, to obtain German technology for the 

United States. Haslam cited the manufacture of toluol and paratone (Op-panol), used to stabilize viscosity of oil, an essential material for desert 

and Russian winter tank operations, and buna rubber. However, this article, with its erroneous self-serving claims, found its way to wartime 

Germany and became the subject of a “Secret” I.G. Farben memorandum dated June 6, 1944 from Nuremburg defendent and then-Farben 

official von Knieriem to fellow Farben management officials. This yon Knieriem “Secret” memo set out those facts Haslam avoided in his 

Petroleum Times article. The memo was in fact a summary of what Standard was unwilling to reveal to the American public — i.e., the major 

contribution made by Standard Oil of New Jersey to the Nazi war machine. The Farben memorandum states that the Standard Oil agreements 

were absolutely essential for I.G. Farben: 

The closing of an agreement with Standard was necessary for technical, commercial, and financial reasons:technically, because 

the specialized experience which was available only in a big oil company was necessary to the further development of our 

process, and no such industry existed in Germany; commercially, because in the absence of state economic control in Germany 

at that time, IG had to avoid a competitive struggle with the great oil powers, who always sold the best gasoline at the lowest 

price in contested markets; financially, because IG, which had already spent extraordinarily large sums for the development of 

the process, had to seek financial relief in order to be able to continue development in other new technical fields, such as buna.8 

The Farben memorandum then answered the key question: What did I.G. Farben acquire from Standard Oil that was “vital for the conduct of 

war?” The memo examines those products cited by Haslam — i.e., iso-octane, tuluol, Oppanol-Paratone, and buna — and demonstrates that 

contrary to Standard Oil’s public claim, their technology came to a great extent from the U.S., not from Germany. 

On iso-octane the Farben memorandum reads, in part, 

By reason of their decades of work on motor fuels, the Americans were ahead of us in their knowledge of the quality 

requirements that are called for by the different uses of motor fuels. In particular they had developed, at great expense, a large 

number of methods of testing gasoline for different uses. On the basis of their experiments they had recognized the good anti, 

knock quality of iso-octane long before they had any knowledge of our hydrogenation process. This is proved by the single fact 

that in America fuels are graded in octane numbers, and iso-octane was entered as the best fuel with the number 100. All this 

knowledge naturally became ours as a result of the agreement, which saved us much effort and protected us against many 

errors. 

I.G. Farben adds that Haslam’s claim that the production of iso-octane became known in America only through the Farben hydrogenation 

process was not correct: 

Especially in the case of iso-octane, it is shown that we owe much to the Americans because in our own work we could draw 

widely on American information on the behavior of fuels in motors. Moreover, we were also kept currently informed by the 

Americans on the progress of their production process and its further development. 

Shortly before the war, a new method for the production of iso-octane was found in America —  alkylation with isomerization as 

a preliminary step. This process, which Mr. Haslain does not mention at all, originates in fact entirely with the Americans and 

has become known to us in detail in its separate stages through our agreements with them, and is being used very extensively by 

us. 

On toluol, I.G. Farben points to a factual inaccuracy in the Haslam article: toluol was not produced by hydrogenation in the U.S. is claimed by 

Professor Haslam. In the case of Oppanol, the I.G. memo calls Haslam’s information “incomplete” and so far as buna rubber is concerned, “we 

never gave technical information to the Americans, nor did technical cooperation in the buna field take place.” Most importantly, the Farben 

memo goes on to describe some products not cited by Haslam in his article: 

As a consequence of our contracts with the Americans, we received from them, above and beyond the agreement, many very 

valuable contributions for the synthesis and improvement of motor fuels and lubricating oils, which Just now during the war are 

most useful to us; and we also received other advantages from them. Primarily, the following may be mentioned: 

(1) Above all, improvement of fuels through the addition of tetraethyl-lead and the manufacture of this product. It need not be 

especially mentioned that without tetraethl-lead the present methods of warfare would be impossible. The fact that since the 

beginning of the war we could produce tetraethyl-lead is entirely due to the circumstances that, shortly before, the Americans 

had presented us with the production plans, complete with their know-how. It was, moreover, the first time that the Americans 

decided to give a license on this process in a foreign country (besides communication of unprotected secrets) and this only on 

our urgent requests to Standard Oil to fulfill our wish. Contractually we could not demand it, and we found out later that the 

War Department in Washington gave its permission only after long deliberation. 

(2) Conversion of low-molecular unsaturates into usable gasoline (polymerization). Much work in this field has been done here 

as well as in America. But the Americans were the first to carry the process through on a large scale, which suggested to us also 

to develop the process on a large technical scale. But above and beyond that, plants built according to American processes are 

functioning in Germany. 

(3) In the field of lubricating oils as well, Germany through the contract with America, learned of experience which is 

extraordinarily important for present day warfare. 

In this connection, we obtained not only the experience of Standard, but, through Standard, the experiences of General Motors 

and other large American motor companies as well. 

(4) As a further remarkable example of advantageous effect for us of the contract between IG and Standard Oil, the following 

should be mentioned: in the years 1934 / 1935 our government had the greatest interest in gathering from abroad a stock of 

especially valuable mineral oil products (in particular, aviation gasoline and aviation lubricating oil), and holding it in reserve 

to an amount approximately equal to 20 million dollars at market value. The German Government asked IG if it were not

CHAPTER FOUR: Standard Oil Fuels World War II 

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possible, on the basis o fits friendly relations with Standard Oil, to buy this amount in Farben’s name; actually, however, as 

trustee of the German Government. The fact that we actually succeeded by means of the most difficult negotiations in buying the 

quantity desired by our government from the American Standard Oil Company and the Dutch — English Royal — Dutch — Shell 

group and in transporting it to Germany, was made possible only through the aid of the Standard Oil Co. 

Ethyl Lead for the Wehrmacht 

Another prominent example of Standard Oil assistance to Nazi Germany — in cooperation with General Motors — was in supplying ethyl 

lead. Ethyl fluid is an anti-knock compound used in both aviation and automobile fuels to eliminate knocking, and so improve engine 

efficiency; without such anti-knocking compounds modern mobile warfare would be impractical. 

In 1924 the Ethyl Gasoline Corporation was formed in New York City, jointly owned by the Standard Oil Company of New Jersey and 

General Motors Corporation, to control and utilize U.S. patents for the manufacture and distribution of tetraethyl lead and ethyl fluid in the 

U.S. and abroad. Up to 1935 manufacture of these products was undertaken only in the United States. In 1935 Ethyl Gasoline Corporation 

transferred its know-how to Germany for use in the Nazi rearmament program. This transfer was undertaken over the protests of the U.S. 

Government. 

Ethyl’s intention to transfer its anti-knock technology to Nazi Germany came to the attention of the Army Air Corps in Washington, D.C. On 

December 15, 1934 E. W. Webb, president of Ethyl Gasoline, was advised that Washington had learned of the intention of “forming a German 

company with the I.G. to manufacture ethyl lead in that country.” The War Department indicated that there was considerable criticism of this 

technological transfer, which might “have the gravest repercussions” for the U.S.; that the commercial demand for ethyl lead in Germany was 

too small to be of interest; and, 

… it has been claimed that Germany is secretly arming [and] ethyl lead would doubtless be a valuable aid to military 

aeroplanes.10 

The Ethyl Company was then advised by the Army Air Corps that “under no conditions should you or the Board of Directors of the Ethyl 

Gasoline Corporation disclose any secrets or ‘know-how’ in connection with the manufacture of tetraethyl lead to Germany.11 

On January 12, 1935 Webb mailed to the Chief of the Army Air Corps a “Statement of Facts,” which was in effect a denial that any such 

technical knowledge would be transmitted; he offered to insert such a clause in the contract to guard against any such transfer. However, 

contrary to its pledge to the Army Air Corps, Ethyl subsequently signed a joint production agreement with I.G. Farben in Germany to form 

Ethyl G.m.b.H. and with Montecatini in fascist Italy for the same purpose. 

It is worth noting the directors of Ethyl Gasoline Corporation at the time of this transfer:12 E.W. Webb, president and director; C.F. Kettering; 

R.P. Russell; W.C. Teagle, Standard Oil of New Jersey and trustee of FDR’s Georgia Warm Springs Foundation; F. A. Howard; E. M. Clark, 

Standard Oil of New Jersey; A. P. Sloan, Jr.; D. Brown; J. T. Smith; and W.S. Parish of Standard Oil of New Jersey. 

The I.G. Farben files captured at the end of the war confirm the importance of this particular technical transfer for the German Wehrmacht: 

Since the beginning of the war we have been in a position. to produce lead tetraethyl solely because, a short time before the 

outbreak of the war, the Americans had established plants for us ready for production and supplied us with all available 

experience. In this manner we did not need to perform the difficult work of development because we could start production right 

away on the basis of all the experience that the Americans had had for years.13 

In 1938, just before the outbreak of war in Europe, the German Luftwaffe had an urgent requirement for 500 tons of tetraethyl lead. Ethyl was 

advised by an official of DuPont that such quantities of ethyl would be used by Germany for military purposes.14 This 500 tons was loaned by 

the Ethyl Export Corporation of New York to Ethyl G.m.b.H. of Germany, in a transaction arranged by the Reich Air Ministry with I.G. 

Farben director Mueller-Cunradi. The collateral security was arranged in a letter dated September 21, 193815 through Brown Brothers, 

Harriman & Co. of New York. 

Standard Oil of New Jersey and Synthetic Rubber 

The transfer of ethyl technology for the Nazi war machine was repeated in the case of synthetic rubber. There is no question that the ability of 

the German Wehrmacht to fight World War II depended on synthetic rubber — as well as on synthetic petroleum — because Germany has no 

natural rubber, and war would have been impossible without Farben’s synthetic rubber production. Farben had a virtual monopoly of this field 

and the program to produce the large quantities necessary was financed by the Reich: 

The volume of planned production in this field was far beyond the needs of peacetime economy. The huge costs involved were 

consistent only with military considerations in which the need for self-sufficiency without regard to cost was decisive.16 

As in the ethyl technology transfers, Standard Oil of New Jersey was intimately associated with I.G. Farben’s synthetic rubber. A series of joint 

cartel agreements were made in the late 1920s aimed at a joint world monopoly of synthetic rubber. Hitler’s Four Year Plan went into effect in 

1937 and in 1938 Standard provided I.G. Farben with its new butyl rubber process. On the other hand Standard kept the German buna process 

secret within the United States and it was not until June 1940 that Firestone and U.S. Rubber were allowed to participate in testing butyl and 

granted the buna manufacturing licenses. Even then Standard tried to get the U.S. Government to finance a large-scale buna program — 

reserving its own funds for the more promising butyl process.17 

Consequently, Standard assistance in Nazi Germany was not limited to oil from coal, although this was the most important transfer. Not only 

was the process for tetraethyl transferred to I.G. Farben and a plant built in Germany owned jointly by I.G., General Motors, and Standard

CHAPTER FOUR: Standard Oil Fuels World War II 

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subsidiaries; but as late as 1939 Standard’s German subsidiary designed a German plant for aviation gas. Tetraethyl was shipped on an 

emergency basis for the Wehrmacht and major assistance was given in production of butyl rubber, while holding secret in the U.S. the Farben 

process for buna. In other words, Standard Oil of New Jersey (first under president W.C. Teagle and then under W..S. Farish) consistently 

aided the Nazi war machine while refusing to aid the United States. 

This sequence of events was not an accident. President W.S. Farish argued that not to have granted such technical assistance to the Wehrmacht 

“… would have been unwarranted.”18 The assistance was knowledgeable, ranged over more than a decade, and was so substantive that without 

it the Wehrmacht could not have gone to war in 1939. 

The Deutsche-Amerikanische Petroleum A.G. (DAPAG) 

The Standard Oil subsidiary in Germany, Deutsche-Amerikanische Petroleum A.G. (DAPAG), was 94-percent owned by Standard Oil of New 

Jersey. DAPAG had branches throughout Germany, a refinery at Bremen, and a head office in Hamburg. Through DAPAG, Standard Oil of 

New Jersey was represented in the inner circles of Naziism — the Keppler Circle and Himmler’s Circle of Friends. A director of DAPAG was 

Karl Lindemann, also chairman of the International Chamber of Commerce in Germany, as well as director of several banks, including the 

Dresdner Bank, the Deutsche Reichsbank, and the private Nazi-oriented bank of C. Melchior & Company, and numerous corporations 

including the HAPAG (Hamburg-Amerika Line). Lindemann was a member of Keppler’s Circle of Friends as late as 1944 and so gave 

Standard Oil of New Jersey a representative at the very core of Naziism. Another member of the board of DAPAG was Emil Helfrich, who was 

an original member of the Keppler Circle. 

In sum, Standard Oil of New Jersey had two members of the Keppler Circle as directors of its German wholly owned subsidiary. Payments to 

the Circle from the Standard Oil subsidiary company, and from Lindemann and Helffrich as individual directors, continued until 1944, the year 

before the end of World War II.19 

Footnotes: 

In 1935, John D. Rockefeller, Jr. owned stock valued at $245 million in Stan dard Oil of New Jersey, Standard Oil of 

California, and Socony-Vacuun Company, New York Times, January 10, 1935. 

Elimination of German Resources, op cit., p. 1085. 

Ibid. 

NMT, I.G. Farben case, p. 1304. 

New York Times, April 28, 1929. 

Ibid. 

Ibid, November 24, 1929. 

NMT, I.G. Farben case, Volumes VII and VIII, pp. 1304-1311, 

See letter from U.S. War Department reproduced as Appendix D. 

10 

United States Congress. Senate. Hearings before a subcommittee of the Committee on Military Affairs. Scientific and 

Technical Mobilization, (78th Congress, 1st session, S. 702), Part 16, (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1944), p. 939. 

Hereafter cited as Scientific and Technical Mobilization. 

11 

Ibid. 

12 

Oil and Petroleum Yearbook, 1938, p. 89. 

13 

New York Times, October 19, 1945, p. 9. 

14 

George W. Stocking & Myron W. Watkins, Cartels in Action, (New York: The Twentieth Century Fund, 1946), p. 9. 

15 

For original documents see NMT, I.G. Farben case, Volume VIII, pp. 1189-94. 

16 

NMT, I.G. Farben case, Volume VIII, p. 1264-5. 

17 

Scientific and Technical Mobilization, p. 543. 

18 

Robert Engler, The Politics of Oil, (New York: The MacMillan Company, 1961), p. 102. 

19 

See Chapter Nine for details. 

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CHAPTER FIVE: I.T.T. Works Both Sides of the War 

1 of 5 

CHAPTER FIVE 

I.T.T. Works Both Sides of the War 

Thus while I.T.T. Focke-Wolfe planes were bombing Allied ships, and I. T. T. lines were passing information to German 

submarines, I.T.T. direction .finders were saving other ships from torpedoes. (Anthony Sampson, The Sovereign State of I.T.T., 

New York: Stein & Day, 1973, p. 40.) 

The multi-national giant International Telephone and Telegraph (I.T.T.)1 was founded in 1920 by Virgin Islands-born entrepreneur Sosthenes 

Behn. During his lifetime Behn was the epitome of the politicized businessman, earning his profits and building the I.T.T. empire through 

political maneuverings rather than in the competitive market place. In 1923, through political adroitness, Behn acquired the Spanish telephone 

monopoly, Compania Telefonica de Espana. In 1924 I.T.T., now backed by the J.P. Morgan firm, bought what later became the International 

Standard Electric group of manufacturing plants around the world. 

The parent board of I.T.T. reflected the J.P. Morgan interests, with Morgan partners Arthur M. Anderson and Russell Leffingwell. The 

Establishment law firm of Davis, Polk, Wardwell, Gardiner & Reed was represented by the two junior partners, Gardiner & Reed. 

DIRECTORS OF I.T.T. IN 1933: 

Directors Affiliation with other 

Wall Street firms: 

Arthur M. ANDERSON Partner, J.P. MORGAN and New York 

Trust Company 

Hernand BEHN Bank of America 

Sosthenes BEHN NATIONAL CITY BANK 

F. Wilder BELLAMY Partner in Dominick & Dominicik 

John W. CUTLER GRACE NATIONAL BANK, Lee 

Higginson 

George H. GARDINER Partner in Davis, Polk, Wardwell, Gardiner 

& Reed 

Allen G. HOYT NATIONAL CITY BANK 

Russell C. LEFFINGWELL Partner J.P. MORGAN and CARNEGIE 

CORP. 

Bradley W. PALMER Chairman, Executive Committee, UNITED 

FRUIT 

Lansing P. REED Partner in Davis, Polk, Wardwell, Gardiner 

& Reed 

The National City Bank (NCB) in the Morgan group was represented by two directors, Sosthenes Behn and Allen G. Hoyt. In brief, I.T.T. was 

a Morgan-controlled company; and we have previously noted the interest of Morgan-controlled companies in war and revolution abroad and 

political maneuvering in the United States.2 

In 1930 Behn acquired the German holding company of Standard Elekrizitäts A.G., controlled by I.T.T. (62.0 percent of the voting stock), 

A.E.G. (81.1 percent of the voting stock) and Felton & Guilleaume (six percent of the voting stock). In this deal Standard acquired two 

German manufacturing plants and a majority stock interest in Telefonfabrik Berliner A.G.I.T.T. also obtained the Standard subsidiaries in 

Germany, Ferdinand Schuchardt Berliner Fernsprech-und Telegraphenwerk A,G., as well as Mix & Genest in Berlin, and Suddeutsche 

Apparate Fabrik G,m.b.H. in Nuremburg. 

It is interesting to note in passing that while Sosthenes Behn’s I.T.T. controlled telephone companies and manufacturing plants in Germany, the 

cable traffic between the U.S. and Germany was under the control of Deutsch-Atlantische Telegraphengesellschaft (the German Atlantic Cable 

Company). This firm, together with the Commercial Cable Company and Western Union Telegraph Company, had a monopoly in transatlantic 

U.S.-German cable communications. W.A. Harriman & Company took over a block of 625,000 shares in Deutsch-Atlantische in 1925, and the 

firm’s board of directors included an unusual array of characters, many of whom we have met elsewhere. It included, for example, H. F. Albert, 

the German espionage agent in the United States in World War I; Franklin D. Roosevelt’s former business associate yon Berenberg-Gossler; 

and Dr. Cuno, a former German chancellor of the 1923 inflationary era. I.T.T. in the United States was represented on the board by yon 

Guilleaume and Max Warburg of the Warburg banking family 

Baron Kurt von Schroder and the I.T.T. 

There is no record that I.T.T. made direct payments to Hitler before the Nazi grab for power in 1933. On the other hand, numerous payments 

were made to Heinrich Himmler in the late 1930s and in World War II itself through I.T.T. German subsidiaries. The first meeting between 

Hitler and I.T.T. officials — so far as we know — was reported in August 1933,3 when Sosthenes Behn and I.T.T. German representative 

Henry Manne met with Hitler in Berchesgaden. Subsequently, Behn made contact with the Keppler circle (see Chapter Nine) and, through 

Keppler’s influence, Nazi Baron Kurt von Schröder became the guardian of I.T.T. interests in Germany. Schröder acted as the conduit for

CHAPTER FIVE: I.T.T. Works Both Sides of the War 

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I.T.T. money funneled to Heinrich Himmler’s S.S. organization in 1944, while World War II was in progress, and the United states was at war 

with Germany.

Through Kurt Schröder, Behn and his I.T.T. gained access to the profitable German armaments industry and bought substantial interest in 

German armaments firms, including Focke-Wolfe aircraft. These armaments operations made handsome profits, which could have been 

repatriated to the United States parent company. But they were reinvested in German rearmament. This reinvestment of profits in German 

armament firms suggests that Wall Street claims it was innocent of wrongdoing in German rearmament — and indeed did not even know of 

Hitler’s intentions — are fraudulent. Specifically, I.T.T. purchase of a substantial interest in Focke-Wolfe meant, as Anthony Sampson has 

pointed out, that I.T.T. was producing German planes used to kill Americans and their allies — and it made excellent profits out of the 

enterprise. 

In Kurt von Schröder, I.T.T. had access to the very heart of the Nazi power elite. Who was Schröder? Baron Kurt von Schröder was born in 

Hamburg in 1889 into an old, established German banking family. An earlier member of the Schröder family moved to London, changed his 

name to Schroder (without the dierisis) and organized the banking firm of J. Henry Schroder in London and J. Henry Schroder Banking 

Corporation in New York. Kurt von Schröder also became a partner in the private Cologne Bankhaus, J. H. Stein & Company, founded in the 

late eighteenth century. Both Schröder and Stein had been promoters, in company with French financiers, of the 1919 German separatist 

movement which attempted to split the rich Rhineland away from Germany and its troubles. In this escapade prominent Rhineland 

industrialists met at J. H. Stein’s house on January 7, 1919 and a few months later organized a meeting, with Stein as chairman, to develop 

public support for the separatist movement. The 1919 action failed. The group tried again in 1923 and spearheaded another movement to break 

the Rhineland away from Germany to come under the protection of France. This attempt also failed. Kurt yon Schrader then linked up with 

Hitler and the early Nazis, and as in the 1919 and 1923 Rhineland separatist movements, Schröder represented and worked for German 

industrialists and armaments manufacturers. 

In exchange for financial and industrial support arranged by yon Schrader, he later gained political prestige. Immediately after the Nazis gained 

power in 1933 Schrader became the German representative at the Bank for International Settlements, which Quigley calls the apex of the 

international control system, as well as head of the private bankers group advising the German Reichsbank. Heinrich Himmler appointed 

Sehroder an S.S. Senior Group Leader, and in turn Himmler became a prominent member of Keppler’s Circle. (See Chapter Nine.) 

In 1938 the Schroder Bank in London became the German financial agent in Great Britain, represented at financial meetings by its Managing 

Director (and a director of the Bank of England), F.C. Tiarks. By World War II Baron Schrader had in this manner acquired an impressive list 

of political and banking connections reflecting a widespread influence; it was even reported to the U.S. Kilgore Committee that Schrader was 

influential enough in 1940 to bring Pierre Laval to power in France. As listed by the Kilgore Committee, Sehroder’s political acquisitions in the 

early 1940s were as follows: 

SS Senior Group Leader. Iron Cross of 

First and Second Class. Trade Group for Wholesale and 

Foreign Trade – Manager. 

Swedish Consul General. Akademie fur Deutsches Recht 

(Academy of Germany Law) – 

Member 

International Chamber of Commerce – 

Member of administrative committee. City of Cologne – Councilor. 

Council of Reich Post Office – Member 

of advisory board. University of Cologne – Member of 

board of trustees. 

German Industrial and Commerce 

Assembly – Presiding member. Kaiser Wilhelm Foundation – Senator. 

Reich Board of Economic Affairs 

Member.  Advisory Council of 

German-Albanians. 

Deutsche Reichsbahn – President of 

administrative board. Goods Clearing Bureau – Member. 

Working Committee of Reich  Group 

for Industry and Commerce – Deputy 

chairman.5 

Schröder’s banking connections were equally impressive and his business connections (not listed here) would take up two pages: 

Bank for International Settlement – 

Member of the directorate.  Deutsche Verkehrs-Kredit-Bank, 

A.G., Berlin (Controlled by Deutsche 

Reichsbank) – Chairman of board of 

directors. 

J.H. Stein & Co, Cologne – Partner 

(Banque Worms was French 

cortespondent). 

Deutsche Ueberseeische Bank 

(Controlled by Deutsche Bank, Berlin) 

– Director.6 

Deutsche Reichsbank, Berlin. Adviser 

to board of directors. 

Wirtschaftsgruppe Private 

Bankegewerbe – Leader. 

This was the Schröder who, after 1933, represented Sosthenes Behn of I.T.T. and I.T.T. interests in Nazi Germany. Precisely because Schröder 

had these excellent political connections with Hitler and the Nazi State, Behn appointed Schröder to the boards of all the I.T.T. German

CHAPTER FIVE: I.T.T. Works Both Sides of the War 

4 of 5 

the transaction. 

Q. What year was it that the Lorenz Company made the investment which gave it this 25 percent participation in Foeke-Wolfe? 

A. I remember it was shortly before the outbreak of war, that is, shortly before the invasion of Poland. [Ed: 1939] 

Q Would Westrick know all about the details of the participations of Lorenz Company in Foeke-Wolfe, A.G. of Bremen? 

A. Yes. Better than I would. 

Q. What was the size of the investment that Lorenz Company made in the Focke-Wolfe A.G., of Bremen, which gave them the 

initial 25 percent participation? 

A. 250,000 thousand RM initially, and this was substantially increased, but I don’t recall the extent of the additional investments 

that Lorenz Company made to this Focke-Wolfe A.G. of Bremen. 

Q. From 1055, until the outbreak of the European War, was Colonel Behn in a position to transfer the profits from investments 

of his companies in Germany to his companies in the United States? 

A. Yes. While it would have required that his companies take a little less than the full dividends because of the difficulty of 

securing foreign exchange, the great bulk of the profits could have been transferred to the company of Colonel Behn in the 

United States. However, Colonel Behn did not elect to do this and at no time did he ask me if I could accomplish this for him. 

Instead, he appeared to be perfectly content to have all the profits of the companies in Germany, which he and his interests 

controlled, reinvesting these profits in new buildings and machinery and any other enterprises engaged in producing armaments. 

Another one of these enterprises, Huth and Company, G.m.b.H., of Berlin, which made radio and radar parts, many of which 

were used in equipment going to the German Armed Forces. The Lorenz Company as I recall it [had] a 50-percent participation 

in Huth and Company. The Lorenz Company also had a small subsidiary which acted as a sales agency for the Lorenz Company 

to private customers. 

Q. You were a member of the board of Lorenz Company’s board of director, from about 1935 up to the present time. During this 

time, Lorenz Company and some of the other companies, such as Foeke-Wolfe with which it had large participations, were 

engaged in the manufacture of equipment for armaments and war production. Did you know or did you hear of any protest made 

by Colonel Behn or his representatives against these companies engaged in these activities preparing Germany for war? 

A. No. 

Q. Are you positive that there was no other occasion in which you were asked by either Westrick, Mann [sic], Colonel Behn or 

any other person connected with the International Telephone and Telegraphic Company interests in Germany, to intervene on 

behalf of the company with the German authorities. 

A. Yes. I don’t remember any request for my intervention in any matter of importance to the Lorenz Company or any other 

International Telephone and Telegraph interests in Germany. 

I have read the record of this interrogation and I swear that the answers I have given to the question of Messrs. Adams and 

Pajus are true to the best of knowledge and belief. s/Kurt yon Schröder 

It was this story of I.T.T.-Nazi cooperation during World War II and I.T.T. association with Nazi Kurt von Schröder that I.T.T. wanted to 

conceal — and almost was successful in concealing. James Stewart Martin recounts how during the planning meetings of the Finance Division 

of the Control Commission he was assigned to work with Captain Norbert A. Bogdan, who out of uniform was vice president of the J. Henry 

Schroder Banking Corporation of New York. Martin relates that “Captain Bogdan had argued vigorously against investigation of the Stein 

Bank on the grounds that it was ‘small potatoes.'”11 Shortly after blocking this maneuver, two permanent members of Bogdan’s staff applied for 

permission to investigate the Stein Bank — although Cologne had not yet fallen to U.S. forces. Martin recalls that “The Intelligence Division 

blocked that one,” and so some information on the Stein-Schröder Bank-I.T.T. operation survived. 

Footnotes: 

For an excellent review of I.T.T.’s worldwide activities, see Anthony Sampson, The Sovereign State of I.T.T., (New York: Stein 

& Day, 1973). 

See also Sutton, Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution, op. cit. 

New York Times, August 4, 1933. 

See also Chapter Nine for documentary proof of these I.T.T. payments to the S.S. 

Elimination of German Resources, p. 871. 

Ibid. 

New York Times, July 20, 1936.

CHAPTER FIVE: I.T.T. Works Both Sides of the War 

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Anthony Sampson reports a meeting between I.T.T. vice president Kenneth Stockton and Westrick in which the preservation of 

I.T.T. properties was planned. See Anthony Sampson, op. cit., p. 39. 

There is no substance to reports that Rieber received $20,000 from the Nazis. These reports were investigated by the F.B.I. with 

no proof forthcoming. See United States Senate, Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the. Internal Security Act, 

Committee on the Judiciary, Morgenthau Diary (Germany), Volume I, 90th Congress, 1st Session, November 20, 1967, 

(Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1967), pp. 316-8. On Rieber see also Appendix to the Congressional Record, 

August 20, 1942, p, A 1501-2, Remarks of Hon. John M. Coffee. 

10 

See pp. 128-130 for further details. 

11 

James Stewart Martin, op. cit., p. 52. 

BACK 

CHAPTER SIX: Henry Ford and the Nazis 

1 of 4 

CHAPTER SIX 

Henry Ford and the Nazis 

I would like to outline the importance attached by high [Nazi] officials to respect the desire and maintain the good will of 

“Ford,” and by “Ford” I mean your father, yourself, and the Ford Motor Company, Dearborn. (Josiah E. Dubois, Jr, Generals in 

Grey Suits, London: The Bodley Head, 1953, p. 250.) 

Henry Ford is often seen to be something of an enigma among the Wall Street elite. For many years in the 20s and 30s Ford was popularly 

known as an enemy of the financial establishment. Ford accused Morgan and others of using war and revolution as a road to profit and their 

influence in social systems as a means of personal advancement. By 1938 Henry Ford, in his public statements, had divided financiers into two 

classes: those who profited from war and used their influence to bring about war for profit, and the “constructive” financiers. Among the latter 

group he now included the House of Morgan. During a 1938 New York Times interview1 Ford averred that: 

Somebody once said that sixty families have directed the destinies of the nation. It might well be said that if somebody would 

focus the spotlight on twenty-five persons who handle the nation’s finances, the world’s real warmakers would be brought into 

bold relief. 

The Times reporter asked Ford how he equated this assessment with his long-standing criticism of the House of Morgan, to which Ford replied: 

There is a constructive and a destructive Wall Street. The House of Morgan represents the constructive. I have known Mr. 

Morgan for many years. He backed and supported Thomas Edison, who was also my good friend …. 

After expounding on the evils of limited agricultural production — allegedly brought about by Wall Street — Ford continued, 

… if these financiers had their way we’d be in a war now. They want war because they make money out of such conflict — out of 

the human misery that wars bring. 

On the other hand, when we probe behind these public statements we find that Henry Ford and son Edsel Ford have been in the forefront of 

American businessmen who try to walk both sides of every ideological fence in search of profit. Using Ford’s own criteria, the Fords are 

among the “destructive” elements. 

It was Henry Ford who in the 1930s built the Soviet Union’s first modern automobile plant (located at Gorki) and which in the 50s and 60s 

produced the trucks used by the North Vietnamese to carry weapons and munitions for use against Americans.2 At about the same time, Henry 

Ford was also the most famous of Hitler’s foreign backers, and he was rewarded in the 1930s for this long-lasting support with the highest Nazi 

decoration for foreigners. 

This Nazi favor aroused a storm of controversy in the United States and ultimately degenerated into an exchange of diplomatic notes between 

the German Government and the State Department. While Ford publicly protested that he did not like totalitarian governments, we find in 

practice that Ford knowingly profited from both sides of World War II — from French and German plants producing vehicles at a profit for the 

Wehrmacht, and from U.S. plants building vehicles at a profit for the U.S. Army. 

Henry Ford’s protestations of innocence suggest, as we shall see in this chapter, that he did not approve of Jewish financiers profiting from war 

(as some have), but if anti-Semitic Morgan3 and Ford profited from war that was acceptable, moral and “constructive.” 

Henry Ford: Hitler’s First Foreign Backer 

On December 20, 1922 the New York Times reported4 that automobile manufacturer Henry Ford was financing Adolph Hitler’s nationalist and 

anti-Semitic movements in Munich. Simultaneously, the Berlin newspaper Berliner Tageblatt appealed to the American Ambassador in Berlin 

to investigate and halt Henry Ford’s intervention into German domestic affairs. It was reported that Hitler’s foreign backers had furnished a 

“spacious headquarters” with a “host of highly paid lieutenants and officials.” Henry Ford’s portrait was prominently displayed on the walls of 

Hitler’s personal office: 

The wall behind his desk in Hitler’s private office is decorated with a large picture of Henry Ford. In the antechamber there is a 

large table covered with books, nearly all of which are a translation of a book written and published by Henry Ford.

The same New York Times report commented that the previous Sunday Hitler had reviewed, 

The so-called Storming Battalion.., 1,000 young men in brand new uniforms and armed with revolvers and blackjacks, while 

Hitler and his henchmen drove around in two powerful brand-new autos. 

The Times made a clear distinction between the German monarchist parties and Hitler’s anti-Semitic fascist party. Henry Ford, it was noted, 

ignored the Hohenzollern monarchists and put his money into the Hitlerite revolutionary movement. 

These Ford funds were used by Hitler to foment the Bavarian rebellion. The rebellion failed, and Hitler was captured and subsequently brought 

to trial. In February 1923 at the trial, vice president Auer of the Bavarian Diet testified:

CHAPTER SIX: Henry Ford and the Nazis 

2 of 4 

The Bavarian Diet has long had the information that the Hitler movement was partly financed by an American anti-Semitic 

chief, who is Henry Ford. Mr. Ford’s interest in the Bavarian anti-Semitic movement began a year ago when one of Mr. Ford’s 

agents, seeking to sell tractors, came in contact with Diedrich Eichart, the notorious Pan-German. Shortly after, Herr Eichart 

asked Mr. Ford’s agent for financial aid. The agent returned to America and immediately Mr. Ford’s money began coming to 

Munich. 

Herr Hitler openly boasts of Mr. Ford’s support and praises Mr. Ford as a great individualist and a great anti-Semite. A 

photograph of Mr. Ford hangs in Herr Hitler’s quarters, which is the center of monarchist movement.

Hitler received a mild and comfortable prison sentence for his Bavarian revolutionary activities. The rest from more active pursuits enabled 

him to write Mein Kampf. Henry Ford’s book, The International Jew, earlier circulated by the Nazis, was translated by them into a dozen 

languages, and Hitler utilized sections of the book verbatim in writing Mein Kampf.7 

We shall see later that Hitler’s backing in the late 20s and early 30s came from the chemical, steel, and electrical industry cartels, rather than 

directly from individual industrialists. In 1928 Henry Ford merged his German assets with those of the I.G. Farben chemical cartel. A 

substantial holding, 40 percent of Ford Motor A.G. of Germany, was transferred to I.G. Farben; Carl Bosch of I.G. Farben became head of 

Ford A.G. Motor in Germany. Simultaneously, in the United States Edsel Ford joined the board of American I.G. Farben. (See Chapter Two.) 

Henry Ford Receives a Nazi Medal 

A decade later, in August 1938 — after Hitler had achieved power with the aid of the cartels — Henry Ford received the Grand Cross of the 

German Eagle, a Nazi decoration for distinguished foreigners. The New York Times reported it was the first time the Grand Cross had been 

awarded in the United States and was to celebrate Henry Ford’s 75th birthday.8 

The decoration raised a storm of criticism within Zionist circles in the U.S. Ford backed off to the extent of publicly meeting with Rabbi Leo 

Franklin of Detroit to express his sympathy for the plight of German Jews: 

My acceptance of a medal from the German people [said Ford] does not, as some people seem to think, involve any sympathy on 

my part with naziism. Those who have known me for many years realize that anything that breeds hate is repulsive to me.

The Nazi medal issue was picked up in a Cleveland speech by Secretary of Interior Harold Ickes. Ickes criticized both Henry Ford and Colonel 

Charles A. Lindbergh for accepting Nazi medals. The curious part of the Ickes speech, made at a Cleveland Zionist Society banquet, was his 

criticism of “wealthy Jews” and their acquisition and use of wealth: 

A mistake made by a non-Jewish millionaire reflects upon him alone, but a false step made by a Jewish man of wealth reflects 

upon his whole race. This is harsh and unjust, but it is a fact that must be faced.10 

Perhaps Ickes was tangentially referring to the roles of the Warburgs in the I.G. Farben cartel: Warburgs were on the board of I.G. Farben in 

the U.S. and Germany. In 1938 the Warburgs were being ejected by the Nazis from Germany. Other German Jews, such as the Oppenheim 

bankers, made their peace with the Nazis and were granted “honorary Aryan status.” 

Ford Motor Company Assists the German War Effort 

A post-war Congressional subcommittee investigating American support for the Nazi military effort described the manner in which the Nazis 

succeeded in obtaining U.S. technical and financial assistance as “quite fantastic.11 Among other evidence the Committee was shown a 

memorandum prepared in the offices of Ford-Werke A.G. on November 25, 1941, written by Dr. H. F. Albert to R. H. Schmidt, then president 

of the board of Ford-Werke A.G. The memo cited the advantages of having a majority of the German firm held by Ford Motor Company in 

Detroit. German Ford had been able to exchange Ford parts for rubber and critical war materials needed in 1938 and 1939 “and they would not 

have been able to do that if Ford had not been owned by the United States.” Further, with a majority American interest German Ford would 

“more easily be able to step in and dominate the Ford holdings throughout Europe.” It was even reported to the Committee that two top 

German Ford officials had been in a bitter personal feud about who was to control Ford of England, such “that one of them finally got up and 

left the room in disgust.” 

According to evidence presented to the Committee, Ford-Werke A.G. was technically transformed in the late 1930s into a German company. 

All vehicles and their parts were produced in Germany, by German workers using German materials under German direction and exported to 

European and overseas territories of the United States and Great Britain. Any needed foreign raw materials, rubber and nonferrous metals, 

were obtained through the American Ford Company. American influence had been more or less converted into a supporting position 

(Hilfsstellung) for the German Ford plants. 

At the outbreak of the war Ford-Werke placed itself at the disposal of the Wehrmacht for armament production. It was assumed by the Nazis 

that as long as Ford-Werke A.G. had an American majority, it would be possible to bring the remaining European Ford companies under 

German influence — i.e., that of Ford-Werke A.G. — and so execute Nazi “Greater European” policies in the Ford plants in Amsterdam, 

Antwerp, Paris, Budapest, Bucharest, and Copenhagen: 

A majority, even if only a small one, of Americans is essential for the transmittal of the newest American models, as well as 

American production and sales methods. With the abolition of the American majority, this advantage, as well as the intervention 

of the Ford Motor Company to obtain raw materials and exports, would be lost, and the German plant would practically only be 

worth its machine capacity.12 

And, of course, this kind of strict neutrality, taking an international rather than a national viewpoint, had earlier paid off for Ford Motor 

Company in the Soviet Union, where Ford was held in high regard as the ultimate of technical and economic efficiency to be achieved by the 

Stak-hanovites.

CHAPTER SIX: Henry Ford and the Nazis 

3 of 4 

In July 1942 word filtered back to Washington from Ford of France about Ford’s activities on behalf of the German war effort in Europe. The 

incriminating information was promptly buried and even today only part of the known documentation can be traced in Washington. 

We do know, however, that the U.S. Consul General in Algeria had possession of a letter from Maurice Dollfuss of French Ford — who 

claimed to be the first Frenchman to go to Berlin after the fall of France — to Edsel Ford about a plan by which Ford Motor could contribute to 

the Nazi war effort. French Ford was able to produce 20 trucks a day for the Wehrmacht, which [wrote Dollfuss] is better than, 

… our less fortunate French competitors are doing. The reason is that our trucks are in very large demand by the German 

authorities and I believe that as long as the war goes on and at least for some period of time, all that we shall produce will be 

taken by the German authorities …. I will satisfy myself by telling you that… the attitude you have taken, together with your 

father, of strict neutrality, has been an invaluable asset for the production of your companies in Europe.13 

Dollfuss disclosed that profits from this German business were already 1.6 million francs, and net profits for 1941 were no less than 

58,000,000 francs — because the Germans paid promptly for Ford’s output. On receipt of this news Edsel Ford cabled: 

Delighted to hear you are making progress. Your letters most interesting. Fully realize great handicap you are working under. 

Hope you and family well. Regards. 

s/ Edsel Ford14 

Although there is evidence that European plants owned by Wall Street interests were not bombed by the U.S. Air Force in World War II, this 

restriction apparently did not reach the British Bombing Command. In March 1942 the Royal Air Force bombed the Ford plant at Poissy, 

France. A subsequent letter from Edsel Ford to Ford General Manager Sorenson about this RAF raid commented, “Photographs of the plant on 

fire were published in American newspapers but fortunately no reference was made to the Ford Motor Company.15 In any event, the Vichy 

government paid Ford Motor Company 38 million francs as compensation for damage done to the Poissy plant. This was not reported in the 

U.S. press and would hardly be appreciated by those Americans at war with Naziism. Dubois asserts that these private messages from Ford in 

Europe were passed to Edsel Ford by Assistant Secretary of State Breckenridge Long. This was the same Secretary Long who one year later 

suppressed private messages through the State Department concerning the extermination of Jews in Europe. 16 Disclosure of those messages 

conceivably could have been used to assist those desperate people. 

A U.S. Air Force bombing intelligence report written in 1943 noted that, 

Principal wartime activities [of the Ford plant] are probably manufacture of light trucks and of spare parts for all the Ford 

trucks and cars in service in Axis Europe (including captured Russian Molotovs).16 

The Russian Molotovs were of course manufactured by the Ford-built works at Gorki, Russia. In France during the war, passenger automobile 

production was entirely replaced by military vehicles and for this purpose three large additional buildings were added to the Poissy factory. 

The main building contained about 500 machine tools, “all imported from the United States and including a fair sprinkling of the more 

complex types, such as Gleason gear cutters, Bullard automatics and Ingersoll borers.17 

Ford also extended its wartime activities into North Africa. In December 1941 a new Ford Company, Ford-Afrique, was registered in France 

and granted all the rights of the former Ford Motor Company, Ltd. of England in Algeria, Tunisia, French Morocco, French Equatorial, and 

French West Africa. North Africa was not accessible to British Ford so this new Ford Company — registered in German-occupied France — 

was organized to fill the gap. The directors were pro-Nazi and included Maurice Dollfuss (Edsel Ford’s correspondent) and Roger Messis 

(described by the U.S. Algiers Consul General as “known to this office by repute as unscrupulous, is stated to be a 100 percent pro-German”)18 

The U.S. Consul General also reported that propaganda was common in Algiers about 

… the collaboration of French-German-American capital and the questionable sincerity of the American war effort, [there] is 

already pointing an accusing finger at a transaction Which has been for long a subject of discussion in commercial circles.19 

In brief, there is documentary evidence that Ford Motor Company worked on both sides of World War II. If the Nazi industrialists brought to 

trial at Nuremburg were guilty of crimes against mankind, then so must be their fellow collaborators in the Ford family, Henry and Edsel Ford. 

However, the Ford story was concealed by Washington — apparently like almost everything else that could touch upon the name and 

sustenance of the Wall Street financial elite. 

Footnotes: 

June 4, 1938, 2:2. 

A list of these Gorki vehicles and their model numbers is in Antony G. Sutton, National Suicide: Military Aid to the Soviet 

Union, (New York: Arlington House Publishers, 1973), Table 7-2, p. 125. 

The House of Morgan was known for its anti-Semitic views. 

Page 2, Column 8. 

Ibid. 

Jonathan Leonard, The Tragedy of Henry Ford, (New York: G.P. Putnam’s Sons, 1932), p. 208. Also see U.S. State Department

CHAPTER SIX: Henry Ford and the Nazis 

4 of 4 

Decimal File, National Archives Microcopy M 336, Roll 80, Document 862.00S/6, “Money sources of Hitler,” a report from the 

U.S. Embassy in Berlin. 

On this see Keith Sward, The Legend of Henry Ford, (New York: Rinehart & Co, 1948), p. 139. 

New York Times, August l, 1938. 

Ibid., December 1, 1938, 12:2. 

10 

Ibid., December 19, 1938, 5:3. 

11 

Elimination of German Resources, p. 656. 

12 

Elimination of German Resources, pp. 657-8. 

13 

Josiah E. Dubois, Jr., Generals in Grey Suits, (London: The Bodley Head, 1958), p. 248. 

14 

Ibid., p. 249. 

15 

Ibid., p. 251. 

16 

Ibid. 

17 

U.S. Army Air Force, Aiming point report No I.E.2, May 29, 1943. 

18 

U.S. State Department Decimal File, 800/61o.1. 

19 

Ibid. 

BACK 

CHAPTER SEVEN: Who Financed Adolf Hitler? 

1 of 7 

CHAPTER SEVEN 

Who Financed Adolf Hitler? 

The funding of Hitler and the Nazi movement has yet to be explored in exhaustive depth. The only published examination of Hitler’s personal 

finances is an article by Oron James Hale, “Adolph Hitler: Taxpayer,1 which records Adolph’s brushes with the German tax authorities before 

he became Reichskanzler, In the 1920s Hitler presented himself to the German tax man as merely an impoverished writer living on bank loans, 

with an automobile .bought on credit. Unfortunately, the original records used by Hale do not yield the source of Hitler’s income, loans, or 

credit, and German law “did not require self-employed or professional persons to disclose in detail the sources of income or the nature of 

services rendered.”2 Obviously the funds for the automobiles, private secretary Rudolf Hess, another assistant, a chauffeur, and expenses 

incurred by political activity, came from somewhere. But, like Leon Trotsky’s 1917 stay in New York, it is hard to reconcile Hitler’s known 

expenditures with the precise source of his income. 

Some Early Hitler Backers 

We do know that prominent European and American industrialists were sponsoring all manner of totalitarian political groups at that time, 

including Communists and various Nazi groups. The U.S. Kilgore Committee records that: 

By 1919 Krupp was already giving financial aid to one of the reactionary political groups which sowed the seed of the present 

Nazi ideology. Hugo Stinnes was an early contributor to the Nazi Party (National Socialistische Deutsche Arbeiter Partei). By 

1924 other prominent industrialists and financiers, among them Fritz Thyssen, Albert Voegler, Adolph [sic] Kirdorf, and Kurt 

von Schroder, were secretly giving substantial sums to the Nazis. In 1931 members of the coalowners’ association which Kirdorf 

headed pledged themselves to pay 50 pfennigs for each ton of’ coal sold, the money to go to the organization which Hitler was 

building.

Hitler’s 1924 Munich trial yielded evidence that the Nazi Party received $20,000 from Nuremburg industrialists. The most interesting name 

from this period is that of Emil Kirdorf, who had earlier acted as conduit for financing German involvement in the Bolshevik Revolution.4 

Kirdorfs role in financing Hitler was, in his own words: 

In 1923 I came into contact for the first time with the National-Socialist movement …. I first heard the Fuehrer in the Essen 

Exhibition Hall. His clear exposition completely convinced and overwhelmed me. In 1927 I first met the Fuehrer personally. I 

travelled to Munich and there had a conversation with the Fuehrer in the Bruckmann home. During four and a half hours Adolf 

Hitler explained to me his programme in de tail. I then begged the Fuehrer to put together the lecture he had given me in the 

form of a pamphlet. I then distributed this pamphlet in my name in business and manufacturing circles. 

Since then I have placed myself completely at the disposition of his movement, Shortly after our Munich conversation, and as a 

result of the pamphlet which the Fuehrer composed and I distributed, a number of meetings took place between the Fuehrer and 

leading personalities in the field of indus. try. For the last time before the taking over of power, the leaders of industry met in my 

house together with Adolf Hitler, Rudolf Hess, Hermann Goering and other leading personalities of the party.

In 1925 the Hugo Stinnes family contributed funds to convert the Nazi weekly Volkischer Beobachter to a daily publication. Putzi 

Hanf-staengl, Franklin D. Roosevelt’s friend and protegé, provided the remaining funds.6 Table 7-1 summarizes presently known financial 

contributions and the business associations of contributors from the United States. Putzi is not listed in Table 7-1 as he was neither industrialist 

nor financier. 

In the early 1930s financial assistance to Hitler began to flow more readily. There took place in Germany a series of meetings, irrefutably 

documented in several sources, between German industrialists, Hitler himself, and more often Hitler’s representatives Hjalmar Sehaeht and 

Rudolf Hess. The critical point is that the German industrialists financing Hitler were predominantly directors of cartels with American 

associations, ownership, participation, or some form of subsidiary connection. The Hitler backers were not, by and large, firms of purely 

German origin, or representative of German family business. Except for Thyssen and Kirdoff, in most cases they were the German 

multi-national firms — i.e., I.G. Farben, A.E.G., DAPAG, etc. These multi-nationals had been built up by American loans in the 1920s, and in 

the early 1930s had American directors and heavy American financial participation. 

One flow of foreign political funds not considered here is that reported from the European-based Royal Dutch Shell, Standard Oil’s great 

competitor in the 20s and 30s, and the giant brainchild of Anglo-Dutch businessman Sir Henri Deterding. It has been widely asserted that 

Henri Deterding personally financed Hitler. This argument is made, for instance, by biographer Glyn Roberts in The Most Powerful Man in the 

World. Roberts notes that Deterding was impressed with Hitler as early as 1921: 

…and the Dutch press reported that, through the agent Georg Bell, he [Deterding] had placed at Hitler’s disposal, while the 

party was “still in long clothes,” no less than four million guilders.

It was reported (by Roberts) that in 1931 Georg Bell, Deterding’s agent, attended meetings of Ukrainian Patriots in Paris “as joint delegate of 

Hitler and Deterding.”8 Roberts also reports: 

Deterding was accused, as Edgar Ansell Mowrer testifies in his Germany Puts the Clock Back, of putting up a large sum of 

money for the Nazis on the understanding that success would give him a more favored position in the German oil market. On

CHAPTER SEVEN: Who Financed Adolf Hitler? 

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other occasions, figures as high as £55,000,000 were mentioned.

Biographer Roberts really found Deterding’s strong anti-Bolshevism distasteful, and rather than present hard evidence of funding he is inclined 

to assume rather than prove that Deterding was pro-Hitler. But pro-Hitlerism is not a necessary consequence of anti-Bolshevism; in any event 

Roberts offers no proof of finance, and hard evidence of Deterding’s involvement was not found by this author. 

Mowrer’s book contains neither index nor footnotes as to the source of his information and Roberts has no specific evidence for his 

accusations. There is circumstantial evidence that Deterding was pro-Nazi. He later went to live in Hitler’s Germany and increased his share of 

the German petroleum market. So there may have been some contributions, but these have not been proven. 

Similarly, in France (on January 11, 1932), Paul Faure, a member of the Chambre des Députés, accused the French industrial firm of 

Schneider-Creuzot of financing Hitler — and incidentally implicated Wall Street in other financing channels.10 

The Schneider group is a famous firm of French armaments manufacturers. After recalling the Schneider influence in establishment of Fascism 

in Hungary and its extensive international armaments operations, Paul Fauré turns to Hitler, and quotes from the French paper LeJournal, “that 

Hitler had received 300,000 Swiss gold francs” from subscriptions opened in Holland under the case of a university professor named von 

Bissing. The Skoda plant at Pilsen, stated Paul Fauré, was controlled by the French Schneider family, and it was the Skoda directors von 

Duschnitz and von Arthaber who made the subscriptions to Hitler. Fauré concluded: 

. . . I am disturbed to see the directors of Skoda, controlled by Schneider, subsidizing the electoral campaign of M. Hitler; I am 

disturbed to see your firms, your financiers, your industrial cartels unite themselves with the most nationalistic of Germans …. 

Again, no hard evidence was found for this alleged flow of Hitler funds. 

Fritz Thyssen and W.A. Harriman Company of New York 

Another elusive case of reported financing of Hitler is that of Fritz Thyssen, the German steel magnate who associated himself with the Nazi 

movement in the early 20s. When interrogated in 1945 under Project Dustbin,11 Thyssen recalled that he was approached in 1923 by General 

Ludendorf at the time of French evacuation of the Ruhr. Shortly after this meeting Thyssen was introduced to Hitler and provided funds for the 

Nazis through General Ludendorf. In 1930-1931 Emil Kirdorf approached Thyssen and subsequently sent Rudolf Hess to negotiate further 

funding for the Nazi Party. This time Thyssen arranged a credit of 250,000 marks at the Bank Voor Handel en Scheepvaart N.V. at 18 

Zuidblaak in Rotterdam, Holland, founded in 1918 with H.J. Kouwenhoven and D.C. Schutte as managing partners.12 This bank was a 

subsidiary of the August Thyssen Bank of Germany (formerly von der Heydt’s Bank A.G.). It was Thyssen’s personal banking operation, and it 

was affiliated with the W. A. Harriman financial interests in New York. Thyssen reported to his Project Dustbin interrogators that: 

I chose a Dutch bank because I did not want to be mixed up with German banks in my position, and because I thought it was 

better to do business with a Dutch bank, and I thought I would have the Nazis a little more in my hands.13 

Thyssen’s book I Paid Hitler, published in 1941, was purported to be written by Fritz Thyssen himself, although Thyssen denies authorship. 

The book claims that funds for Hitler — about one million marks — came mainly from Thyssen himself. I Paid Hitler has other unsupported 

assertions, for example that Hitler was actually descended from an illegitimate child of the Rothschild family. Supposedly Hitler’s 

grandmother, Frau Schickelgruber, had been a servant in the Rothschild household and while there became pregnant: 

… an inquiry once ordered by the late Austrian chancellor, Engelbert Dollfuss, yielded some interesting results, owing to the fact 

that the dossiers of the police department of the Austro-Hungarian monarch were remarkably complete.14 

This assertion concerning Hitler’s illegitimacy is refuted entirely in a more solidly based book by Eugene Davidson, which implicates the 

Frankenberger family, not the Rothschild family. 

In any event, and more relevant from our viewpoint, the August Thyssen front bank in Holland — i.e., the Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart 

N.V. — controlled the Union Banking Corporation in New York. The Harrimans had a financial interest in, and E. Roland Harriman (Averell’s 

brother) was a director of, this Union Banking Corporation. The Union Banking Corporation of New York City was a joint Thyssen-Harriman 

operation with the following directors in 1932:15 

E. Roland HARRIMAN Vice president of W. A. Harriman & Co., 

New York 

H.J. KOUWENHOVEN Nazi banker, managing partner of August 

Thyssen Bank and Bank voor Handel 

Scheepvaart N.V. (the transfer bank for 

Thyssen’s funds) 

J. G. GROENINGEN Vereinigte Stahlwerke (the steel cartel 

which also funded Hitler) 

C. LIEVENSE President, Union Banking Corp., New York 

City 

E. S. JAMES Partner Brown Brothers, later Brown 

Brothers, Harriman & Co. 

CHAPTER SEVEN: Who Financed Adolf Hitler? 

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TABLE 7-1: FINANCIAL LINKS BETWEEN U.S. INDUSTRIALISTS AND ADOLF HITLER 

Thyssen arranged a credit of 250,000 marks for Hitler, through this Dutch bank affiliated with the Harrimans. Thyssen’s book, later repudiated, 

states that as much as one million marks came from Thyssen. 

Thyssen’s U.S. partners were, of course, prominent members of the Wall Street financial establishment. Edward Henry Harriman, the 

nineteenth-century railroad magnate, had two sons, W. Averell Harriman (born in 1891), and E. Roland Harriman (born in 1895). In 1917 W. 

Averell Harriman was a director of Guaranty Trust Company and he was involved in the Bolshevik Revolution.16 According to his biographer, 

Averell started at the bottom of the career ladder as a clerk and section hand after leaving Yale in 1913, then “he moved steadily forward to 

positions of increasing responsibility in the fields of transportation and finance.17 In addition to his directorship in Guaranty Trust, Harriman 

formed the Merchant Shipbuilding Corporation in 1917, which soon became the largest merchant fleet under American flag. This fleet was 

disposed of in 1925 and Harriman entered the lucrative Russian market.18 

In winding up these Russian deals in 1929, Averell Harriman received a windfall profit of $1 million from the usually hard-headed Soviets, 

who have a reputation of giving nothing away without some present or later quid pro quo. Concurrently with these successful moves in 

international finance, Averell Harriman has always been attracted by so-called “public” service. In 1913 Harriman’s “public” service began 

with an appointment to the Palisades Park Commission. In 1933 Harriman was appointed chairman of the New York State Committee of 

Employment, and in 1934 became Administrative Officer of Roosevelt’s NRA — the Mussolini-like brainchild of General Electric’s Gerard 

Swope.19 There followed a stream of “public” offices, first the Lend Lease program, then as Ambassador to the Soviet Union, later as 

Secretary of Commerce. 

By contrast, E. Roland Harriman confined his activities to private business in international finance without venturing, as did brother Averell, 

into “public” service. In 1922 Roland and Averell formed W. A. Harri-man & Company. Still later Roland became chairman of the board of 

Union Pacific Railroad and a director of Newsweek magazine, Mutual Life Insurance Company of New York, a member of the board of 

governors of the American Red Cross, and a member of the American Museum of Natural History. 

Nazi financier Hendrik Jozef Kouwenhoven, Roland Harriman’s fellow-director at Union Banking Corporation in New York, was managing 

director of the Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart N.V. (BHS) of Rotterdam. In 1940 the BHS held approximately $2.2 million assets in the 

Union Banking Corporation, which in turn did most of its business with BHS.20 In the 1930s Kouwenhoven was also a director of the 

Vereinigte Stahlwerke A.G., the steel cartel founded with Wall Street funds in the mid-1920s. Like Baron Schroder, he was a prominent Hitler 

supporter. 

Another director of the New York Union Banking Corporation was Johann Groeninger, a German subject with numerous industrial and 

financial affiliations involving Vereinigte Stahlwerke, the August Thyssen group, and a directorship of August Thyssen Hutte A.G.21 

This affiliation and mutual business interest between Harriman and the Thyssen interests does not suggest that the Harrimans directly financed 

Hitler. On the other hand, it does show that the Harrimans were intimately connected with prominent Nazis Kouwenhoven and Groeninger and 

a Nazi front bank, the Bank voor Handel en Scheepvaart. There is every reason to believe that the Harrimans knew of Thyssen’s support for the 

Nazis. In the case of the Harrimans, it is important to bear in mind their long-lasting and intimate relationship with the Soviet Union and the 

Harriman’s position at the center of Roosevelt’s New Deal and the Democratic Party. The evidence suggests that some members of the Wall 

Street elite are connected with, and certainly have influence with, all significant political groupings in the contemporary world socialist 

spectrum — Soviet socialism, Hitler’s national socialism, and Roosevelt’s New Deal socialism. 

Financing Hitler in the March 1933 General Election 

Putting the Georg Bell-Deterding and the Thyssen-Harriman cases to one side, we now examine the core of Hitler’s backing. In May 1932 the 

so-called “Kaiserhof Meeting” took place between Schmitz of I.G. Farben, Max Ilgner of American I.G. Farben, Kiep of Hamburg-America 

Line, and Diem of the German Potash Trust. More than 500,000 marks was raised at this meeting and deposited to the credit of Rudolf Hess in 

the Deutsche Bank. It is noteworthy, in light of the “Warburg myth” described in Chapter Ten that Max Ilgner of the American I.G. Farben 

contributed 100,000 RM, or one-fifth of the total. The “Sidney Warburg” book claims Warburg involvement in the funding of Hitler, and Paul 

Warburg was a director of American I.G. Farben22 while Max Warburg was a director of I.G. Farben. 

There exists irrefutable documentary evidence of a further role of. international bankers and industrialists in the financing of the Nazi Party and 

the Volkspartie for the March 1933 German election. A total of three million Reichmarks was subscribed by prominent firms and businessmen, 

suitably “washed” through an account at the Delbruck Schickler Bank, and then passed into the hands of Rudolf Hess for use by Hitler and the 

NSDAP. This transfer of funds was followed by the Reichstag fire, abrogation of constitutional rights, and consolidation of Nazi power. 

Access to the Reichstag by the arsonists was obtained through a tunnel from a house where Putzi Hanfstaengel was staying; the Reichstag fire 

itself was used by Hitler as a pretext to abolish constitutional rights. In brief, within a few weeks of the major funding of Hitler there was a 

linked sequence of major events: the financial contribution from prominent bankers and industrialists to the 1933 election, burning of the 

Reichstag, abrogation of constitutional rights, and subsequent seizure of power by the Nazi Party. 

The fund-raising meeting was held February 20, 1933 in the home of Goering, who was then president of the Reichstag, with Hjalmar Horace 

Greeley Schacht acting as host. Among those present, according to I.G. Farben’s von Schnitzler, were: 

Krupp von Bohlen, who, in the beginning of 1933, was president of the Reichsverband der Deutschen Industrie Reich 

Association of German Industry; Dr. Albert Voegler, the leading man of the Vereinigte Stahlwerke; Von Loewenfeld; Dr, Stein, 

head of the Gewerkschaft Auguste-Victoria, a mine which belongs to the IG.23 

Hitler expounded his political views to the assembled businessmen in a lengthy two-and-one-half hour speech, using the threat of Communism

CHAPTER SEVEN: Who Financed Adolf Hitler? 

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and a Communist take-over to great effect: 

It is not enough to say we do not want Communism in our economy. If we continue on our old political course, then we shall 

perish …. It is the noblest task of the leader to find ideals that are stronger than the factors that pull the people together. I 

recognized even while in the hospital that one had to search for new ideals conducive to reconstruction. I found them in 

nationalism, in the value of personality, and in the denial of reconciliation between nations …. 

Now we stand before the last election. Regardless of the outcome, there will be no retreat, even if the coming election does not 

bring about decision, one way or another. If the election does not decide, the decision must be brought about by other means. I 

have intervened in order to give the people once more the chance to decide their fate by themselves …. 

There are only two possibilities, either to crowd back the opponent on constitutional grounds, and for this purpose once more 

this election; or a struggle will be conducted with other weapons, which may demand greater sacrifices. I hope the German 

people thus recognize the greatness of the hour.24 

After Hitler had spoken, Krupp von Bohlen expressed the support of the assembled industrialists and bankers in the concrete form of a 

three-million-mark political fund. It turned out to be more than enough to acquire power, because 600,000 marks remained unexpended after 

the election. 

Hjalmar Schacht organized this historic meeting. We have previously described Schacht’s links with the United States: his father was cashier 

for the Berlin Branch of Equitable Assurance, and Hjalmar was intimately involved almost on a monthly basis with Wall Street. 

The largest contributor to the fund was I.G. Farben, which como mitted itself for 80 percent (or 500,000 marks) of the total. Director A. 

Steinke, of BUBIAG (Braunkohlen-u. Brikett-Industrie A.G.), an I.G. Farben subsidiary, personally contributed another 200,000 marks. In 

brief, 45 percent of the funds for the 1933 election came from I.G. Farben. If we look at the directors of American I.G. Farben — the U.S. 

subsidiary of I.G. Farben — we get close to the roots of Wall Street involvement with Hitler. The board of American I.G. Farben at this time 

contained some of the most prestigious names among American industrialists: Edsel B. Ford of the Ford Motor Company, C.E. Mitchell of the 

Federal Reserve Bank of New York, and Walter Teagle, director of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York, the Standard Oil Company of New 

Jersey, and President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Georgia Warm Springs Foundation. 

Paul M. Warburg, first director of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York and chairman of the Bank of Manhattan, was a Farben director and 

in Germany his brother Max Warburg was also a director of I.G, Farben. H. A. Metz of I.G. Farben was also a director of the Warburg’s Bank 

of Manhattan. Finally, Carl Bosch of American I.G. Farben was also a director of Ford Motor Company A-G in Germany. 

Three board members of American I.G. Farben were found guilty at the Nuremburg War Crimes Trials: Max Ilgner, F. Ter Meer, and Hermann 

Schmitz. As we have noted, the American board members — Edsel Ford, C. E. Mitchell, Walter Teagle, and Paul Warburg — were not placed 

on trial at Nuremburg, and so far as the records are concerned, it appears that they were not even questioned about their knowledge of the 1933 

Hitler fund. 

The 1933 Political Contributions 

Who were the industrialists and bankers who placed election funds at the disposal of the Nazi Party in 1933? The list of contributors and the 

amount of their contribution is as follows: 

FINANCIAL CONTRIBUTIONS TO HITLER: 

Feb. 23-Mar. 13, 1933: 

(The Hjalmar Schacht account at Delbruck, Schickler Bank) 

Political Contributions by 

Firms (with selected affiliated 

directors) Amount 

Pledged Percent of 

Firm Total 

Verein fuer die Bergbaulichen 

Interessen (Kitdorf) $600,000 45.8 

I.G. Farbenindustrie (Edsel  Ford, 

C.E. Mitchell, Walter Teagle, 

Paul Warburg) 

400,000 30.5 

Automobile Exhibition, Berlin 

(Reichsverbund der 

Automobilindustrie S.V.) 

100,000 7.6 

A.E.G., German General Electric 

(Gerard Swope, Owen Young, 

C.H. Minor, Arthur Baldwin) 

60,000 4.6 

Demag 50,000 3.8 

Osram G.m.b.H. (Owen Young) 40,000 3.0 

Telefunken Gesellsehaft ruer  

drahtlose Telegraphic 85,000 2.7 

Accumulatoren-Fabrik A.G.  

(Quandt of A.E.G.) 25,000 1.9 

_____________ _____________ 

Total from industry 1,310,000 99.9

CHAPTER SEVEN: Who Financed Adolf Hitler? 

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Plus Political Contributions by Individual Businessmen: 

Karl Hermann 300,000 

Director A. Steinke (BUBIAG- 

Braunkohlen—u. Brikett — 

Industrie A.G.) 

200,000 

Dir. Karl Lange (Geschaftsfuhrendes 

Vostandsmitglied des Vereins Deutsches 

Maschinenbau—Anstalten) 

50,000 

Dr. F. Springorum (Chairman: Eisen-und 

Stahlwerke Hoesch A.G.) 36,000 

 

Source: See Appendix for translation of original document. 

How can we prove that these political payments actually took place? 

The payments to Hitler in this final step on the road to dictatorial Naziism were made through the private bank of Delbruck Sehickler. The 

Delbruck Schickler Bank was a subsidiary of Metallgesellschaft A.G. (“Metall”), an industrial giant, the largest non-ferrous metal company in 

Germany, and the dominant influence in the world’s nonferrous metal ‘trading. The principal shareholders of “Metall” were I.G. Farben and the 

British Metal Corporation. We might note incidentally that the British directors on the” Metall” Aufsichsrat were Walter Gardner 

(Amalgamated Metal Corporation) and Captain Oliver Lyttelton (also on the board of Amalgamated Metal and paradoxically later in World 

War II to become the British Minister of Production). 

There exists among the Nuremburg Trial papers the original transfer slips from the banking division of I.G. Farben and other firms listed on 

page 110 to the Delbruck Schickler Bank in Berlin, informing the bank of the transfer of funds from Dresdner Bank, and other banks, to their 

Nationale Treuhand (National Trusteeship) account. This account was disbursed by Rudolf Hess for Nazi Party expenses during the election. 

Translation of the I.G. Farben transfer slip, selected as a sample, is as follows:25 

Translation of I.G, Farben letter of February 27, 1933, advising of transfer of 400,000 Reichsmarks to National Trusteeship account: 

I.G. FARBENINDUSTRIE AKTIENGESELLSCHAFT 

Bank Department 

Firm: Delbruck Schickler & Co., 

BERLIN W.8 

Mauerstrasse 63/65, Frankfurt (Main) 20 

Our Ref: (Mention in Reply)                                            27 February 1933 

B./Goe. 

We are informing you herewith that we have authorized the Dresdner Bank in Frankfurt/M., to pay you tomorrow forenoon: RM 400,000 

which you will use in favor of the account “NATIONALE TREUHAND” (National Trusteeship). 

Respectfully, 

I.G. Farbenindustrie Aktiengesellschaft 

by Order: 

(Signed) SELCK (Signed) BANGERT 

By special delivery.26 

At this juncture we should take note of the efforts that have been made to direct our attention away from American financiers (and German 

financiers connected with American-affiliated companies) who were, involved with the funding of Hitler. Usually the blame for financing 

Hitler has been exclusively placed upon Fritz Thyssen or Emil Kirdorf. In the case of Thyssen this blame was widely circulated in a book 

allegedly authored by Thyssen in the middle of World War II but later repudiated by him.27 Why Thyssen would want to admit such actions 

before the defeat of Naziism is unexplained. 

Emil Kirdorf, who died in 1937, was always proud of his association with the rise of Naziism. The attempt to limit Hitler financing to Thyssen 

and Kirdorf extended into the Nuremburg trials in 1946, and was challenged only by the Soviet delegate. Even the Soviet delegate was 

unwilling to produce evidence of American associations; this is not surprising because the Soviet Union depends on the goodwill of these same 

financiers to transfer much needed advanced Western technology to the U.S.S.R. 

At Nuremburg, statements were made and allowed to go unchallenged which were directly contrary to the known direct evidence presented 

above. For example, Buecher, Director General of German General Electric, was absolved from sympathy for Hitler: 

Thyssen has confessed his error like a man and has courageously paid a heavy penalty for it. On the other side stand men like 

Reusch of the Gutehoffnungshuette, Karl Bosch, the late chairman of the I.G. Farben Aufsichtsrat, who would very likely have 

come to a sad end, had he not died in time. Their feelings were shared by the deputy chairman of the Aufsichtsrat of Kalle. The 

Siemens and AEG companies which, next to I.G. Farben, were the most powerful German concerns, and they were determined 

opponents of national socialism.

CHAPTER SEVEN: Who Financed Adolf Hitler? 

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I know that this unfriendly attitude on the part of the Siemens concern to the Nazis resulted in the firm receiving rather rough 

treatment. The Director General of the AEG (Allgemeine Elektrizitats Gesellschaft), Geheimrat Buecher, whom I knew from my 

stay in the colonies, was anything but a Nazi. I can assure General Taylor that it is certainly wrong to assert that the leading 

industrialists as such favored Hitler before his seizure of power.28 

Yet on page 56 of this book we reproduce a document originating with General Electric, transferring General Electric funds to the National 

Trusteeship account controlled by Rudolf Hess on behalf of Hitler and used in the 1933 elections. 

Similarly, von Schnitzler, who was present at the February 1933 meeting on behalf of I.G. Farben, denied I.G. Farben’s contributions to the 

1933 Nationale Treuhand: 

I never heard again of the whole matter [that of financing Hitler], but I believe that either the buro of Goering or Schacht or the 

Reichsverband der Deutschen Industrie had asked the of fice of Bosch or Schmitz for payment of IG’s share in the elec tion fund. 

As I did not take the matter up again I not even at that time knew whether and which amount had been paid by the IG. According 

to the volume of the IG, I should estimate IG’s share being something like 10 percent of the election fund, but as far as I know 

there is no evidence that I.G. Farben participated in the payments.29 

As we have seen, the evidence is incontrovertible regarding political cash contributions to Hitler at the crucial point of the takeover of power in 

Germany — and Hitler’s earlier speech to the industrialists clearly revealed that a coercive takeover was the premeditated intent. 

We know exactly who contributed, how much, and through what channels. It is notable that the largest contributors — I.G. Farben, German 

General Electric (and its affiliated company Osram), and Thyssen — were affiliated with Wall Street financiers. These Wall Street financiers 

were at the heart of the financial elite and they were prominent in contemporary American politics. Gerard Swope of General Electric was 

author of Roosevelt’s New Deal, Teagle was one of NRA’s top administrators, Paul Warburg and his associates at American I.G. Farben were 

Roosevelt advisors. It is perhaps not an extraordinary coincidence that Roosevelt’s New Deal — called a “fascist measure” by Herbert Hoover 

— should have so closely resembled Hitler’s program for Germany, and that both Hitler and Roosevelt took power in the same month of the 

same year — March 1933. 

Footnotes: 

The American Historical Review, Volume LC, NO. 4, July. 1955. p, 830. 

Ibid, fn. (2). 

Elimination of German Resources, p. 648. The Albert Voegler mentioned in the Kilgore Committee list of early Hitler 

supporters was the German representative on the Dawes Plan Commission. Owen Young of General Electric (see Chapter Three) 

was a U.S. representative for the Dawes Plan and formulated its successor, the Young Plan. 

Antony C. Sutton, Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution, op. cit, 

Preussiche Zettung, January 3, 1937. 

See p. 116. 

Glyn Roberts, The Most Powerful Man in the World, (New York: Covicl, Friede, 1938), p. 305. 

Ibid., p. 313. 

Ibid., p. 322. 

10 

See Chambre des Deputes — Debats, February 11, 1932, pp. 496-500. 

11 

U.S. Group Control Council (Germany0 Office of the Director of Intelligence, Field Information Agency, Technical). 

Intelligence Report No. EF/ME/1,4 September 1945. “Examination of Dr. Fritz Thyssen,” p, 13, Hereafter cited as Examination 

of Dr. Fritz Thyssen. 

12 

The Bank was known in Germany as Bank fur Handel und Schiff. 

13 

Examination of Dr. Fritz Thyssen. 

14 

Fritz Thyssen, I Paid Hitler, (New York: Farrar & Rinehart, Inc., 1941). p. 159. 

15 

Taken from Bankers Directory, !932 edition, p, 2557 and Poors, Directory of Directors. J.L. Guinter and Knight Woolley were 

also directors. 

16 

See Antony C. Sutton, Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution, op. cit. 

17 

National Cyclopaedia, Volume G, page 16.

CHAPTER SEVEN: Who Financed Adolf Hitler? 

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18 

For a description of these ventures, based on State Department files, see An, tony C. Sutton, Western Technology and Soviet 

Economic Development, Volume 1, op. cit. 

19 

See Antony C. Sutton, Wall Street and FDR. Chapter Nine, “Swope’s Plan,” op. cit. 

20 

See Elimination of German Resources, pp. 728-30. 

21 

For yet other connections between the Union Banking Corp, and German enterprises, see Ibid., pp. 728-30. 

22 

See Chapter Ten. 

23 

NMT, Volume VII, p. 555. 

24 

Josiah E. Dubois, Jr., Generals in Grey Suits op. cit., p. 323. 

25 

Original reproduced on page 64. 

26 

NMT, Volume VII, p. 565. See p. 64 for photograph of original document. 

27 

Fritz Thyssen, I Paid Hitler, (New York: Toronto: Farrat & Rinehart, Inc., 1941). 

28 

NMT, Volume VI, pp. 1169-1170. 

29 

NMT, Volume VII, p. 565. 

BACK 

CHAPTER EIGHT: Putzi: Friend of Hitler and Roosevelt 

1 of 4 

CHAPTER EIGHT 

Putzi: Friend of Hitler and Roosevelt 

Ernst Sedgewiek Hanfstaengl (or Hanfy or Putzi, as he was more usually called), like Hjalmar Horaee Greeley Sehacht, was another 

German-American at the core of the rise of Hitlerism. Hanfstaengl was born into a well-known New England family; he was a cousin of Civil 

War General John Sedgewiek and a grandson of another Civil War General, William Heine. Introduced to Hitler in the early l920s by Captain 

Truman-Smith, the U.S. Military Attaehe in Berlin, Putzi became an ardent Hitler supporter, on occasion financed the Nazis and, according to 

Ambassador William Dodd, “… is said to have saved Hitler’s life in 1923.”1 

By coincidence, S.S. leader Heinrich Himmler’s father was also Putni’s form master at the Royal Bavarian Wilhelms gymnasium. Putzi’s 

student day friends at Harvard University were “such outstanding future figures” as Walter Lippman, John Reed (who figures prominently in 

Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution), and Franklin D. Roosevelt. After a few years at Harvard, Putzi established the family art business in 

New York; it was a delightful combination of business and pleasure, for as he says, “the famous names who visited me were legion, Pierpont 

Morgan, Toscanini, Henry Ford, Caruso, Santos-Dumont, Charlie Chaplin, Paderewski, and a daughter of President Wilson.”2 It was also at 

Harvard that Putzi made friends with the future President Franklin Delano Roosevelt: 

I took most of my meals at the Harvard Club, where I made friends with the young Franklin D. Roosevelt, at that time a rising 

New York State Senator. Also I received several invitations to visit his distant cousin Teddy, the former President, who had 

retired to his estate at Sagamore Hill.

From these varied friendships (or perhaps after reading this book and its predecessors, Wall Street and FDR and Wall Street and the Bolshevik 

Revolution, the reader may consider Putzi’s friendship to have been confined to a peculiarly elitist circle), Putzi became not only an early 

friend, backer and financier of Hitler, but among those early Hitler supporters he was, “., . almost the only person who crossed the lines of his 

(Hitler’s) groups of acquaintances.”4 

In brief, Putzi was an American citizen at the heart of the Hitler entourage from the early 1920s to the late 1930s. In 1943, after falling out of 

favor with the Nazis and interned by the Allies, Putzi was bailed out of the miseries of a Canadian prisoner of war camp by his friend and 

protector President Franklin D. Roosevelt. When FDR’s actions threatened to become an internal political problem in the United States, Putzi 

was re-interned in England. As if it is not surprising enough to find both Heinrich Himmler and Franklin D. Roosevelt prominent in Putzi’s life, 

we also discover that the Nazi Stormtrooper marching songs were composed by Hanfstaengl, “including the one that was played by the 

brownshirt columns as they marched through the Brandenburger Tor on the day Hitler took over power.5 To top this eye-opener, Putzi averred 

that the genesis of the Nazi chant “Sieg Heil, Sieg Heil,” used in the Nazi mass rallies, was none other than “Harvard, Harvard, Harvard, rah, 

rah, rah.” 

Putzi certainly helped finance the first Nazi daily press, the Volkische Beobachter. Whether he saved Hitler’s life from the Communists is less 

verifiable, and while kept out of the actual writing process of Mein Kampf — much to his disgust — Putzi did have the honor to finance its 

publication, “and the fact that Hitler found a functioning staff when he was released from jail was entirely due to our efforts. ,”7 

When Hitler came to power in March 1933, simultaneously with Franklin Delano Roosevelt in Washington, a private “emissary” was sent from 

Roosevelt in Washington, D.C. to Hanfstaengl in Berlin, with a message to the effect that as it appeared Hitler would soon achieve power in 

Germany, Roosevelt hoped, in view of their long acquaintance, that Putzi would do his best to prevent any rashness and hot-headedness. 

“Think of your piano playing and try and use the soft pedal if things get too loud,” was FDR’s message. “If things start getting awkward please 

get in touch with our ambassador at once.8 

Hanfstaengl kept in close touch with the American Ambassador in Berlin, William E. Dodd — apparently much to his disgust, because Putzi’s 

recorded comments on Dodd are distinctly unflattering: 

In many ways, he [Dodd] was an unsatisfactory representative. He was a modest little Southern history professor, who ran his 

embassy on a shoestring and was probably trying to save money out of his pay. At a time when it needed a robust millionaire to 

compete with the flamboyance of the Nazis, he teetered around self-effacingly as if he were still on his college campus. His mind 

and his prejudices were small.

In point of fact Ambassador Dodd pointedly tried to decline Roosevelt’s Ambassadorial appointment. Dodd had no inheritance and preferred to 

live on his State Department pay rather than political spoils; unlike the politician Dodd was particular from whom he received money. In any 

event, Dodd commented equally harshly on Putzi, “he gave money to Hitler in 1923, helped him write Mein Kampf, and was in every way 

familiar with Hitler’s motives ….” 

Was Hanfstaengl an agent for the Liberal Establishment in the U.S.? We can probably rule out this possibility because, according to Ladislas 

Farago, it was Putzi who blew the whistle on top-level British penetration of the Hitler command. Farago reports that Baron William S. de 

Ropp had penetrated the highest Nazi echelons in pre-World War II days and Hitler used de Ropp “… as his confidental consultant about 

British affairs.10 De Ropp was suspected as being a double agent only by Putzi. According to Farago: 

The only person … who ever suspected him of such duplicity and cautioned the Fuehrer about him was the erratic Putzt 

Hanfstaengl, the Harvard educated chief of Hitler’s office dealing with the foreign press. 

As Farago notes, “Bill de Ropp was playing the game In both camps — a double agent at the very top.”11 Putzi was equally diligent in warning 

his friends, the Hermann Goerings, about potential spies in their camp. Witness the following extract from Putzi’s memoirs, in which he points

CHAPTER EIGHT: Putzi: Friend of Hitler and Roosevelt 

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the accusing finger of espionage at the Goerings’ gardener.. 

“Herman,” I said one day, “I will bet any money that fellow Greinz is a police spy.” “Now really, Putzi,” Karin [Mrs. Herman 

Goertng] broke in, “he’s such a nice fellow and he’s a wonderful gardener.” “He’s doing exactly what a spy ought to do,” I told 

her, “he has made himself indispensable.”12 

By 1941 Putzi was out of favor with Hitler and the Nazis, fled Germany, and was interned in a Canadian prisoner of war camp. With Germany 

and the United States now at war Putzi re-calculated the odds and concluded, “Now I knew for certain that Germany would be defeated.”13 

Putzi’s release from the POW camp came with the personal intervention of old friend President Roosevelt: 

One day a correspondent of the Hearst press named Kehoe obtained permission to visit Fort Hens. I managed to have a few 

words with him in a corner. “I know your boss well,” I told him. “Will you do me a small service?” Fortunately he recognized my 

name. 

I gave him a letter, which he slipped into his pocket. It was addressed to the American Secretary of State, Cordell Hull. A few 

days later it was on the desk of my Harvard Club friend, Franklin Delano Roosevelt. In it I offered to act as a political and 

psychological warfare adviser in the war against Germany.14 

The response and offer to “work” for the American side was accepted. Putzi was installed in comfortable surroundings with his son, U.S. Army 

Sergeant Egon Hanfstaengl, also there as a personal aide. In 1944, under pressure of a Republican threat to blow the whistle on Roosevelt’s 

favoritism for a former Nazi, Egon was shipped out to New Guinea and Putzi hustled off to England, where the British promptly interned him 

for the duration of the war, Roosevelt or no Roosevelt, 

Putzi’s Role in the Reichstag Fire 

Putzi’s friendships and political manipulations may or may not be of any great consequence, but his role in the Reichstag fire is significant. The 

firing of the Reichstag on February 27, 1933 is one of the key events of modern times. The fire was used by Adolf Hitler to claim imminent 

Communist revolution, suspend constitutional rights, and seize totalitarian power. From that point on there was no turning back for Germany; 

the world was set upon the course to World War II. 

At the time the firing of the Reichstag was blamed on the Communists, but there is little question in historical perspective that the fire was 

deliberately set by the Nazis to provide an excuse to seize political power. Fritz Thyssen commented in the post-war Dustbin interrogations: 

When the Reichstag was burned, everyone was sure it had been done by the communists. I later learned in Switzerland that it 

was all a lie.15 

Schacht states quite emphatically: 

Nowadays it would be quite clear that this action could not be fastened on the Communist Party. To what extent individual 

National Socialists co-operated in the planning and execution of the deed will be difficult to establish, but in view of all that has 

been revealed in the meantime, the fact must be accepted that Goebbels and Goering each played a leading part, the one in 

planning, the other in carrying out the plan.16 

The Reichstag fire was deliberately set, probably utilizing a flammable liquid, by a group of experts. This is where Putzi Hanfstaengl comes 

into the picture. The key question is how did this group, bent on arson, gain access to the Reichstag to do the job? After 8 p.m. only one door in 

the main building was unlocked and this door was guarded. Just before 9 p.m. a tour of the building by watchmen indicated all was well; no 

flammable liquids were noticed and nothing was out of the ordinary in the Sessions Chamber where the fire started. Apparently no one could 

have gained access to the Reichstag building after 9 p.m., and no one was seen to enter or leave between 9 p.m. and the start of the fire. 

There was only one way a group with flammable materials could have entered the Reichstag — through a tunnel that ran between the 

Reichstag and the Palace of the Reichstag President. Hermann Goering was president of the Reichstag and lived in the Palace, and numerous 

S.A. and S.S. men were known to be in the Palace. In the words of one author: 

The use of the underground passage, with all its complications, was possible only to National-Socialists, the advance and escape 

of the incendiary gang was feasible only with the connivance of highly-placed employees of the Reichstag. Every clue, every 

probability points damningly in one direction, to the conclusion that the burning of the Reichstag was the work of 

National-Socialists.17 

How does Putzi Hanfstaengl fit into this picture of arson and political intrigue? 

Putzi — by his own admission — was in the Palace room at the other end of the tunnel leading to the Reichstag. And according to The 

Reichstag Fire Trial, Putzi Hanfstaengl was actually in the Palace itself during the fire: 

propaganda apparatus stood ready, and the leaders of the Storm Troopers were in their places. With the official bulletins 

planned in advance, the orders of arrest prepared, Karwahne, Frey and Kroyer waiting patiently in their cafe, the preparations 

were complete, the scheme almost perfect.18 

Dimitrov also asserts that: 

The National-Socialist leaders, Hitler, Goering and Goebbels, together with the high National-Socialist officials, Daluege, 

Hanfstaengl and Albrecht, happened to be present in Berlin on the day of the fire, despite that the election campaign was at its 

highest pitch throughout Germany, six days before the poll. Goering and Goebbels, under oath, furnished contradictory

CHAPTER EIGHT: Putzi: Friend of Hitler and Roosevelt 

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explanations for their “fortuitous” presence in Berlin with Hitler on that day. The National-Socialist Hanfstaengl, as Goering’s 

“guest,” was present in the Palace of the Reichstag President, immediately adjacent to the Reichstag, at the time when the .fire 

broke out, although his “host” was not there at that time.19 

According to Nazi Kurt Ludecke, there once existed a document signed by S.A. Leader Karl Ernst — who supposedly set the fire and was later 

murdered by fellow Nazis — which implicated Goering, Goebbels, and Hanfstaengl in the conspiracy. 

Roosevelt’s New Deal and Hitler’s New Order 

Hjalmar Schacht challenged his post-war Nuremburg interrogators with the observation that Hitler’s New Order program was the same as 

Roosevelt’s New Deal program in the United States. The interrogators understandably snorted and rejected the observation. However, a little 

research suggests that not only are the two programs quite similar in content, but that Germans had no trouble in observing the similarities. 

There is in the Roosevelt Library a small book presented to FDR by Dr. Helmut Magers in December 1933.20 On the flyleaf of this 

presentation copy is written the inscription, 

To the President of the United States, Franklin D. Roosevelt, in profound admiration of his conception of a new economic order 

and with devotion for his personality. The author, Baden, Germany, November 9, 1933. 

FDR’s reply to this admiration for his new economic order was as follows:21 

(Washington) December 19, 1933 

My dear Dr. Magers: I want to send you my thanks for the copy of your little book about me and the “New Deal.” Though, as 

you know, I went to school in Germany and could speak German with considerable fluency at one time, I am reading your book 

not only with great interest but because it will help my German. 

Very sincerely yours, 

The New Deal or the new economic order” was not a creature of classical liberalism. It was a creature of corporate socialism. Big business as 

reflected in Wall Street strived for a state order in which they could control industry and eliminate competition, and this was the heart of FDR’s 

New Deal. General Electric, for example, is prominent in both Nazi Germany and the New Deal. German General Electric was a prominent 

financier of Hitler and the Nazi Party, and A.E.G. also financed Hitler both directly and indirectly through Osram. International General 

Electric in New York was a major participant in the ownership and direction of both A.E.G. and Osram. Gerard Swope, Owen Young, and A. 

Baldwin of General Electric in the United States were directors of A.E.G. However, the story does not stop at General Electric and financing of 

Hitler in 1933. 

In a previous book, Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution, the author identified the role of General Electric in the Bolshevik Revolution and 

the geographic location of American participants as at 120 Broadway, New York City; the executive offices of General Electric were also at 

120 Broadway. When Franklin Delano Roosevelt was working in Wall Street, his address was also 120 Broadway. In fact, Georgia Warm 

Springs Foundation, the FDR Foundation, was located at 120 Broadway. The prominent financial backer of an early Roosevelt Wall Street 

venture from 120 Broadway was Gerard Swope of General Electric. And it was “Swope’s Plan” that became Roosevelt’s New Deal — the 

fascist plan that Herbert Hoover was unwilling to foist on the United States. In brief, both Hitler’s New Order and Roosevelt’s New Deal were 

backed by the same industrialists and in content were quite similar — i.e., they were both plans for a corporate state. 

There were then both corporate and individual bridges between FDR,s America and Hitler’s Germany. The first bridge was the American I.G. 

Farben, American affiliate of I.G. Farben, the largest German corporation. On the board of American I.G. sat Paul Warburg, of the Bank of 

Manhattan and the Federal Reserve Bank of New York. The second bridge was between International General’ Electric, a wholly owned 

subsidiary of General Electric Company and its partly owned affiliate in Germany, A.E.G. Gerard Swope, who formulated FDR’s New Deal, 

was chairman of I.G.E. and on the board of A.E.G. The third “bridge” was between Standard Oil of New Jersey and Vacuum Oil and its wholly 

owned German subsidiary, Deutsche-Amerikanisehe Gesellschaft. The chairman of Standard Oil of New Jersey was Walter Teagle, of the 

Federal Reserve Bank of New York. He was a trustee of Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s Georgia Warm Springs Foundation and appointed by 

FDR to a key administrative post in the National Recovery Administration. 

These corporations were deeply involved in both the promotion of Roosevelt’s New Deal and the construction of the military power of Nazi 

Germany. Putzi Hanfstaengl’s role in the early days, up to the mid-1930s anyway, was an informal link between the Nazi elite and the White 

House. After the mid-1930s, when the world was set on the course for war, Putzis importance declined — while American Big Business 

continued to be represented through such intermediaries as Baron Kurt von Schroder attorney Westrick, and membership in Himmler’s Circle 

of Friends. 

Footnotes: 

William E. Dodd, Ambassador Dodd’s Diary, 1933-1938, (New York: Harcourt, Brace & Co., 1941), p. 360. 

Ernst Hanfstaengl, Unheard Witness, (New York: J.B. Lippincott, 1957), p. 28. 

Ibid., p. 

Ibid., p. 52. 

Ibid., p. 53.

CHAPTER EIGHT: Putzi: Friend of Hitler and Roosevelt 

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Ibid., p. 59. 

Ibid., p. 122. 

Ibid., pp. 197-8. 

Ibid., p. 214. 

10 

Ladislas Farago, The Game of the Foxes, (New York: Bantam, 1973), p. 97. 

11 

Ibid., p. 106. 

12 

Ernst Hanfstaengl, Unheard Witness, op. cit., p. 76. 

13 

Ibid. 

14 

Ibid., pp. 310-11. 

15 

Dustbin report EF/Me/1. Interview of Thyssen, p. 13. 

16 

Hjalmar Horace Greeley Schacht, Confessions of” The Old Wizard,” (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1956), p. 276. 

17 

George Dimitrov, The Reichstag Fire Trial, (London: The Bodley Head, 1934), p. 309. 

18 

Ibid., p. 310. 

19 

Ibid., p. 311. 

20 

Helmut Magers, Ein Revolutionar Aus Common Sense, (Leipzig: R. Kittler Verlag, 1934). 

21 

Nixon, Edgar B., Editor, Franklin D. Roosevelt and Foreign Affairs, (Cambridge: The Belknap Press of Harvard University 

Press, 1969), Volume 1: January 1933-February 1934. Franklin D. Roosevelt Library. Hyde Park, New York. 

BACK 

CHAPTER NINE: Wall Street and the Nazi Inner Circle 

1 of 5 

CHAPTER NINE 

Wall Street and the Nazi Inner Circle 

During the entire period of our business contacts we. had no inkling of Farben’s conniving part in Hitler’s brutal policies. We 

offer any help we can give to see that complete truth is brought to light and that rigid justice is done. (F. W. Abrams, Chairman 

of the Board, Standard Oil of New Jersey, 1946.) 

Adolf Hitler, Hermann Goering, Josef Goebbels, and Heinrich Himmler, the inner group of Naziism, were at the same time heads of minor 

fiefdoms within the Nazi State. Power groups or political cliques were centered around these Nazi leaders, more importantly after the late 

1930s around Adolf Hitler and Heinrich Himmler, Reich-Leader of the S.S. (the dreaded Schutzstaffel). The most important of these Nazi inner 

circles was created by order of the Fuehrer; it was known first as the Keppler Circle and later as Himmler’s Circle of Friends. 

The Keppler Circle originated as a group of German businessmen supporting Hitler’s rise to power before and during 1933. In the mid-1930s 

the Keppler Circle came under the influence and protection of S.S. chief Himmler and the organizational control of Cologne banker and 

prominent Nazi businessman Kurt von Schroder. Schroder, it will be recalled, was head of the J.H. Stein Bank in Germany and affiliated with 

the L. Henry Schroder Banking Corporation of New York. It is within this innermost of the inner circles, the very core of Naziism, that we find 

Wall Street, including Standard Oil of New Jersey and I.T.T., represented from 1933 to as late as 1944. 

Wilhelm Keppler, founder of the original Circle of Friends, typifies the well-known phenomenon of a politicized businessman — i.e., a 

businessman who cultivates the political arena rather than the impartial market place for his profits. Such businessmen have been interested In 

promoting socialist causes, because a planned socialist society provides a most lucrative opportunity for contracts through political influence. 

Scenting such profitable opportunities, Keppler joined the national socialists and was close to Hitler before 1933. The Circle of Friends grew 

out of a meeting between Adolf Hitler and Wilhelm Keppler in December 1931. During the course of their conversation — this was several 

years before Hitler became dictator — the future Fuehrer expressed a wish to have reliable German businessmen available for economic advice 

when the Nazis took power. “Try to get a few economic leaders — they need not be Party members — who will be at our disposal when we 

come into power.1 This Keppler undertook to do. 

In March 1933 Keppler was elected to the Reichstag and became Hitler’s financial expert. This lasted only briefly. Keppler was replaced by the 

infinitely more capable Hjalmar Schacht, and sent to Austria where in 1938 he became Reichs Commissioner, but still able to use his position 

to acquire considerable power in the Nazi State. Within a few years he captured a string of lucrative directorships in German firms, including 

chairman of the board of two I.G. Farben subsidiaries: Braunkohle-Benzin A.G. and Kontinental Oil A.G. Braunkohle-Benzin was the German 

exploiter of the Standard Oil of New Jersey technology for production of gasoline from coal. (See Chapter Four.) 

In brief, Keppler war the chairman of the very firm that utilized American technology for the indispensible synthetic gasoline which enabled 

the Wehrmacht to go to war in 1939. This is significant because, when linked with other evidence presented in this chapter, it suggests that the 

profits and control of these fundamentally important technologies for German military ends were retained by a small group of international 

firms and businessmen operating across national borders. 

Keppler’s nephew, Fritz Kranefuss, under his uncle’s protection, also gained prominence both as Adjutant to S.S. Chief Heinrich Himmler and 

as a businessman and political operator. It was Kranefuss’ link with Himmler which led to the Keppler circle gradually drawing away from 

Hitler in the 1930s to come within Himmler’s orbit, where in exchange for annual donations to Himmler’s pet S.S. projects Circle members 

received political favors and not inconsiderable protection from the S.S. 

Baron Kurt von Schroder was, as we have noted, the I.T.T. representative in Nazi Germany and an early member of the Keppler Circle. The 

original Keppler Circle consisted of: 

THE ORIGINAL (PRE-1932) MEMBERS OF THE KEPPLER CIRCLE 

Circle Member Main Associations 

Wilhelm KEPPLER Chairman of I.G. Farben subsidiary 

Braunkohle-Benzin A.G. (exploited 

Standard Oil of N.J. oil from coal 

technology) 

Fritz KRANEFUSS Keppler’s nephew and Adjutant to Heinrich 

Himmler. On Vorstand of BRABAG 

Kurt von SCHRODER On board of all International Telephone & 

Telegraph subsidiaries in Germany 

Karl Vincenz KROGMANN Lord Mayor of Hamburg 

August ROSTERG General Director of WINTERSHALL 

Emil MEYER On the board of I.T.T. subsidiaries and 

German General Electric. 

Otto STEINBRINCK Vice president of VEREINIGTE 

STAHLWERKE (steel cartel founded with 

Wall Street loans in 1926)

CHAPTER NINE: Wall Street and the Nazi Inner Circle 

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Hjalmar SCHACHT President of the REICHSBANK 

Emil HELFFRICH Board chairman of 

GERMAN-AMERICAN PETROLEUM 

CO. (94-percent owned by Standard Oil of 

New Jersey) (See above under Wilhelm 

Keppler) 

Friedrich REINHARDT Board chairman COMMERZBANK 

Ewald HECKER Board chairman of ILSEDER HUTTE 

Graf von BISMARCK Government president of STETTIN 

The S.S. Circle of Friends 

The original Circle of Friends met with Hitler in May 1932 and heard a statement of Nazi objectives. Heinrich Himmler then became a 

frequent participant in the meetings, and through Himmler, various S.S. officers as well as other businessmen joined the group. This expanded 

group in time became Himmler’s Circle of Friends, with Himmler acting as protector and expeditor for its members. 

Consequently, banking and Industrial interest — were heavily represented in the inner circle of Naziism, and their pre-1933 financial 

contributions to Hitlerism which we have earlier enumerated were amply repaid. Of the “Big Five” German banks, the Dresdner Bank had the 

closest connections with the Nazi Party: at least a dozen members of Dresdner Bank’s board of directors had high Nazi rank and no fewer than 

seven Dresdner Bank directors were among Keppler’s expanded Circle of Friends, which never exceeded 40. 

When we examine the names comprising both the original pre-1933 Keppler Circle and the post-1933 expanded Keppler and Himmler’s Circle, 

we find the Wall Street multi-nationals heavily represented — more so than any other institutional group. Let us take each Wall Street 

multinational or its German associate in turn — those identified in Chapter Seven as linked to financing Hitler — and examine their links to 

Keppler and Heinrich Himmler. 

I.G. Farben and the Keppler Circle 

I.G. Farben was heavily represented within the Keppler Circle: no fewer than eight out of the peak circle membership of 40 were directors of 

I.G. Farben or a Farben subsidiary. These eight members included the previously described Wilhelm Keppler and his nephew Kranefuss, in 

addition to Baron Kurt von Schroder. The Farben presence was emphasized by member Hermann Schmitz, chairman of I.G. Farben and a 

director of Vereinigte Stahlwerke, both cartels built and consolidated by the Wall Street loans of the 1920s. A U.S. Congressional report 

described Hermann Schmitz as follows: 

Hermann Schmitz, one of the most important persons in Germany, has achieved outstanding success simultaneously in the three 

separate fields, industry, finance, and government, and has served with zeal and devotion every government in power. He 

symbolizes the German citizen who out of the devastation of the First World War made possible the Second. 

Ironically, his may be said to be the greater guilt in that in 1919 he was a member of the Reich’s peace delegation, and in the 

1930’s was in a position to teach the Nazis much that theft had to know concerning economic penetration, cartel uses, synthetic 

materials for war.

Another Keppler Circle member on the I.G. Farben board was Friedrich Flick, creator of the steel cartel Vereinigte Stahlwerke and a director 

of Allianz Versicherungs A.G. and German General Electric (A.E.G.). 

Heinrich Schmidt, a director of Dresdner Bank and chairman of the board of I.G. Farben subsidiary Braunkohle-Benzin A.G., was in the circle; 

so was Karl Rasehe, another director of the Dresdner Bank and a director of Metallgesellschaft (parent of the Delbruck Schickler Bank) and 

Accumulatoren-Fabriken A.G. Heinrich Buetefisch was also a director of I.G. Farben and a member of the Keppler Circle. In brief, the I.G. 

Farben contribution to Rudolf Hess’ Nationale Treuhand — the political slush fund — was confirmed after the 1933 takeover by heavy 

representation in the Nazi inner circle. 

How many of these Keppler Circle members in the I.G. Farben complex were affiliated with Wall Street? 

MEMBERS OF THE ORIGINAL KEPPLER CIRCLE 

ASSOCIATED WITH U.S. MULTI-NATIONALS 

Member of 

Keppler Circle I.G. Farben I.T.T. Standard Oil 

of New Jersey General 

Electric 

Wilhelm KEPPLER Chairman of Farben 

subsidiary BRABAG — 

Fritz KRANEFUSS On Aufsichrat of 

BRABAG — 

Emil Heinrich 

MEYER On board of all 

I.T.T. German 

subsidiaries: 

Standard/Mix & 

Genest/Lorenz 

— 

Board of 

A.E.G.

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Emil HELFFRICH Chairman of DAPAG 

(94-percent owned by 

Standard of New 

Jersey 

Friedrich FLICK I.G. Farben 

— — Board of 

A.E.G. 

Kurt von 

SCHRODER On board of all I.T.T. 

subsidiaries in 

Germany 

Similarly, we can identify other Wall Street institutions represented in the early Keppler’s Circle of Friends, confirming their monetary 

contributions to the National Trusteeship Fund operated by Rudolf Hess on behalf of Adolf Hitler. These representatives were Emil Heinrich 

Meyer and banker Kurt von Schroder on the boards of all the I.T.T. subsidiaries in Germany, and Emil Helffrich, the board chairman of 

DAPAG, 94-percent owned by Standard Oil of New Jersey. 

Wall Street in the S.S. Circle 

Major U.S. multi-nationals were also very well represented in the later Heinrich Himmler Circle and made cash contributions to the S.S. (the 

Sonder Konto S) up to 1944 — while World War II was in progress. 

Almost a quarter of the 1944 Sonder Konto S contributions came from subsidiaries of International Telephone and Telegraph, represented by 

Kurt von Schröder. The 1943 payments from I.T.T. subsidiaries to the Special Account were as follows: 

Mix & Genest A.G. 5,000 RM 

C. Lorenz AG 20,000 RM 

Felten & Guilleaume 25,000 RM 

Kurt von Schroder 16,000 RM 

And the 1944 payments were: 

Mix & Genest A.G. 5,000 RM 

C. Lorenz AG 20,000 RM 

Felten & Guilleaume 20,000 RM 

Kurt von Schroder 16,000 RM 

Sosthenes Behn of International Telephone and Telegraph transferred wartime control of Mix & Genest, C. Lorenz, and the other Standard 

Telephone interests in Germany to Kurt von Schroder — who was a founding member of the Keppler Circle and organizer and treasurer of 

Himmler’s Circle of Friends. Emil H. Meyer, S.S. Untersturmfuehrer, member of the Vorstand of the Dresdner Bank, A.E.G., and a director of 

all the I.T.T. subsidiaries in Germany, was also a member of the Himmler Circle of Friends — giving I.T.T. two powerful representatives at the 

heart of the S.S. 

A letter to fellow member Emil Meyer from Baron von Schroder dated February 25, 1936 describes the purposes and requirements of the 

Himmler Circle and the long-standing nature of the Special Account ‘S’ with funds at Schroder’s own bank — the J,H. Stein Bank of Cologne: 

Berlin, 25 February 1936 

(Illegible handwriting) 

To Prof. Dr. Emil H. Meyer 

S.S. (Untersturmfuchrer) (second lieutenant) Member of the Managing Board (Vorstand) of the Dresdner Bank 

Berlin W. 56, 

Behrenstr. 38 

Personal! 

To the Circle of Friends of the Reich Leader SS 

At the end of the 2 day’s inspection tour of Munich to which the Reich Leader SS had invited us last January, the Circle of 

Friends agreed to put — each one according to his means — at the Reich Leader’s disposal into “Special Account S” (Sonder 

Konto S), to be established at the banking firm J.H. Stein in Cologne, funds which are to be used for certain tasks outside of the 

budget. This should enable the Reich Leader to rely on all his friends. In Munich it was decided that the undersigned would 

make themselves available for setting up and handling this account. In the meantime the account was set up and we want every 

participant to know that in case he wants to make contributions to the Reich Leader for the aforementioned tasks — either on 

behalf of his firm or the Circle of Friends — payments may be made to the banking firm J.H. Stein, Cologne (Clearing Account 

of the Reich Bank, Postal Checking Acount No. 1392) to the Special Account S. 

: Heil Hitler! 

(Signed) Kurt Baron von Sehroder (Signed) Steinbrinck3

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This letter also explains why U.S. Army Colonel Bogdan, formerly of the Schroder Banking Corporation in New York, was anxious to divert 

the attention of post-war U.S. Army investigators away from the J. H. Stein Bank in Cologne to the “bigger banks” of Nazi Germany. It was 

the Stein Bank that held the secrets of the associations of American subsidiaries with Nazi authorities while World War II was in progress. The 

New York financial interests could not know the precise nature of these transactions (and particularly the nature of any records that may have 

been kept by their German associates), but they knew that some record could well exist of their war-time dealings — enough to embarrass them 

with the American public. It was this possibility that Colonel Bogdan tried unsuccessfully to head off. 

German General Electric profited greatly from its association with Himmler and other leading Nazis. Several members of the Schroder clique 

were directors of A.E.G., the most prominent being Robert Pferdmenges, who was not only a member of the Keppler or Himmler Circles but 

was a partner in the aryanized banking house Pferdmenges & Company, the successor to the former Jewish banking house Sal Oppenheim of 

Cologne. Waldemar von Oppenheim achieved the dubious distinction (for a German Jew) of “honorary Aryan” and was able to continue his 

old established banking house under Hitler in partnership with Pferdmenges. 

MEMBERS OF THE HIMMLER CIRCLE OF FRIENDS WHO WERE ALSO 

DIRECTORS OF AMERICAN-AFFILIATED FIRMS: 

I.G. Farben I.T.T. A.E.G. Standard Oil of 

New Jersey 

KRANEFUSS, Fritz x 

KEPPLER, Wilhelm x 

SCHRODER, Kurt Von x x 

BUETEFISCH, Heinrich x 

RASCHE, Dr. Karl x 

FLICK, Friedrich x x 

LINDEMANN, Karl x 

SCHMIDT, Heinrich x 

ROEHNERT, Kellmuth x 

SCHMIDT, Kurt x 

MEYER, Dr. Emil x 

SCHMITZ, Hermann x 

Pferdmenges was also a director of A.E.G. and used his Nazi influence to good advantage.4 

Two other directors of German General Electric were members of Himmler’s Circle of Friends and made 1943 and 1944 monetary 

contributions to the Sonder Konto S. These were: 

Friedrich Flick 100,000 RM 

Otto Steinbrinck 

(a Flick associate) 100,000 RM 

Kurt Schmitt was chairman of the board of directors of A.E.G. and a member of the Himmler Circle of Friends, but Schmitt’s name is not 

recorded in the list of payments for 1943 or 1944. 

Standard Oil of New Jersey also made a significant contribution to Himmler’s Special Account through its wholly owned (94 percent) German 

subsidiary, Deutsche-Amerikanische Gesellschaft (DAG). In 1943 and 1944 DAG contributed as follows: 

Staatsrat Helfferich of Deutsch- 

Amerikanische Petroleum A.G. 10,000 RM 

Staatsrat Lindemann of Deutsch- 

Amerikanische Petroleum A.G. 

and personally 

10,000 RM 

4,000 RM 

It is important to note that Staatsrat Lindemann contributed 4,000 RM personally, thus making a clear distinction between the corporate 

contribution of 10,000 RM from Standard Oil of New Jersey’s wholly owned subsidiary and the personal contribution from director 

Linde-mann. In the case of Staatsrat Hellfrich, the only contribution was the Standard Oil contribution of 10,000 RM; there is no recorded 

personal donation. 

I.G. Farben, parent company of American I.G. (see Chapter Two), was another significant contributor to Heinrich Himmler’s Sonder Konto S. 

There were four I.G. Farben directors within the inner circle: Karl Rasehe, Fritz Kranefuss, Heinrich Schmidt, and Heinrich Buetefisch. Karl 

Rasche was a member of the management committee of the Dresdner Bank and a specialist in international law and banking. Under Hitler Karl 

Rasche became a prominent director of many German corporations, including Accumulatoren-Fabrik A.G. in Berlin, which financed Hitler; the 

Metallgesellschaft; and Felten & Guilleame, an I.T.T. company. Fritz Kranefuss was a member of the board of directors of Dresdner Bank and 

a director of several corporations besides I.G. Farben. Kranefuss, nephew of Wilhelm Keppler, was a lawyer and prominent in many Nazi 

public organizations. Heinrich Schmidt, a director of I.G. Farben and several other German companies, was also a director of the Dresdner 

Bank. 

It is important to note that all three of the above — Rasche, Kranefuss, and Schmidt — were directors of an I.G. Farben subsidiary, 

Braunkohle-Benzin A.G. — the manufacturer of German synthetic gasoline using Standard Oil technology, a result of the I.G. Farben-Standard

CHAPTER NINE: Wall Street and the Nazi Inner Circle 

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Oil agreements of the early 1930s. 

In brief, the Wall Street financial elite was well represented in both the early Keppler Circle and the later Himmler Circle.5 

Footnotes: 

From the affidavit of Wilhem Keppler, NMT, Volume VI, p. 285. 

Elimination of German Resources, p. 869. 

NMT, Volume VII, p. 238. “Translation of Document N1-10103, Prosecution Exhibit 788.” Letter from von Schroder and 

Defendant Steinbrinck to Dr. Meyer, Dresdner Bank official, 25 February 1936, noting that the Circle of Friends would put 

funds at Himmler’s disposal “For Certain Tasks outside of the Budget” and had established a “Special Account for this purpose.” 

Elimination of German Resources, p. 857. 

The significant nature of this representation is reflected in Chart 8-1, “Wall Street representation in the Keppler and Himmler 

Circles, 1933 and 1944.” 

BACK 

CHAPTER TEN: The Myth of “Sidney Warburg” 

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CHAPTER TEN 

The Myth of “Sidney Warburg” 

A vital question, only partly resolved, is the extent to which Hitler’s accession to power in 1933 was aided directly by Wall Street financiers. 

We have shown with original documentary evidence that there was indirect American participation and support through German affiliated 

firms, and (as for example in the case of I.T.T.) there was a knowledgeable and deliberate effort to benefit from the support of the Nazi regime. 

Was this indirect financing extended to direct financing? 

After Hitler gained power, U.S. firms and individuals worked on behalf of Naziism and certainly profited from the Nazi state. We know from 

the diaries of William Dodd, the American Ambassador to Germany, that in 1933 a stream of Wall Street bankers and industrialists filed 

through the U.S. Embassy in Berlin, expressing their admiration for Adolf Hitler — and anxious to find ways to do business with the new 

totalitarian regime. For example, on September 1, 1933 Dodd recorded that Henry Mann of the National City Bank and Winthrop W. Aldrich 

of the Chase Bank both met with Hitler and “these bankers feel they can work with him.”1 Ivy Lee, the Rockefeller public relations agent, 

according to Dodd “showed himself at once a capitalist and an advocate of Fascism.”2 

So at least we can identify a sympathetic response to the new Nazi dictatorship, reminiscent of the manner in which Wall Street international 

bankers greeted the new Russia of Lenin and Trotsky in 1917. 

Who Was “Sidney Warburg”? 

The question posed in this chapter is the accusation that some Wall Street financiers (the Rockefellers and Warburgs specifically have been 

accused) directly planned and financed Hitler’s takeover in 1933, and that they did this from Wall Street. On this question the so-called myth of 

“Sidney Warburg” is relevant. Prominent Nazi Franz von Papen has stated in his Memoirs:

… the most documented account of the National Socialists’ sudden acquisition of funds was contained in a book published in 

Holland in 1933, by the old established Amsterdam publishing house of Van Holkema & Warendorf, called De Geldbronnen van 

Het Nationaal-Socialisme (Drie Gesprekken Met Hitler) under the name “Sidney Warburg.” 

A book with this title in Dutch by “Sidney Warburg” was indeed published in 1933, but remained on the book stalls in Holland only for a 

matter of days. The book was purged.4 One of three surviving original copies was translated into English. The translation was at one time 

deposited in the British Museum, but is now withdrawn from public circulation and is unavailable for research. Nothing is now known of the 

original Dutch copy upon which this English translation was based. 

The second Dutch copy was owned by Chancellor Schussnigg in Austria, and nothing is known of its present whereabouts. The third Dutch 

copy found its way to Switzerland and was translated into German. The German translation has survived down to the present day in the 

Schweizerischen Sozialarchiv in Zurich, Switzerland. A certified copy of the authenticated German translation of this Swiss survivor was 

purchased by the author in 1971 and translated into English. It is upon this English translation of the German translation that the text in this 

chapter is based. 

Publication of the “Sidney Warburg” book was duly reported in the New York Times (November 24, 1933) under the title “Hoax on Nazis 

Feared.” A brief article noted that a “Sidney Warburg” pamphlet has appeared in Holland, and the author is not the son of Felix Warburg. The 

translator is J. G. Shoup, a Belgian newspaperman living in Holland. The publishers and Shoup “are wondering if they have not been the 

victims of a hoax.” The Times account adds: 

The pamphlet repeats an old story to the effect that leading Americans, including John D. Rockefeller, financed Hitler from 1929 

to 1932 to the extent of $32,000,000, their motive being”to liberate Germany from the financial grip of France by bringing about 

a revolution·” Many readers of the pamphlet have pointed out that it contains many inaccuracies. 

Why was the Dutch original withdrawn from circulation in 1933? Because “Sidney Warburg” did not exist and a “Sidney Warburg” was 

claimed as the author. Since 1933 the “Sidney Warburg” book has been promoted by various parties both as a forgery and as a genuine 

document. The Warburg family itself has gone to some pains to substantiate its falsity. 

What does the book report? What does the book claim happened in Germany in the early 1930s? And do these events have any resemblance to 

facts we know to be true from other evidence? 

From the viewpoint of research methodology it is much more preferable to assume that the “Sidney Warburg” book is a forgery, unless we can 

prove the contrary. This is the procedure we shall adopt. The reader may well ask — then why bother to look closely at a possible forgery? 

There are at least two good reasons, apart from academic curiosity. 

First, the Warburg claim that the book is a forgery has a curious and vital flaw. The Warburgs deny as false a book they admit not to have read 

t nor even seen. The Warburg denial is limited specifically to non-authorship by a Warburg. This denial is acceptable; but it does not deny or 

reject the validity of the contents. The denial merely repudiates authorship. 

Second, we have already identified I.G. Farben as a key financier and backer of Hitler. We have provided photographic evidence (page 64) of 

the bank transfer slip for 400,000 marks from I.G. Farben to Hitler’s “Nationale Treuhand” political slush fund account administered by Rudolf 

Hess. Now it is probable, almost certain, that “Sidney Warburg” did not exist. On the other hand, it is a matter of public record that the 

Warburgs were closely connected with I.G. Farben in Germany and the United States. In Germany Max Warburg was a director of I.G. Farben 

and in the United States brother Paul Warburg (father of James Paul Warburg) was a director of American I.G. Farben. In brief, we have

CHAPTER TEN: The Myth of “Sidney Warburg” 

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incontrovertible evidence that some Warburgs, including the father of James Paul, the denouncer of the “Sidney Warburg” book, were directors 

of I.G. Farben. And I.G. Farben is known to have financed Hitler. “Sidney Warburg” was a myth, but I.G. Farben directors Max Warburg and 

Paul Warburg were not myths. This is reason enough to push further. 

Let us first summarize the book which James Paul Warburg claims is a forgery. 

A Synopsis of the Suppressed “Sidney Warburg” Book 

The Financial Sources of National Socialism opens with an alleged conversation between “Sidney Warburg” and joint author/translator I. G. 

Shoup. “Warburg” relates why he was handing Shoup an English language manuscript for translation into Dutch and publication in Holland In 

the words of the mythical “Sidney Warburg”: 

There are moments when I want to turn away from a world of such intrigue, trickery, swindling and tampering with the stock 

exchange …. Do you know what I can never under stand? How it is possible that people of good and honest character — for 

which I have ample proof — participate in swindling and fraud, knowing full well that it will affect thousands. 

Shoup then describes “Sidney Warburg” as “son of one of the largest bankers in the United States, member of the banking firm Kuhn, Loeb & 

Co., New York.” “Sidney Warburg” then tells Shoup that he (“Warburg”) wants to record for history how national socialism was financed by 

New York financiers. 

The first section of the book is entitled simply “1929.” It relates that in 1929 Wall Street had enormous credits outstanding in Germany and 

Austria, and that these claims had, for the most part, been frozen. While France was economically weak and feared Germany, France was also 

getting the “lion’s share” of reparations funds which were actually financed from the United States. In June 1929, a meeting took place between 

the members of the Federal Reserve Bank and leading American bankers to decide what to do about France, and particularly to cheek her call 

on German reparations. This meeting was attended (according to the “Warburg” book) by the directors of Guaranty Trust Company, the 

“Presidents” of the Federal Reserve Banks, in addition to five independent bankers, “young Rockefeller,” and Glean from Royal Dutch Shell. 

Carter and Rockefeller according to the text “dominated the proceedings. The others listened and nodded their heads.” 

The general consensus at the bankers’ meeting was that the only way to free Germany from French financial clutches was by revolution, either 

Communist or German Nationalist. At an earlier meeting it had previously been agreed to contact Hitler to “try to find out if he were amenable 

to American financial support.” Now Rockefeller reportedly had more recently seen a German-American leaflet about the Hitler national 

socialist movement and the purpose of this second meeting was to determine if “Sidney Warburg” was prepared to go to Germany as a courier 

to make personal contact with Hitler. 

In return for proferred financial support, Hitler would be expected to conduct an “aggressive foreign policy and stir up the idea of revenge 

against France.” This policy, it was anticipated, would result in a French appeal to the United States and England for assistance in 

“international questions involving the eventual German aggression.” Hitler was not to know about the purpose of Wall Street’s assistance. It 

would be left to his reason and resourcefulness to discover the motives behind the proposal.” “Warburg” accepted the proposed mission and 

left New York for Cherbourg on the Ile de France, “with a diplomatic passport and letters of recommendation from Carter, Tommy Walker, 

Rockefeller, Glean and Herbert Hoover.” 

Apparently, “Sidney Warburg” had some difficulty in meeting Hitler. The American Consul in Munich did not succeed in making contact with 

the Nazis, and finally Warburg went directly to Mayor Deutzberg of Munich, “with a recommendation from the American Consul,” and a plea 

to guide Warburg to Hitler. Shoup then presents extracts from Hitler’s statements at this initial meeting. These extracts include the usual 

Hitlerian anti-Semitic rantings, and it should be noted that all the anti, Semitic parts in the “Sidney Warburg” book are spoken by Hitler. (This 

is important because James Paul Warburg claims the Shoup book is totally anti-Semitic.) Funding of the Nazis was discussed at this meeting 

and Hitler is reported to insist that funds could not be deposited in a German bank but only in a foreign bank at his disposal. Hitler asked for 

100 million marks and suggested that “Sidney Warburg” report on the Wall Street reaction through von Heydt at Lutzowufer, 18 Berlin.5 

After reporting back to Wall Street, Warburg learned that $24 million was too much for the American bankers; they offered $10 million. 

Warburg contacted von Heydt and a further meeting was arranged, this time with an “undistinguished looking man, introduced to me under the 

name Frey.” Instructions were given to make $10 million available at the Mendelsohn & Co. Bank in Amsterdam, Holland. Warburg was to 

ask the Mendelsohn Bank to make out checks in marks payable to named Nazis in ten German cities. Subsequently, Warburg travelled to 

Amsterdam, completed his mission with Mendelsohn & Co., then went to Southampton, England and took the Olympia back to New York 

where he reported to Carter at Guaranty Trust Company. Two days later Warburg gave his report to the entire Wall Street group, but “this time 

an English representative was there sitting next to Glean from Royal Dutch, a man named Angell, one of the heads of the Asiatic Petroleum 

Co.” Warburg was questioned about Hitler, and “Rockefeller showed unusual interest in Hitler’s statements about the Communists.” 

A few weeks after Warburg’s return from Europe the Hearst newspapers showed “unusual interest” in the new German Nazi Party and even the 

New York Times carried regular short reports of Hitler’s speeches. Previously these newspapers had not shown too much interest, but that now 

changed.6 Also, in December 1929 a long study of the German National Socialist movement appeared “in a monthly publication at Harvard 

University.” 

Part II of the suppressed “Financial Sources of National Socialism” is entitled “1931” and opens with a discussion of French influence on 

international politics. It avers that Herbert Hoover promised Pierre Laval of France not to resolve the debt question without first consulting the 

French government and [writes Shoup]: 

When Wall Street found out about this Hoover lost the respect of this circle at one blow. Even the subsequent elections were 

affected — many believed that Hoover’s failure to get reelected can be traced back to the issue.

In October 1931, Warburg received a letter from Hitler which he passed on to Carter at Guaranty Trust Company, and subsequently another 

bankers’ meeting was called at the Guaranty Trust Company of-rices. Opinions at this meeting were divided. “Sidney Warburg” reported that

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Rockefeller, Carter, and McBean were for Hitler, while the other financiers were uncertain. Montague Norman of the Bank of England and 

Glean of Royal Dutch Shell argued that the $10 million already spent on Hitler was too much, that Hitler would never act. The meeting finally 

agreed in principle to assist Hitler further, and Warburg again undertook a courier assignment and went back to Germany. 

On this trip Warburg reportedly discussed German affairs with “a Jewish banker” in Hamburg, with an industrial magnate, and other Hitler 

supporters. One meeting was with banker von Heydt and a “Luetgebrunn.” The latter stated that the Nazi storm troopers were incompletely 

equipped and the S.S. badly needed machine guns, revolvers, and carbines. 

In the next Warburg-Hitler meeting, Hitler argued that “the Soviets cannot miss our industrial products yet. We will give credit, and if I am not 

able to deflate France myself, then the Soviets will help me.” Hitler said he had two plans for takeover in Germany: (a) the revolution plan, and 

(b), the legal takeover plan. The first plan would be a matter of three months, the second plan a matter of three years. Hitler was quoted as 

saying, “revolution costs five hundred million marks, legal takeover costs two hundred million marks — what will your bankers decide?” After 

five days a cable from Guaranty Trust arrived for Warburg and is cited in the book as follows: 

Suggested amounts are out of the question. We don’t want to and cannot. Explain to man that such a transfer to Europe will 

shatter financial market. Absolutely unknown on international territory. Expect long report, before decision is made. Stay there. 

Continue investigation. Persuade man of impossible demands. Don’t forget to include in report own opinion of possibilities for 

future of man. 

Warburg cabled his report back to New York and three days later received a second cablegram reading: 

Report received. Prepare to deliver ten, maximum fifteen million dollars. Advise man necessity of aggression against foreign 

danger. 

The $15 million was accepted for the legal takeover road, not for the revolutionary plan. The money was transferred from Wall Street to Hitler 

via Warburg as follows — $5 million to be paid at Mendelsohn & Company, Amsterdam; $5 million at the Rotterdamsehe Bankvereinigung in 

Rotterdam; and $5 million at “Banca Italiana.” 

Warburg travelled to each of these banks, where he reportedly met Heydt, Strasser and Hermann Goering. The groups arranged for cheeks to 

be made out to different names in various towns in Germany. In other words, the funds were “laundered” in the modern tradition to disguise 

their Wall Street origins. In Italy the payment group was reportedly received at the main building of the bank by its president and while waiting 

in his office two Italian fascists, Rossi and Balbo, were introduced to Warburg, Heydt, Strasser, and Goering. Three days after payment, 

Warburg returned to New York from Genoa on the Savoya. Again, he reported to Carter, Rockefeller, and the other bankers. 

The third section of “Financial Sources of National Soeialism” is entitled simply “1933.” The section records “Sidney Warburg’s” third and last 

meeting with Hitler — on the night the Reichstag was burned. (We noted in Chapter Eight the presence of Roosevelt’s friend Putzi Hanfstaengl 

in the Reichstag.) At this meeting Hitler informed Warburg of Nazi progress towards legal takeover. Since 1931 the Nationalist Socialist party 

had tripled in size. Massive deposits of weapons had been made near the German border in Belgium, Holland, and Austria — but these 

weapons required cash payments before delivery. Hitler asked for a minimum of 100 million marks to take care of the final step in the takeover 

program. Guaranty Trust wired Warburg offering $7 million at most, to be paid as follows — $2 million to the Renania Joint Stock Company 

in Dusseldorf (the German branch of Royal Dutch), and $5 million to other banks. Warburg reported this offer to Hitler, who requested the $5 

million should be sent to the Banca Italiana in Rome and (although the report does not say so) presumably the other $2 million was paid to 

Dusseldorf. The book concludes with the following statement from Warburg: 

I carried out my assignment strictly down to the last detail. Hitler is dictator of the largest European country. The world has 

now observed him at work for several months. My opinion of him means nothing now. His actions will prove if he is bad, which I 

believe he is. For the sake of the German people I hope in my heart that I am wrong. The world continues to suffer under a 

system that has to bow to a Hitler to keep itself on its feet. Poor world, poor humanity. 

This is a synopsis of “Sidney Warburg’s” suppressed book on the financial origins of national socialism in Germany. Some of the information 

in the book is now common knowledge — although only part was generally known in the early 1930s. It is extraordinary to note that the 

unknown author had access to information that only surfaced many years later — for example, the identity of the von Heydt bank as a Hitler 

financial conduit. Why was the book taken off the bookstands and suppressed? The stated reason for withdrawal was that “Sidney Warburg” 

did not exist, that the book was a forgery, and that the Warburg family claimed it contained anti-Semitic and libelous statements. 

The information in the book was resurrected after World War II and published in other books in an anti-Semitic context which does not exist in 

the original 1933 book. Two of these post-war books were Rene Sonderegger’s Spanischer Sommer and Werner Zimmerman’s Liebet Eure 

Feinde. 

Most importantly James P. Warburg of New York signed an affidavit in 1949, which was published as an appendix in von Papen’s Memoirs. 

This Warburg affidavit emphatically denied the authenticity of the “Sidney Warburg” book and claimed it was a hoax, Unfortunately, James P. 

Warburg focuses on the 1947 Sonderegger anti-Semitic book Spanischer Sommer, not the original suppressed “Sidney Warburg” book 

published in 1933 — where the only anti-Semitism stems from Hitler’s alleged statements. 

In other words, the Warburg affidavit raised far more questions than it resolved. We should therefore look at Warburg’s 1949 affidavit denying 

the authenticity of Financial Sources of National Socialism. 

James Paul Warburg’s Affidavit 

In 1953 Nazi Franz von Papen published his Memoirs.8 This was the same Franz von Papen who had been active in the United States on behalf 

of German espionage in World War I. In his Memoirs, Franz von Papen discusses the question of financing Hitler and places the blame 

squarely on industrialist Fritz Thyssen and banker Kurt von Sehroder. Papen denies that he (Papen) financed Hitler, and indeed no credible 

evidence has been forthcoming to link von Papen with Hitler’s funds (although Zimmerman in Liebert Eure Feinde accuses Papen of donating

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14 million marks). In this context von Papen mentions “Sidney Warburg’s” The Financial Sources of National Socialism, together with the two 

more recent post-World War II books by Werner Zimmerman and Rene Sonderegger (alias Severin Reinhardt).9 Papen adds that: 

James P. Warburg is able to refute the whole falsification in his affidavit …. For my own part I am most grateful to Mr. Warburg 

for disposing once and for all of this malicious libel. It is almost impossible to refute accusations of this sort by simple negation, 

and his authoritative denial has enabled me to give body to my own protestations.10 

There are two sections to Appendix II of Papen’s book. First is a statement by James P. Warburg; second is the affidavit, dated July 15, 1949. 

The opening paragraph of the statement records that in 1933 the Dutch publishing house of Holkema and Warendorf published De 

Geldbronnen van Het Nationaal-Socialisme. Drie Gesprekken Met Hitler, and adds that, 

This book was allegedly written by “Sidney Warburg.” A partner in the Amsterdam firm of Warburg & Co. informed James P. 

Warburg of the book and Holkema and Warendorf were informed that no such person as “Sidney Warburg” existed. They 

thereupon withdrew the book from circulation. 

James Warburg then makes two sequential and seemingly contradictory statements: 

the book contained a mass of libelous material against various members of my family and against a number of prominent 

banking houses and individuals in New York· I have never to this day seen a copy of the book. Apparently only a handful of 

copies escaped the publisher’s withdrawal. 

Now on the one hand Warburg claims he has never seen a copy of the “Sidney Warburg” book, and on the other hand says it is “libelous” and 

proceeds to construct a detailed affidavit on a sentence by sentence basis to refute the information supposedly in a book he claims not to have 

seen! It is very difficult to accept the validity of Warburg’s claim he has “never to this day seen a copy of the book.” Or if indeed he had not, 

then the affidavit is worthless. 

James Warburg adds that the “Sidney Warburg” book is “obvious anti-Semitism,” and the thrust of Warburg’s statement is that the “Sidney 

Warburg” story is pure anti-Semitic propaganda. In fact (and Warburg would have discovered this fact if he had read the book), the only 

anti-Semitic statements in the 1933 book are those attributed to Adolf Hitler, whose anti-Semitic feelings are hardly any great discovery. Apart 

from Hitler’s ravings there is nothing in the original “Sidney Warburg” book remotely connected with anti-Semitism, unless we classify 

Rockefeller, Glean, Carter, McBean, etc. as Jewish. In fact, it is notable that not a single Jewish banker is named in the book — except for the 

mythical “Sidney Warburg” who is a courier, not one of the alleged money givers. Yet we know from an authentic source (Ambassador Dodd) 

that the Jewish banker Eberhard von Oppenheim did indeed give 200,000 marks to Hitler,11 and it is unlikely “Sidney Warburg” would have 

missed this observation if he was deliberately purveying false anti-Semitic propaganda. 

The first page of James Warburg’s statement concerns the 1933 book. After the first page lames Warburg introduces Rene Sonderegger and 

another book written in 1947. Careful analysis of Warburg’s statement and affidavit point up that his denials and assertions essentially refer to 

Sonderegger and not to Sidney Warburg. Now Sonderegger was anti-Semitic and probably was part of a neo-Nazi movement after World War 

II, but this claim of anti-Semitism cannot be laid to the 1933 book — and that is the crux of the question at issue. In brief, James Paul Warburg 

starts out by claiming to discuss a book he has never seen but knows to be libelous and anti-Semitic, then without warning shifts the accusation 

to another book which was certainly anti-Semitic but was published a decade later. Thus, the Warburg affidavit so thoroughly confuses the two 

books that the reader is lead to condemn the mythical” Sidney Warburg” along with Sonderegger.12 Let us look at some of J.P. Warburg’s 

statements: 

 

James P. Warburg’s Sworn Affidavit  New 

York City, July 15, 1949 Author’s Comments on James P. Warburg 

Affidavit 

1. Concerning the wholly false and malicious 

allegations made by Rene Sonderegger of 

Zurich, Switzerland, et al., as set forth in the 

foregoing part of this statement, I, James Paul 

Warburg, of Greenwich, Connecticut, U.S.A., 

depose as follows: 

Note that the affidavit concerns Rene 

Sonderegger, not the book published by J.G. 

Shoup in 1933. 

2. No such person as 

“Sidney Warburg” existed in New 

York City in 1933, nor 

elsewhere, as far as I know, 

then or at any other time. 

We can assume that the name “Sidney 

Warburg” is a pseudonym, or used falsely. 

3. I never gave any manuscript, diary, notes, 

cables, or any other documents to any person 

for translation and publication in Holland, and, 

specifically, I never gave any such documents 

to the alleged J.G. Shoup of Antwerp. To the 

best of my knowledge and recollection I never 

at any time met any such person. 

The affidavit confines itself to grant of 

materials “for translation and publication in 

Holland.” 

4. The telephone conversation between Roger 

Baldwin and myself, reported by Sonderegger, 

never took place at all and is pure invention. 

Reported by Sonderegger, not “Sidney 

Warburg.”

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5. I did not go to Germany at the request of the 

President of the Guaranty Trust Company in 

1929, or at any other time. 

But Warburg did go to Germany in 1929 and 

1930 for the International Acceptance Bank, 

Inc. 

6. I did go to Germany on business for my own 

bank, The International Acceptance Bank Inc., 

of New York, in both 1929 and 1930. On 

neither of these occasions did I have anything 

to do with investigating the possible prevention 

of a Communist revolution in Germany by the 

promotion of a Nazi counter- revolution. As a 

matter of recorded fact, my opinion at the time 

was that there was relatively little danger of a 

Communist revolution in Germany and a 

considerable danger of a Nazi seizure of power, 

I am in a position to prove that, on my return 

from Germany after the Reichstag elections of 

1930, I warned my associates that Hitler would 

very likely come to power in Germany and that 

the result would be either a Nazi- dominated 

Europe or a second world war — perhaps both. 

This can be corroborated as well as the fact 

that, as a consequence of my warning, my bank 

proceeded to reduce its German commitments 

as rapidly as possible. 

Note that Warburg, by his own statement, told 

his banking associates that Hitler would come 

to power. This claim was made in 1930 — and 

the Warburgs continued as directors with I.G. 

Farben and other pro-Nazi firms. 

7. I had no discussions anywhere, at any time, 

with Hitler, with any Nazi officials, or with 

anyone else about  providing funds for the Nazi 

Party. Specifically, I had no dealing of this sort 

with Mendelssohn & Co., or the Rotterdamsche 

Bankvereiniging or the Banca Italiana. (The 

latter is probably meant to read Banca d’Italia, 

with which I likewise had no such dealings.) 

There is no evidence to contradict this 

statement. So far as can be traced Warburgs 

were not connected with these banking firms 

except that the Italian correspondent of 

Warburg’s Bank of Manhattan was “Banca 

Commerciale Italiana” — which is close to 

“Banca Italiana.” 

8. In February 1933 (see pages 191 and 192 of 

Spanischer Sommer) when I am alleged to have 

brought Hitler the last installment of American 

funds and to have been received by Goering 

and Goebbels as well as by Hitler himself, I can 

prove that I was not in Germany at all. I never 

set foot in Germany after the Nazis had come 

to power in January 1933. In January and 

February I was in New York and Washington, 

working both with my bank and with 

President-elect Roosevelt  on the then-acute 

banking crisis.  After Mr. Roosevelt’s 

inauguration, on March 3, 1933, I was working 

with him continuously helping to prepare the 

agenda for the World Economic Conference, to 

which I was sent as Financial Adviser in early 

June. This is a matter of public record. 

There is no evidence to contradict these 

statements. “Sidney Warburg” provides no 

supporting evidence for his claims. 

See Wall Street and FDR, (New York: 

Arlington House Publishers, 1975), for details 

of FDR’s German associations. 

9. The foregoing statements should suffice to 

demonstrate that the whole “Sidney Warburg” 

myth and the subsequent spurious identification 

of myself with the non-existent” Sidney” are 

fabrications of malicious falsehood without the 

slightest foundation in truth. 

No. James P. Warburg states he has never seen 

the original “Sidney Warburg” book published 

in Holland in 1933. Therefore his affidavit only 

applies to the Sonderegger book which is 

inaccurate. Sidney Warburg may well be a 

myth, but the association of Max Warburg and 

Paul Warburg with I.G. Farben and Hitler is not 

a myth. 

Does James Warburg intend to mislead? 

It is true that” Sidney Warburg” may well have been an invention, in the sense that” Sidney Warburg” never existed. We assume the 

name is a fake; but someone wrote the book. Zimmerman and Sonderegger may or may not have committed libel to the Warburg 

name, but unfortunately when we examine James P. Warburg’s affidavit as published in von Papen’s Memoirs we are left as much in 

the dark as ever. There are three important and unanswered questions: (1) why would James P. Warburg claim as a forgery a book he 

has not read; (2) why does Warburg’s affidavit avoid the key question and divert discussion away from “Sidney Warburg” to the 

anti-Semitic Sonderegger book published in 1947; and (3) why would James P. Warburg be so insensitive to Jewish suffering in World 

War II to publish his affidavit in the Memoirs of Franz von Papen, who was a prominent Nazi at the heart of the Hitler movement 

since the early days of 1933? 

Not only were the German Warburgs persecuted by Hitler in 1938, but millions of Jews lost their lives to Nazi barbarism. It seems

CHAPTER TEN: The Myth of “Sidney Warburg” 

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elementary that anyone who has suffered and was sensitive to the past sufferings of German Jews would avoid Nazis, Naziism, and 

neo-Nazi books like the plague. Yet here we have Nazi von Papen acting as a genial literary host to self-described anti-Nazi James P. 

Warburg, who apparently welcomes the opportunity. Moreover, the Warburgs had ample opportunity to release such an affidavit 

with wide publicity without utilizing neo-Nazi channels. 

The reader will profit from pondering this situation. The only logical explanation is that some of the facts in the “Sidney Warburg” 

book are either true, come close to the truth, or are embarrassing to James P. Warburg. One cannot say that Warburg intends to 

mislead (although this might seem an obvious conclusion), because businessmen are notoriously illogical writers and reasoners, and 

there is certainly nothing to exempt Warburg from this categorization. 

Some Conclusions from the “Sidney Warburg” Story 

“Sidney Warburg” never existed; in this sense the original 1933 book is a work of fiction. However, many of the then-little-known 

facts recorded in the book are curate; and the James Warburg affidavit is not aimed at the original boo but rather at an anti-Semitic 

book circulated over a decade later. 

Paul Warburg was a director of American I.G. Farben and thus connected with the financing of Hitler. Max Warburg, a director of 

German I.G. Farben, signed — along with Hitler himself — the document which appointed Hjalmar Schacht to the Reichsbank. These 

verifiable connections between the Warburgs and Hitler suggest the “Sidney Warburg” story cannot be abandoned as a total forgery 

without close examination. 

Who wrote the 1933 book, and why? I.G. Shoup says the notes were written by a Warburg in England and given to him to translate. 

The War-burg motive was alleged to be genuine remorse at the amoral behavior of Warburgs and their Wall Street associates. Does 

this sound like a plausible motive? It has not gone unnoticed that those same Wall Streeters who plot war and revolution are often in 

their private lives genuinely decent citizens; it is not beyond the realm of reason that one of them had a change of heart or a heavy 

conscience. But this is not proven. 

If the book was a forgery, then by whom was it written? James War-burg admits he does not know the answer, and he writes: “The 

original purpose of the forgery remains somewhat obscure even today.13 

Would any government forge the document? Certainly not the British or U.S. governments, which are both indirectly implicated by 

the book. Certainly not the Nazi government in Germany, although James Warburg appears to suggest this unlikely possibility. Could 

it be France, or the Soviet Union, or perhaps Austria? France, possibly because France feared the rise of Nazi Germany. Austria is a 

similar possibility. The Soviet Union is a possibility because the Soviets also had much to fear from Hitler. So it is plausible that 

France, Austria, or the Soviet Union had some hand in the preparation of the book. 

Any private citizen who forged such a book without inside government materials would have to be remarkably well informed. 

Guaranty Trust is not a particularly well-known bank outside New York, yet there is an extraordinary degree of plausibility about the 

involvement of Guaranty Trust, because it was the Morgan vehicle used for financing and infiltrating the Bolshevik revolution.14 

Whoever named Guaranty Trust as the vehicle for funding Hitler either knew a great deal more than the man in the street, or had 

authentic government information. What would be the motive behind such a book? 

The only motive that seems acceptable is that the unknown author had knowledge a war was in preparation and hoped for a public 

reaction against the Wall Street fanatics and their industrialist friends in Germany — before it was too late. Clearly, whoever wrote 

the book, his motive almost certainly was to warn against Hitlerian aggression and to point to its Wall Street source, because the 

technical assistance of American companies controlled by Wall Street was still needed to build Hitler’s war machine. The Standard Oil 

hydrogenation patents and financing for the oil from coal plants, the bomb sights, and the other necessary technology had not been 

fully transferred when the “Sidney Warburg” book was written. Consequently, this could have been a book designed to break the 

back of Hitler’s supporters abroad, to inhibit the planned transfer of U.S. war-making potential, and to eliminate financial and 

diplomatic support of the Nazi state. If this was the goal, it is regrettable that the book failed to achieve any of these purposes. 

 

Footnotes: 

1 

William E. Dodd, Ambassador Dodd’s Diary, op. cit., p. 31. 

2 

Ibid., p. 74. 

3 

Franz von Papen, Memoirs, (New York: E.P. Dutton & Co., 1953), p. 229. 

4 

The English text for this chapter is translated from an authenticated surviving German translation of a copy of the 

Dutch edition of De Geldbronnen van Het Nationaal-Socialisme (Drie Gesprekken Met Hitler), or The Financial Sources of 

National Socialism (Three conversations with Hitler. The original Dutch author is given as “Door Sidney Warburg, 

vertaald door I.G. Shoup” (By Sidney Warburg, as told by I.G. Shoup). 

The copy used here was translated from the Dutch by Dr. Walter Nelz, Wilhelm Peter, and Rene Sonderegger in Zurich, 

February 11, 1947, and the German translation bears an affidavit to the effect that: “The undersigned three witnesses do 

verify that the accompanying document is none other than a true and literal translation from Dutch into German of the 

book by Sidney Warburg, a copy of which was constantly at their disposal during the complete process of translation. 

They testify that they held this original in their hands, and that to the best of their ability they read it sentence by 

sentence, translating it into German, comparing then the content of the accompanying translation to the original

CHAPTER TEN: The Myth of “Sidney Warburg” 

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conscientiously until complete agreement was reached.” 

5 

Note that “von Heydt” was the original name for the Dutch Bank voor Handel en Seheepvaart N.V., a subsidiary of the 

Thyssen interests and now known to have been used as a funnel for Nazi funds. See Elimination of German Resources. 

6 

Examination of the Index for the New York Times confirms the accuracy of the latter part of this statement. See for 

example the sudden rush of interest by the New York Times, September 15, 1930 and the feature article on “Hitler, 

Driving Force in Germany’s Fascism” in the September 21, 1930 issue of the New York Times. In 1929 the New York 

Times listed only one brief item on Adolf Hitler. In 1931 it ran a score of substantial entries, in-eluding no fewer than 

three “Portraits.” 

7 

Hoover said he lost the support of Wall Street in 1931 because he would not go along with its plan for a New Deal: see 

Antony C. Sutton, Wall Street and FDR, op. cit. 

8 

Franz von Papen, Memoirs, (New York: E.P. Dutton & Co., Inc., 1958). Translated by Brian Connell. 

9 

Werner Zimmerman, Liebet Eure Feinde, (Frankhauser Verlag: Thielle-Neuchatel, 1948), which contains a chapter, 

“Hitler’s geheime Geldgeber” (Hitler’s secret financial supporters) and Rene Sonderegger, Spanischer Sommer, 

(Afroltern, Switzerland: Aehren Verlag, 1948). 

10 

Franz von Papen, Memoirs, op. cit., p. 23. 

11 

William E. Dodd, Ambassador Dodd,s Diary, op. cit. pp, 593-602. 

12 

The reader should examine the complete Warburg statement and affidavit; see Franz von Papen, Memoirs, op. cit. pp. 

593-602, 

13 

Franz von Papen, Memoirs, op. cit., p. 594. 

14 

See Antony C. Sutton, Wall Street and the Bolshevik Revolution, op. cit, 

 

BACK 

 

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CHAPTER ELEVEN 

Wall Street-Nazi Collaboration in World War II 

Behind the battle fronts in World War II, through intermediaries in Switzerland and North Africa, the New York financial elite collaborated 

with the Nazi regime, Captured files after the war yielded a mass of evidence demonstrating that for some elements of Big Business, the period 

1941-5 was “business as usual.” For instance, correspondence between U.S. firms and their French subsidiaries reveals the aid given to the 

Axis military machine — while the United States was at war with Germany and Italy. Letters between Ford of France and Ford of the U.S. 

between 1940 and July 1942 were analyzed by the Foreign Funds Control section of the Treasury Department. Their initial report concluded 

that until mid-1942: 

(1) the business of the Ford subsidiaries in France substantially increased; (2) their production was solely for the benefit of the 

Germans and the countries under its occupation; (3) the Germans have “shown clearly their wish to protect the Ford interests” 

because of the attitude of strict neutrality maintained by Henry Ford and the late Edsel Ford; and (4) the increased activity of 

the French Ford subsidiaries on behalf of the Germans received the commendation of the Ford family in America.

Similarly, the Rockefeller Chase Bank was accused of collaborating with the Nazis in World War II France, while Nelson Rockefeller had a 

soft job in Washington D.C.: 

Substantially the same pattern of behavior was pursued by the Paris office of the Chase Bank during German occupation, An 

examination of the correspondence between Chase, New York, and Chase, France, from the date of the fall of France to May, 

1942 discloses that: (1) the manager of the Paris office appeased and collaborated with the Germans to place the Chase banks 

in a “privileged position;” (2) the Germans held the Chase Bank in a very special esteem — owing to the international activities 

of our (Chase) head office and the pleasant relations which the Paris branch has been maintaining with many of their (German) 

banks and their (German) local organizations and higher officers; (3)the Paris manager was “very vigorous in enforcing 

restrictions against Jewish property, even going so far as to refuse to release funds belonging to Jews in anticipation that a 

decree with retroactive provisions prohibiting such release might be published in the near future by the occupying authorities;” 

(4)the New York office despite the above information took no direct steps to remove the undesirable manager from the Paris 

office since it “might react against our (Chase) interests as we are dealing, not with a theory but with a situation.”

An official report to then-Secretary of the Treasury Morgenthau concluded that: 

These two situations [i.e., Ford and Chase Bank] convince us that it is imperative to investigate immediately on the spot the 

activities of subsidiaries of at least some of the larger American firms which were operating in France during German 

occupation ….

Treasury officials urged that an investigation be started with the French subsidiaries of several American banks — that is, Chase, Morgan, 

National City, Guaranty, Bankers Trust, and American Express. Although Chase and Morgan were the only two banks to maintain French 

offices throughout the Nazi occupation, in September 1944 all the major New York banks were pressing the U.S. Government for permission 

to re-open pre-war branches. Subsequent Treasury investigation produced documentary evidence of collaboration between both Chase Bank 

and J.P. Morgan with the Nazis in World War II. The recommendation for a full investigation is cited in full as follows: 

TREASURY DEPARTMENT 

INTER-OFFICE COMMUNICATION 

Date: December 20, 1944 

To: Secretary Morgenthau From: Mr. Saxon 

Examination of the records of the Chase Bank, Paris, and of Morgan and Company, France, have progressed only far enough to 

permit tentative conclusions and the revelation of a few interesting facts: 

CHASE BANK, PARIS 

a. Niederman, of Swiss nationality, manager of Chase, Paris, was unquestionably a collaborator; 

b. The Chase Head Office in New York was informed of Nieder-man’s collaborationist policy but took no steps to remove him. 

Indeed there is ample evidence to show that the Head Office in New York viewed Niederman’s good relations with the Germans 

as an excellent means of preserving, unimpaired, the position of the Chase Bank in France; 

c. The German authorities were anxious to keep the Chase open and indeed took exceptional measures to provide sources of 

revenue; 

d. The German authorities desired “to be friends” with the important American banks because they expected that these banks 

would be useful after the war as an instrument of German policy in the United States; 

e. The Chase, Paris showed itself most anxious to please the German authorities in every possible way. For example, the Chase 

zealously maintained the account of the German Embassy in Paris, “as every little thing helps” (to maintain the excellent 

relations between Chase and the German authorities);

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f. The whole objective of the Chase policy and operation was to maintain the position of the bank at any cost. 

MORGAN AND COMPANY, FRANCE 

a. Morgan and Company regarded itself as a French bank, and therefore obligated to observe French banking laws and 

regulations, whether Nazi-inspired or not; and did actually do so; 

b. Morgan and Company was most anxious to preserve the continuity of its house in France, and, in order to achieve this 

security, worked out a modus vivendi with the German authorities; 

c. Morgan and Company had tremendous prestige with the German authorities, and the Germans boasted of the splendid 

cooperation of Morgan and Company; 

d. Morgan continued its prewar relations with the great French industrial and commercial concerns which were working for 

Germany, including the Renault Works, since confiscated by the French Government, Puegeqt [sic], Citroen, and many others. 

e. The power of Morgan and Company in France bears no relation to the small financial resources of the firm, and the enquiry 

now in progress will be of real value in allowing us for the first time to study the Morgan pattern in Europe and the manner in 

which Morgan has used its great power; 

f. Morgan and Company constantly sought its ends by playing one government against another in the coldest and most 

unscrupulous manner. 

Mr. Jefferson Caffery, U.S. Ambassador to France, has been kept informed of the progress of this investigation and at all times 

gave me full support and encouragement, in principle and in fact. Indeed, it was Mr. Caffery himself who asked me how the Ford 

and General Motors subsidiaries in France had acted during the occupation, and expressed the desire that we should look into 

these companies after the bank investigation was completed. 

RECOMMENDATION 

I recommend that this investigation, which, for unavoidable reasons, has progressed slowly up to this time, should now be 

pressed urgently and that additional needed personnel be sent to Paris as soon as possible.4 

The full investigation was never undertaken, and no investigation has been made of this presumably treasonable activity down to the present 

day. 

American I.G. in World War II 

Collaboration between American businessmen and Nazis in Axis Europe was paralleled by protection of Nazi interests in the United States. In 

1939 American I.G. was renamed General Aniline & Film, with General Dyestuffs acting as its exclusive sales agent in the U.S. These names 

effectively disguised the fact that American I.G. (or General Aniline & Film) was an important producer of major war materials, including 

atabrine, magnesium, and synthetic rubber. Restrictive agreements with its German parent I.G. Farben reduced American supplies of these 

military products during World War II. 

An American citizen, Halbach, became president of General Dyestuffs in 1930 and acquired majority control in 1939 from Dietrich A. 

Schmitz, a director of American I.G. and brother of Hermann Schmitz, director of I.G. Farben in Germany and chairman of the board of 

American I.G. until the outbreak of war in 1939. After Pearl Harbor, the U.S. Treasury blocked Halbach’s bank accounts. In June 1942 the 

Alien Property Custodian seized Halbach’s stock in General Dyestuffs and took over the firm as an enemy corporation under the Trading with 

the Enemy Act. Subsequently, the Alien Property Custodian appointed a new board of directors to act as trustee for the duration of the war. 

These actions were reasonable and usual practice, but when we probe under the surface another and quite abnormal story emerges. 

Between 1942 and 1945 Halbach was nominally a consultant to General Dyestuffs. In fact Halbach ran the company, at $82,000 per year, 

Louis Johnson, former Assistant Secretary of War, was appointed president of General Dyestuffs by the ‘U.S. Government, for which he 

received $75,000 a year. Louis Johnson attempted to bring pressure to bear on the U.S. Treasury to unblock Halbach’s blocked funds and allow 

Halbach to develop policies contrary to the interests of the U.S., then at war with Germany. The argument used to get Halbach’s bank accounts 

unblocked was that Halbach was running the company and that the Government-appointed board of directors “would have been lost without 

Mr. Halbach’s knowledge.” 

During the war Halbach filed suit against the Alien Property Custodian, through the Establishment law firm of Sullivan and Cromwell, to oust 

the U.S. Government from its control of I.G. Farben companies. These suits were unsuccessful, but Halbach was successful in keeping the 

Farben cartel agreements intact throughout World War II; the Alien Property Custodian never did go into court during World War II on the 

pending anti-trust suits. Why not? Leo T. Crowley, head of the Alien Property Custodian’s office, had John Foster Dulles as his advisor, and 

John Foster Dulles was a partner in the above-mentioned Sullivan and Cromwell firm, which was acting on behalf of Halbach in its suit against 

the Alien Property Custodian. 

There were other conflict of interest situations we should note. Leo T. Crowley, the Alien Property Custodian, appointed Victor Emanuel to the 

boards of both General Aniline & Film and General Dyestuffs. Before the war Victor Emanuel was director of the J. Schroder Banking 

Corporation. Schroder, as we have already seen, was a prominent financier of Hitler and the Nazi party — and at that very time was a member 

of Himmler’s Circle of Friends, making substantial contributions to S.S. organizations in Germany. 

In turn Victor Emanuel appointed Leo Crowley head of Standard Gas & Electric (controlled by Emanuel) at $75,000 per annum. This sum was 

in addition to Crowley’s salary from the Alien Property Custodian and $10,000 a year as head of the U.S. Government Federal Deposit 

Insurance Corporation. By 1945 James E. Markham had replaced Crowley as A.P.C. and was also appointed by Emanuel as a director of

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Standard Gas at $4,850 per year, in addition to the $10,000 he drew as Alien Property Custodian. 

The wartime influence of General Dyestuffs and this cozy government-business coterie on behalf of I.G. Farben is exemplified in the ease of 

American Cyanamid. Before the war I.G. Farben controlled the drug, chemical, and dyestuffs industries in Mexico. During World War II it 

was proposed to Washington that American Cyanamid take over this Mexican industry and develop an “independent” chemical industry with 

the old I.G. Farben firms seized by the Mexican Alien Property Custodian. 

As hired hands of Schroder banker Victor Emanuel, Crowley and Markham, who were also employees of the U.S. Government, attempted to 

deal with the question of these I.G. Farben interests in the United States and Mexico. On April 13, 1943 James Markham sent a letter to 

Secretary of State Cordell Hull objecting to the proposed Cyanamid deal on the grounds it was contrary to the Atlantic Charter and would 

interfere with the aim of establishing independent firms in Latin America. The Markham position was supported by Henry A. Wallace and 

Attorney General Francis Biddle. 

The forces aligned against the Cyanamid deal were Sterling Drug, Inc. and Winthrop. Both Sterling and Winthrop stood to lose their drug 

market in Mexico if the Cyanamid deal went through. Also hostile to the Cyanamid deal of course was I.G. Farben’s General Aniline and 

General Dyestuffs, dominated by Victor Emanuel, banker Sehroder’s former associate. 

On the other hand, the State Department and the Office of the Coordinator of Inter-American affairs — which happened to be Nelson 

Rockefeller’s wartime baby — supported the proposed Cyanamid deal. The Rockefellers are, of course, also interested in the drug and 

chemical industries in Latin America. In brief, an American monopoly under influence of Rockefeller would have replaced a Nazi I.G. Farben 

monopoly. 

I.G. Farben won this round in Washington, but more ominous questions are raised when we look at the bombing of Germany in wartime by the 

U.S.A.A.F. It has long been rumored, but never proven, that Farben received favored treatment — i.e., that it was not bombed. James Stewart 

Martin comments as follows on favored treatment received by I.G. Farben in the bombing of Germany: 

Shortly after the armies reached the Rhine at Cologne, we were driving along the west bank within sight of the undamaged I.G. 

Farben plant at Leverkusen across the river. Without knowing anything about me or my business he (the jeep driver) began to 

give me a lecture about I.G. Farben and to point at the con. trast between the bombed-out city of Cologne and the trio of 

untouched plants on the fringe: the Ford works and the United Rayon works on the west bank, and the Farben works on the east 

bank..

While this accusation is very much of an open question, requiring a great deal of skilled research into the U.S.A.A.F. bombing records, other 

aspects of favoritism for the Nazis are well recorded. 

At the end of World War II, Wall Street moved into Germany through the Control Council to protect their old cartel friends and limit the extent 

to which the denazification fervor would damage old business relationships. General Lucius Clay, the deputy military governor for Germany, 

appointed businessmen who opposed denazification to positions of control over the denazification proceeds. William H. Draper of Dill. on, 

Read, the firm which financed the German cartels back in the 1920s, became General Clay’s deputy. 

Banker William Draper, as Brigadier General William Draper, put his control team together from businessmen who had represented American 

business in pre-war Germany. The General Motors representation in-eluded Louis Douglas, a former director of G.M., and Edward S. Zdunke, 

a pre-war head of General Motors in Antwerp, appointed to supervise the Engineering Section of the Control Council. Peter Hoglund, an 

expert on German auto industry, was given leave from General Motors. The personnel selection for the Council was undertaken by Colonel 

Graeme K. Howard — former G,M. representative in Germany and author of a book which “praises totalitarian practices [and] justifies 

German aggression …. “6 

Treasury Secretary Morgenthau was deeply disturbed at the implications of this Wall Street monopoly of the fate of Nazi Germany and 

prepared a memorandum to present to President Roosevelt. The complete Morgenthau memorandum, dated May 29, 1945, reads as follows: 

MEMORANDUM 

May 29, 1945 

Lieutenant-General Lucius D. Clay, as Deputy to General Eisenhower, actively runs the American element of the Control 

Council for Germany. General Clay’s three principal advisers on the Control Council staff are. 

1. Ambassador Robert D. Murphy, who is in charge of the Political Division. 

2. Louis Douglas, whom General Clay describes as my personal adviser on economical, financial and governmental matters.” 

Douglas resigned as Director of the Budget in 1934; and for the following eight years he attacked the government’s fiscal 

policies. Since 1940, Douglas has been president of the Mutual Life Insurance Company, and since December 1944, he has been 

a director of the General Motors Corporation. 

3. Brigadier-General William Draper, who is the director of the Economics Division of the Control Council. General Draper is a 

partner of the banking firm of Dillon, Read and Company, 

Sunday’s New York Times contained the announcement of key personnel who have been appointed by General Clay and General 

Draper to the Economic Division of the Control Council. The appointments include the following: 

1. R.J. Wysor is to be in charge of the metallurgical matters. Wysor was president of the Republic Steel Corporation from 1937 

until a recent date, and prior thereto, he was associated with the Bethlehem Steel, Jones and Laughlin Steel Corporation and the 

Republic Steel Corporation. 

2. Edward X. Zdunke is to supervise the engineering section. Prior to the war, Mr. Zdunke was head of General Motors at

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Antwerp. 

3. Philip Gaethke is to be in charge of mining operations. Gaethke was formerly connected with Anaconda Copper and was 

manager of its smelters and mines in Upper Silesia before the war. 

4. Philip P. Clover is to be in charge of handling oil matters. He was formerly a representative of the Socony Vacuum Oil 

Company in Germany. 

5. Peter Hoglund is to deal with industrial production problems. Hoglund is on leave from General Motors and is said to be an 

expert on German production. 

6. Calvin B. Hoover is to be in charge of the Intelligence Group on the Control Council and is also to be a special advisor to 

General Draper. In a letter to the Editor of the New York Times on October 9, 1944, Hoover wrote as follows: 

The publication of Secretary Morgenthau’s plan for dealing with Germany has disturbed me deeply … such a 

Carthaginian peace would leave a legacy of hate to poison international relations for generations to come… the 

void in the economy of Europe which would exist through the destruction of all German industry is something 

which is difficult to contemplate. 

7. Laird Bell is to be Chief Counsel of the Economic Division. He is a well-known Chicago lawyer and in May 1944, was 

elected the president of the Chicago Daily News, after the death of Frank Knox. 

One of the men who helped General Draper in the selection of personnel for the Economics Division was Colonel Graeme 

Howard, a vice-president of General Motors, who was in charge of their overseas business and who was a leading representative 

of General Motors in Germany prior to the war. Howard is the author of a book in which he praises totalitarian practices, 

justifies German aggression and the Munich policy of appeasement, and blames Roosevelt for precipitating the war. 

So when we examine the Control Council for Germany under General Lucius D. Clay we find that the head of the finance division was Louis 

Douglas, director of the Morgan-controlled General Motors and president of Mutual Life Insurance. (Opel, the General Motors German 

subsidiary, had been Hitler’s biggest tank producer.) The head of the Control Council’s Economics Division was William Draper, a partner in 

the Dillon, Read firm that had so much to do with building Nazi Germany in the first place. All three men were, not surprisingly in the light of 

more recent findings, members of the Council on Foreign Relations. 

Were American Industrialists and Financiers Guilty of War Crimes? 

The Nuremburg War Crimes Trials proposed to select those responsible for World War II preparations and atrocities and place them on trial. 

Whether. such a procedure is morally justifiable is a debatable matter; there is some justification for holding that Nuremburg was a political 

farce far removed from legal principle.7 However, if we assume that there is such legal and moral justification, then surely any such trial 

should apply to all, irrespective of nationality. What for example should exempt Franklin D. Roosevelt and Winston Churchill, but not exempt 

Adolf Hitler and Goering? If the offense is preparation for war, and not blind vengeance, then justice should be impartial. 

The directives prepared by the U.S. Control Council in Germany for the arrest and detention of war criminals refers to “Nazis” and “Nazi 

sympathizers,” not “Germans.” The relevant extracts are as follows: 

a. You will search out, arrest, and hold, pending receipt by you of further instructions as to their disposition, Adolph Hitler, his 

chief Nazi associates, other war criminals and all persons who have participated in planning or carrying out Nazi enterprises 

involving or resulting in atrocities or war crimes. 

Then follows a list of the categories of persons to be arrested, including: 

(8) Nazis and Nazi sympathizers holding important and key positions in (a) National and Gau Civic and economic 

organizations; (b ) corporations and other organizations in which the government has a major financial interest; (c) industry, 

commerce, agriculture, and finance; (d) education; (e) the judicial; and (f) the press, publishing houses and other agencies 

disseminating news and propaganda. 

Top American industrialists and financiers named in this book are covered by the categories listed above. Henry Ford and Edsel Ford 

respectively contributed money to Hitler and profited from German wartime production. Standard Oil of New Jersey, General Electric, General 

Motors, and I.T.T. certainly made financial or technical contributions which comprise prima facie evidence of “participating in planning or 

carrying out Nazi enterprises.” 

There is, in brief, evidence which suggests: 

(a) cooperation with the Wehrmacht (Ford Motor Company, Chase Bank, Morgan Bank); 

(b) aid to the Nazi Four Year Plan and economic mobilization for war (Standard Oil of New Jersey); 

(c) creating and equipping the Nazi war machine (I.T.T.); 

(d) stockpiling critical materials for the Nazis (Ethyl Corporation); 

(e) weakening the Nazis’ potential enemies (American I.G. Farben); 

and,

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(f) carrying on of propaganda, intelligence, and espionage (American I.G. Farben and Rockefeller public-relations man Ivy Lee). 

At the very least there is sufficient evidence to demand a thorough and impartial investigation. However, as we have noted previously, these 

same firms and financiers were prominent in the 1933 election of Roosevelt and consequently had sufficient political pull to squelch threats of 

investigation. Extracts from the Morgenthau diary demonstrate that Wall Street political power was sufficient even to control the appointment 

of officers responsible for the denazification and eventual government of post-war Germany. 

Did these American firms know of their assistance to Hitler’s military machine? According to the firms themselves, emphatically not. They 

claim innocence of any intent to aid Hitler’s Germany. Witness a telegram sent by the chairman of the board of Standard Oil of New Jersey to 

Secretary of War Patterson after World War II, when preliminary investigation of Wall Street assistance was under way: 

During the entire period of our business contacts, we had no inkling of Farben’s conniving part in Hitler’s brutal politics, We 

offer any help we can give to see that complete truth is brought to light, and that rigid justice is done. 

F.W. Abrams, 

Chairman of Board 

Unfortunately, the evidence presented is contrary to Abrams’ telegraphed assertions. Standard Oil of New Jersey not only aided Hitler’s war 

machine, but had knowledge of this assistance. Emil Helfferich, the board chairman of a Standard of New Jersey subsidiary, was a member of 

the Keppler Circle before Hitler came to power; he continued to give financial contributions to Himmler’s Circle as late as 1944. 

Accordingly, it is not at all difficult to visualize why Nazi industrialists were puzzled by “investigation” and assumed at the end of the war that 

their Wall Street friends would bail them out and protect them from the wrath of those who had suffered. These attitudes were presented to the 

Kilgore Committee in 1946: 

You might also be interested in knowing, Mr. Chairman, that the top I.G. Farben people and others, when we questioned them 

about these activities, were inclined at times to be very in. dignant. Their general attitude and expectation was that the war was 

over and we ought now to be assisting them in helping to get I.G. Farben and German industry back on its feet. Some of them 

have outwardly said that this questioning and investigation was, in their estimation, only a phenomenon of short duration, 

because as soon as things got a little settled they would expect their friends in the United States and in England to be coming 

over. Their friends, so they said, would put a stop to activities such as these investigations and would see that they got the 

treatment which they regarded as proper and that assistance would be given to them to help reestablish their industry.

 

Footnotes: 

Morgenthau Diary (Germany). 

Ibid. 

Ibid. 

Ibid., pp. 800-2. 

5 

James Stewart Martin, All Honorable Men, op. cit., p. 75. 

6 

Morgenthau Diary (Germany), p. 1543. Colonel Graeme K. Howard’s book was entitled, America and a New 

World Order, (New York: Scribners, 1940). 

The reader should examine the essay, “The Return to War Crimes,” in James J. Martin, Revisionist Viewpoints, 

(Colorado: Ralph Mules, 1971). 

Elimination of German Resources, p. 652. 

 

BACK 

 

CHAPTER TWELVE: Conclusions 

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CHAPTER TWELVE 

Conclusions 

We have demonstrated with documentary evidence a number of critical associations between Wall Street international bankers and the rise of 

Hitler and Naziism in Germany. 

First: that Wall Street financed the German cartels in the mid-1920s which in turn proceeded to bring Hitler to power. 

Second: that the financing for Hitler and his S.S. street thugs came in part from affiliates or subsidiaries of U.S. firms, including Henry Ford in 

1922, payments by I.G. Farben and General Electric in 1933, followed by the Standard Oil of New Jersey and I.T.T. subsidiary payments to 

Heinrich Himmler up to 1944. 

Third: that U.S. multi-nationals under the control of Wall Street profited handsomely from Hitler’s military construction program in the 1930s 

and at least until 1942. 

Fourth: that these same international bankers used political influence in the U.S. to cover up their wartime collaboration and to do this 

infiltrated the U.S. Control Commission for Germany. 

Our evidence for these four major assertions can be summarized as follows: 

In Chapter One we presented evidence that the Dawes and Young Plans for German reparations were formulated by Wall Streeters, 

temporarily wearing the hats of statesmen, and these loans generated a rain of profits for these international bankers. Owen Young of General 

Electric, Hjalmar Schacht, A. Voegler, and others intimately connected with Hitler’s accession to power had earlier been the negotiators for the 

U.S. and German sides, respectively. Three Wall Street houses — Dillon, Read; Harris, Forbes; and, National City Company — handled 

three-quarters of the reparations loans used to create the German cartel system, including the dominant I.G. Farben and Vereinigte Stahlwerke, 

which together produced 95 percent of the explosives for the Nazi side in World War II. 

The central role of I.G. Farben in Hitler’s coup d’ état was reviewed in Chapter Two. The directors of American I.G. (Farben) were identified 

as prominent American businessmen: Walter Teagle, a dose Roosevelt associate and backer and an NRA administrator; banker Paul Warburg 

(his brother Max Warburg was on the board of I.G. Farben in Germany); and Edsel Ford. Farben contributed 400,000 RM directly to Schacht 

and Hess for use in the crucial 1933 elections and Farben was subsequently in the forefront of military development in Nazi Germany. 

A donation of 60,000 RM was made to Hitler by German General Electric (A.E.G.), which had four directors and a 25-30 percent interest held 

by the U.S. General Electric parent company. This role was described in Chapter Three, and we found that Gerard Swope, an originator of 

Roosevelt’s New Deal (its National Recovery Administration segment), together with Owen Young of the Federal Reserve Bank of New York 

and Clark Minor of International General Electric, were the dominant Wall Streeters in A.E.G. and the most significant single influence. 

We also found no evidence to indict the German electrical firm Siemens, which was not under Wall Street control. In contrast, there is 

documentary evidence that both A.E.G. and Osram, the other units of the German electrical industry — both of which had U.S. participation 

and control — did finance Hitler. In fact, almost all directors of German General Electric were Hitler backers, either directly through A.E.G. or 

indirectly through other German firms, G.E. rounded out its Hitler support by technical cooperation with Krupp, aimed at restricting U.S. 

development of tungsten carbide, which worked to the detriment of the U.S. in World War II. We concluded that A.E.G. plants in Germany 

managed, by a yet unknown maneuver, to avoid bombing by the Allies. 

An examination of the role of Standard Oil of New Jersey (which was and is controlled by the Rockefeller interests) was undertaken in Chapter 

Four. Standard Oil apparently did not finance Hitler’s accession to power in 1933 (that part of the “myth of Sidney Warburg” is not proven). 

On the other hand, payments were made up to 1944 by Standard Oil of New Jersey, to develop synthetic gasoline for war purposes on behalf of 

the Nazis and, through its wholly owned subsidiary, to Heinrich Himmler’s S.S. Circle of Friends for political purposes. Standard Oil’s role was 

technical aid to Nazi development of synthetic rubber and gasoline through a U.S. research company under the management control of 

Standard Oil. The Ethyl Gasoline Company, jointly owned by Standard Oil of New Jersey and General Motors, was instrumental in supplying 

vital ethyl lead to Nazi Germany — over the written protests of the U.S. War Department — with the clear knowledge that the ethyl lead was 

for Nazi military purposes. 

In Chapter Five we demonstrated that International Telephone and Telegraph Company, one of the more notorious multi-nationals, worked 

both sides of World War II through Baron Kurt von Schroder, of the Schroder banking group. I.T.T. also held a 28-percent interest in 

Focke-Wolfe aircraft, which manufactured excellent German fighter planes. We also found that Texaco (Texas Oil Company) was involved in 

Nazi endeavors through German attorney Westrick, but dropped its chairman of the board Rieber when these endeavors were publicized. 

Henry Ford was an early (1922) Hitler backer and Edsel Ford continued the family tradition in 1942 by encouraging French Ford to profit from 

arming the German Wehrmacht, Subsequently, these Ford-produced vehicles were used against American soldiers as they landed in France in 

1944. For his early recognition of, and timely assistance to, the Nazis, Henry Ford received a Nazi medal in 1938. The records of French Ford 

suggest Ford Motor received kid glove treatment from the Nazis after 1940. 

The provable threads of Hitler financing are drawn together in Chapter Seven and answer with precise names and figures the question, who 

financed Adolf Hitler? This chapter indicts Wall Street and, incidentally, no one else of consequence in the United States except the Ford 

family. The Ford family is not normally associated with Wall Street but is certainly a part of the “power elite.” 

In earlier chapters we cited several Roosevelt associates, including Teagle of Standard Oil, the Warburg family, and Gerard Swope. In Chapter 

Eight the role of Putzi Hanfstaengl, another Roosevelt friend and a participant in the Reichstag fire, is traced. The composition of the Nazi

CHAPTER TWELVE: Conclusions 

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inner circle during World War II, and the financial contributions of Standard Oil of New Jersey and I.T.T. subsidiaries, are traced in Chapter 

Nine. Documentary proof of these monetary contributions is presented. Kurt yon Schrader is identified as the key intermediary in this S.S. 

“slush fund.” 

Finally, in Chapter Ten we reviewed a book suppressed in 1934 and the “myth of ‘Sidney Warburg.'” The suppressed book accused the 

Rockefellers, the Warburgs, and the major oil companies of financing Hitler. While the name “Sidney Warburg” was no doubt an invention, 

the extraordinary fact remains that the argument in the suppressed “Sidney Warburg” book is remarkably close to the evidence presented now. 

It also remains a puzzle why James Paul Warburg, fifteen years later, would want to attempt, in a rather transparently slipshod manner, to 

refute the contents of the “Warburg” book, a book he claims not to have seen. It is perhaps even more of a puzzle why Warburg would choose 

Nazi von Papen’s Memoirs as the vehicle to present his refutation. 

Finally, in Chapter Eleven we examined the roles of the Morgan and Chase Banks in World War II, specifically their collaboration with the 

Nazis in France while a major war was raging. 

In other words, as in our two previous examinations of the links between New York international bankers and major historical events, we find 

a provable pattern of subsidy and political manipulation. 

The Pervasive Influence of International Bankers 

Looking at the broad array of facts presented in the three volumes of the Wall Street series, we find persistent recurrence of the same names: 

Owen Young, Gerard Swope, Hjalmar Schacht, Bernard Baruch, etc.; the same international banks: J.P. Morgan, Guaranty Trust, Chase Bank; 

and the same location in New York: usually 120 Broadway. 

This group of international bankers backed the Bolshevik Revolution and subsequently profited from the establishment of a Soviet Russia. This 

group backed Roosevelt and profited from New Deal socialism. This group also backed Hitler and certainly profited from German armament in 

the 1930s. When Big Business should have been running its business operations at Ford Motor, Standard of New Jersey, and so on, we find it 

actively and deeply involved in political upheavals, war, and revolutions in three major countries. 

The version of history presented here is that the financial elite knowingly and with premeditation assisted the Bolshevik Revolution of 1917 in 

concert with German bankers. After profiting handsomely from the German hyper-inflationary distress of 1923, and planning to place the 

German reparations burden onto the backs of American investors, Wall Street found it had brought about the 1929 financial crisis. 

Two men were then backed as leaders for major Western countries: Franklin D. Roosevelt in the United States and Adolf Hitler in Germany. 

The Roosevelt New Deal and Hitler’s Four Year Plan had great similarities. The Roosevelt and Hitler plans were plans for fascist takeovers of 

their respective countries. While Roosevelt’s NRA failed, due to then-operating constitutional constraints, Hitler’s Plan succeeded. 

Why did the Wall Street elite, the international bankers, want Roosevelt and Hitler in power? This is an aspect we have not explored. 

According to the “myth of ‘Sidney Warburg,'” Wall Street wanted a policy of revenge; that is, it wanted war in Europe between France and 

Germany. We know even from Establishment history that both Hitler and Roosevelt acted out policies leading to war. 

The link-ups between persons and events in this three-book series would require another book. But a single example will perhaps indicate the 

remarkable concentration of power within a relatively few organizations, and the use of this power. 

On May 1st, 1918, when the Bolsheviks controlled only a small fraction of Russia (and were to come near to losing even that fraction in the 

summer of 1918), the American League to Aid and Cooperate with Russia was organized in Washington, D.C. to support the Bolsheviks. This 

was not a “Hands off Russia” type of committee formed by the Communist Party U.S.A. or its allies. It was a committee created by Wall Street 

with George P. Whalen of Vacuum Oil Company as Treasurer and Coffin and Oudin of General Electric, along with Thompson of the Federal 

Reserve System, Willard of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad, and assorted socialists. 

When we look at the rise of Hitler and Naziism we find Vacuum Oil and General Electric well represented. Ambassador Dodd in Germany was 

struck by the monetary and technical contribution by the Rockefeller-controlled Vacuum Oil Company in building up military gasoline 

facilities for the Nazis. The Ambassador tried to warn Roosevelt. Dodd believed, in his apparent naiveté of world affairs, that Roosevelt would 

intervene, but Roosevelt himself was backed by these same oil interests and Walter Teagle of Standard Oil of New Jersey and the NRA was on 

the board of Roosevelt’s Warm Springs Foundation. So, in but one of many examples, we find the Rockefeller-controlled Vacuum Oil 

Company prominently assisting in the creation of Bolshevik Russia, the military build-up of Nazi Germany, and backing Roosevelt’s New 

Deal. 

Is the United States Ruled by a Dictatorial Elite? 

Within the last decade or so, certainly since the 1960s, a steady flow of literature has presented a thesis that the United States is ruled by a 

self-perpetuating and unelected power elite. Even further, most of these books aver that this elite controls, or at the least heavily influences, all 

foreign and domestic policy decisions, and that no idea becomes respectable or is published in the United States without the tacit approval, or 

perhaps lack of disapproval, of this elitist circle. 

Obviously the very flow of anti-establishment literature by itself testifies that the United States cannot be wholly under the thumb of any single 

group or elite. On the other hand, anti-establishment literature is not fully recognized or reasonably discussed in academic or media circles. 

More often than not it consists of a limited edition, privately produced, almost hand-to-hand circulated. There are some exceptions, true; but 

not enough to dispute the observation that anti-establishment critics do not easily enter normal information/distribution channels. 

Whereas in the early and mid-1960s, any concept of rule by a conspiratorial elite, or indeed any kind of elite, was reason enough to dismiss the 

proponent out of hand as a “nut case,” the atmosphere for such concepts has changed radically. The Watergate affair probably added the final 

touches to a long-developing environment of skepticism and doubt. We are almost at the point where anyone who accepts, for example, the 

Warren Commission report, or believes that that the decline and fall of Mr. Nixon did not have some conspiratorial aspects, is suspect. In brief,

CHAPTER TWELVE: Conclusions 

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no one any longer really believes the Establishment information process. And there is a wide variety of alternative presentations of events now 

available for the curious. 

Several hundred books, from the full range of the political and philosophical spectrum, add bits and pieces of evidence, more hypotheses, and 

more accusations. What was not too long ago a kooky idea, talked about at midnight behind closed doors, in hushed and almost conspiratorial 

whispers, is now openly debated — not, to be sure, in Establishment newspapers but certainly on non-network radio talk shows, the 

underground press, and even from time to time in books from respectable Establishment publishing houses. 

So let us ask the question again: Is there an unelected power elite behind the U.S. Government? 

A substantive and often-cited source of information is Carroll Quigley, Professor of International Relations at Georgetown University, who in 

1966 had published a monumental modern history entitled Tragedy and Hope.1 Quigley’s book is apart from others in this revisionist vein, by 

virtue of the fact that it was based on a two-year study of the internal documents of one of the power centers. Quigley traces the history of the 

power elite: 

… the powers of financial capitalism had another far reaching aim, nothing less than to create a world system of financial 

control in private hands able to dominate the political system of each country and the economy of the world as a whole. 

Quigley also demonstrates that the Council on Foreign Relations, the National Planning Association, and other groups are “semi-secret” 

policy-making bodies under the control of this power elite. 

In the following tabular presentation we have listed five such revisionist books, including Quigley’s. Their essential theses and compatibility 

with the three volumes of the “Wall Street” series are summarized. It is surprising that in the three major historical events noted, Carroll 

Quigley is not at all consistent with the “Wall Street” series evidence. Quigley goes a long way to provide evidence for the existence of the 

power elite, but does not penetrate the operations of the elite. 

Possibly, the papers used by Quigley had been vetted, and did not include documentation on elitist manipulation of such events as the 

Bolshevik Revolution, Hitler’s accession to power, and the election of Roosevelt in 1933. More likely, these political manipulations may not be 

recorded at all in the files of the power groups. They may have been unrecorded actions by a small ad hoc segment of the elite. It is noteworthy 

that the documents used by this author came from government sources, recording the day-to-day actions of Trotsky, Lenin, Roosevelt, Hitler, 

J.P. Morgan and the various firms and banks involved. 

On the other hand, such authors as Jules Archer, Gary Allen, Helen P. Lasell, and William Domhoff, writing from widely different political 

standpoints2 are consistent with the “Wall Street” evidence. These writers present a hypothesis of a power elite manipulating the U.S. 

Government. The “Wall Street” series demonstrates how this hypothesized “power elite” has manipulated specific historical events. 

Obviously any such exercise of unconstrained and supra-legal power is unconstitutional, even though wrapped in the fabric of law-abiding 

actions. We can therefore legitimately raise the question of the existence of a subversive force operating to remove constitutionally guaranteed 

rights. 

The New York Elite as a Subversive Force 

Twentieth-century history, as recorded in Establishment textbooks and journals, is inaccurate. It is a history which is based solely upon those 

official documents which various Administrations have seen fit to release for public consumption. 

Table: IS THE EVIDENCE IN THE “WALL STREET” SERIES CONSISTENT WITH RELATED REVISIONIST ARGUMENTS 

PRESENTED ELSEWHERE? 

But an accurate history cannot be based on a selective release of documentary archives. Accuracy requires access to all documents. In practice, 

as previously classified documents in the U.S. State Department files, the British Foreign Office, and the German Foreign Ministry archives 

and other depositories are acquired, a new version of history has emerged; the prevailing Establishment version is seen to be, not only 

inaccurate, but designed to hide a pervasive fabric of deceit and immoral conduct. 

The center of political power, as authorized by the U.S. Constitution, is with an elected Congress and an elected President, working within the 

framework and under the constraints of a Constitution, as interpreted by an unbiased Supreme Court. We have in the past assumed that 

political power is consequently carefully exercised by the Executive and legislative branch, after due deliberation and assessment of the wishes 

of the electorate. In fact, nothing could be further from this assumption. The electorate has long suspected, but now knows, that political 

promises are worth nothing. Lies are the order of the day for policy implementors. Wars are started (and stopped) with no shred of coherent 

explanation. Political words have never matched political deeds. Why not? Apparently because the center of political power has been 

elsewhere than with elected and presumably responsive representatives in Washington, and this power elite has its own objectives, which are 

inconsistent with those of the public at large. 

In this three-volume series we have identified for three historical events the seat of political power in the United States — the power behind the 

scenes, the hidden influence on Washington — as that of the financial establishment in New York: the private international bankers, more 

specifically the financial houses of J.P. Morgan, the Rockefeller-controlled Chase Manhattan Bank, and in earlier days (before amalgamation 

of their Manhattan Bank with the former Chase Bank), the Warburgs. 

The United States has, in spite of the Constitution and its supposed constraints, become a quasi-totalitarian state. While we do not (yet) have. 

the overt trappings of dictatorship, the concentration camps and the knock on the door at midnight, we most certainly do have threats and 

actions aimed at the survival of non-Establishment critics, use of the Internal Revenue Service to bring dissidents in line, and manipulation of 

the Constitution by a court system that is politically subservient to the Establishment.

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It is in the pecuniary interests of the international bankers to centralize political power — and this centralization can best be achieved within a 

collectivist society, such as socialist Russia, national socialist Germany, or a Fabian socialist United States. 

There can be no full understanding and appreciation of twentieth-century American politics and foreign policy without the realization that this 

financial elite effectively monopolizes Washington policy. 

In case after case, newly released documentation implicates this elite and confirms this hypothesis. The revisionist versions of the entry of the 

United States into World Wars I and II, Korea, and Vietnam reveal the influence and objectives of this elite. 

For most of the twentieth century the Federal Reserve System, particularly the Federal Reserve Bank of New York (which is outside the 

control of Congress, unaudited and uncontrolled, with the power to print money and create credit at will), has exercised a virtual monopoly 

over the direction of the American economy. In foreign affairs the Council on Foreign Relations, superficially an innocent forum for 

academics, businessmen, and politicians, contains within its shell, perhaps unknown to many of its members, a power center that unilaterally 

determines U.S. foreign policy. The major objective of this submerged — and obviously subversive — foreign. policy is the acquisition of 

markets and economic power (profits, if you will), for a small group of giant multi-nationals under the virtual control of a few banking 

investment houses and controlling families. 

Through foundations controlled by this elite, research by compliant and spineless academics, “conservatives” as well as “liberals,” has been 

directed into channels useful for the objectives of the elite essentially to maintain this subversive and unconstitutional power apparatus. 

Through publishing houses controlled by this same financial elite unwelcome books have been squashed and useful books promoted; 

fortunately publishing has few barriers to entry and is almost atomistically competitive. Through control of a dozen or so major newspapers, 

run by editors who think alike, public information can be almost orchestrated at will. Yesterday, the space program; today, an energy crisis or a 

campaign for ecology; tomorrow, a war in the Middle East or some other manufactured “crisis.” 

The total result of this manipulation of society by the Establishment elite has been four major wars in sixty years, a crippling national debt, 

abandonment of the Constitution, suppression of freedom and opportunity, and creation of a vast credibility gulf between the man in the street 

and Washington, D.C. While the transparent device of two major parties trumpeting artificial differences, circus-like conventions, and the 

cliche of “bipartisan foreign policy” no longer carries credibility, and the financial elite itself recognizes that its policies lack public 

acceptance, it is obviously prepared to go it alone without even nominal public support. 

In brief, we now have to consider and debate whether this New York-based elitist Establishment is a subversive force operating with 

deliberation and knowledge to suppress the Constitution and a free society. That will be the task ahead in the next decade. 

The Slowly Emerging Revisionist Truth 

The arena for this debate and the basis for our charges of subversion is the evidence provided by the revisionist historian. Slowly, over 

decades, book by book, almost line by line, the truth of recent history has emerged as documents are released, probed, analyzed, and set within 

a more valid historical framework. 

Let us consider a few examples. American entry into World War II was supposedly precipitated, according to the Establishment version, by the 

Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor. Revisionists have established that Franklin D. Roosevelt and General Marshall knew of the impending 

Japanese attack and did nothing to warn the Pearl Harbor military authorities. The Establishment wanted war with Japan. Subsequently, the 

Establishment made certain that Congressional investigation of Pearl Harbor would fit the Roosevelt whitewash. In the words of Percy 

Greaves, chief research expert for the Republican minority on the Joint Congressional Committee investigating Pearl Harbor: 

The complete facts will never be known. Most of the so-called investigations have been attempts to suppress, mislead, or confuse 

those who seek the truth. From the beginning to the end, facts and files have been withheld so as to reveal only those items of 

information which benefit the administration under investigation. Those seeking the truth are told that other facts or documents 

cannot be revealed because they are intermingled in personal diaries, pertain to our relations with foreign countries, or are 

sworn to contain no information of value.

But this was not the first attempt to bring the United States into war, or the last. The Morgan interests, in concert with Winston Churchill, tried 

to bring the U.S. into World War I as early as 1915 and succeeded in doing so in 1917. Colin Thompson’s Lusitania implicates President 

Woodrow Wilson in the sinking of the Lusitania — a horror device to generate a public backlash to draw the United States into war with 

Germany. Thompson demonstrates that Woodrow Wilson knew four darts beforehand that the Lusitania was carrying six-million rounds of 

ammunition plus explosives, and therefore, “passengers who proposed to sail on that vessel were sailing in violation of statute of this 

country.”4 

The British Board of Inquiry under Lord Mersey was instructed by the British Government “that it is considered politically expedient that 

Captain Turner, the master of the Lusitania, be most prominently blamed for the disaster.” 

In retrospect, given Colin Thompson’s evidence, the blame is more fairly to be attributed to President Wilson, “Colonel” House, J.P. Morgan, 

and Winston Churchill; this conspiratorial elite should have been brought to trial for willful negligence, if not treason. It is to Lord Mersey’s 

eternal credit that after performing his “duty” under instructions from His Majesty’s government, and placing the blame on Captain Turner, he 

resigned, rejected his fee, and from that date on refused to handle British government commissions. To his friends Lord Mersey would only say 

about the Lusitania case that it was a “dirty business.” 

Then in 1933-4 came the attempt by the Morgan firm to install a fascist dictatorship in the United States. In the words of Jules Archer, it was 

planned to be a Fascist putsch to take over the government and “run it under a dictator on behalf of America’s bankers and industrialists.”5 

Again, a single courageous individual emerged — General Smedley Darlington Butler, who blew the whistle on the Wall Street conspiracy. 

And once again Congress stands out, particularly Congressmen Dickstein and MacCormack, by its gutless refusal to do no more than conduct a 

token whitewash investigation.

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Since World War II we have seen the Korean War and the Vietnamese War — meaningless, meandering no-win wars costly in dollars and 

lives, with no other major purpose but to generate multibillion-dollar armaments contracts. Certainly these wars were not fought to restrain 

communism, because for fifty years the Establishment has been nurturing and subsidizing the Soviet Union which supplied armaments to the 

other sides in both wars — Korea and Vietnam. So our revisionist history will show that the United States directly or indirectly armed both 

sides in at least Korea and Vietnam. 

In the assassination of President Kennedy, to take a domestic example, it is difficult to find anyone who today accepts the findings of the 

Warren Commission — except perhaps the members of that Commission. Yet key evidence is still hidden from public eyes for 50 to 75 years. 

The Watergate affair demonstrated even to the man in the street that the White House can be a vicious nest of intrigue and deception. 

Of all recent history the story of Operation Keelhaul6 is perhaps the most disgusting. Operation Keelhaul was the forced repatriation of 

millions of Russians at the orders of President (then General) Dwight D. Eisenhower, in direct violation of the Geneva Convention of 1929 and 

the long-standing American tradition of political refuge. Operation Keelhaul, which contravenes all our ideas of elementary decency and 

individual freedom, was undertaken at the direct orders of General Eisenhower and, we may now presume, was a part of a long-range program 

of nurturing collectivism, whether it be Soviet communism’ Hitler’s Naziism, or FDR’s New Deal. Yet until recent publication of documentary 

evidence by Julius Epstein, anyone who dared to suggest Eisenhower would betray millions of innocent individuals for political purposes was 

viciously and mercilessly attacked.7 

What this revisionist history really teaches us is that our willingness as individual citizens to surrender political power to an elite has cost the 

world approximately two-hundred-million persons killed from 1820 to 1975. Add to that untold misery the concentration camps, the political 

prisoners, the suppression and oppression of those who try to bring the truth to light. 

When will it all stop? It will not stop until we act upon one simple axiom: that the power system continues only so long as individuals want it 

to continue, and it will continue only so long as individuals try to get something for nothing. The day when a majority of individuals declares 

or acts as if it wants nothing from government, declares it will look after its own welfare and interests, then on that day power elites are 

doomed. The attraction to “go along” with power elites is the attraction of something for nothing. That is the bait. The Establishment always 

offers something for nothing; but the something is taken from someone else, as taxes or plunder, and awarded elsewhere in exchange for 

political support. 

Periodic crises and wars are used to whip up support for other plunder-reward cycles which in effect tighten the noose around our individual 

liberties. And of course we have hordes of academic sponges, amoral businessmen, and just plain hangers-on, to act as non-productive 

recipients for the plunder. 

Stop the circle of plunder and immoral reward and elitist structures collapse. But not until a majority finds the moral courage and the internal 

fortitude to reject the something-for-nothing con game and replace it by voluntary associations, voluntary communes, or local rule and 

decentralized societies, will the killing and the plunder cease. 

Footnotes: 

Carroll Quigley, Tragedy and Hope, op. cit. 

There are many others; the author selected more or less at random two conservatives (Allen and Lasell) and two liberals 

(Archer and Domhoff), 

Percy L. Greaves, Jr., “The Pearl Harbor Investigation,” in Harry Elmer Harnes, Perpetual War for Perpetual Peace, (Caldwell: 

Caxton Printers, 1953), p, 13-20. 

Colin Simpson, Lusitania, (London: Longman, 1972), p, 252. 

Jules Archer, The Plot to Seize the White House, (New York: Hawthorn Book, 1973), p. 202. 

See Julius Epstein, Operation Keelhaul, (Old Greenwich: Devin Adair, 1973). 

See for example Robert Welch, The Politician, (Belmont, Mass.: Belmont Publishing Co., 1963). 

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APPENDIX A: Program of the National Socialist German Workers Party 

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APPENDIX A 

Program of the National 

Socialist German Workers Party 

Note: This program is important because it demonstrates that the nature of Naziism was known publicly as early as 1920. 

THE PROGRAM 

The program of the German Workers’ Party is limited as to period. The leaders have no intention, once the aims announced in it have been 

achieved, of setting up fresh ones, merely in order to increase the discontent of the masses artificially, and so ensure the continued existence of 

the Party. 

1. We demand the union of all Germans to form a Great Germany on the basis of the right of the self-determination enjoyed by nations. 

2. We demand equality of rights for the German People in its dealings with other nations, and abolition of the Peace Treaties of Versailles and 

St. Germain. 

3. We demand land and territory (colonies) for the nourishment of our people and for settling our superfluous population. 

4. None but members of the nation may be citizens of the State. None but those of German blood, whatever their creed, may be members of the 

nation. No Jew, therefore, may be a member of the nation. 

5. Any one who is not a citizen of the State may live in Germany only as a guest and must be regarded as being subject to foreign laws. 

6. The right of voting on the State’s government and legislation is to be enjoyed by the citizen of the State alone. We demand therefore that all 

official appointments, of whatever kind, whether in the Reich, in the country, or in the smaller localities, shall be granted to citizens of the 

State alone. 

We oppose the corrupting custom of Parliament of filling posts merely with a view to party considerations, and without reference to character 

or capability. 

7. We demand that the State shall make it its first duty to promote the industry and livelihood of citizens of the State. If it is not possible to 

nourish the entire population of the State, foreign nationals (non-citizens of the State) must be excluded from the Reich. 

8. All non-German immigration must be prevented. We demand that all non-Germans, who entered Germany subsequent to August 2nd, 1914, 

shall be required forthwith to depart from the Reich. 

9. All citizens of the State shall be equal as regards rights and duties. 

10. It must be the first duty of each citizen of the State to work with his mind or with his body. The activities of the individual may not clash 

with the interests of the whole, but must proceed within the frame of the community and be for the general good. 

We demand therefore: 

11, Abolition of incomes unearned by work. 

ABOLITION OF THE THRALDOM OF INTEREST 

12. In view of the enormous sacrifice of life and property demanded of a nation by every war, personal enrichment due to a war must be 

regarded as a crime against the nation. We demand therefore ruthless confiscation of all war gains, 

13. We demand nationalisation of all businesses which have been up to the present formed into companies (Trusts). 

14. We demand that the profits from wholesale trade shall be shared out. 

15. We demand extensive development of provision for old age. 

16. We demand creation and maintenance of a healthy middle class, immediate communalisation of wholesale business premises, and their 

lease at a cheap rate to small traders, and that extreme consideration shall be shown to all small purveyors to the State, district authorities and 

smaller localities. 

17. We demand land-reform suitable to our national requirements, passing of a law for confiscation without compensation of land for 

communal purposes; abolition of interest on land loans, and prevention of all speculation in land. 

18. We demand ruthless prosecution of those whose activities are injurious to the common interest. Sordid criminals against the nation, usurers, 

profiteers, etc. must be punished with death, whatever their creed or race. 

19. We demand that the Roman Law, which serves the materialistic world order, shall be replaced by a legal system for all Germany.

APPENDIX A: Program of the National Socialist German Workers Party 

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20. With the aim of opening to every capable and industrious German the possibility of higher education and of thus obtaining advancement, 

the State must consider a thorough re-construction of our national system of education. The curriculum of all educational establishments must 

be brought into line with the requirements of practical life. Comprehension of the State idea (State sociology) must be the school objective, 

beginning with the first dawn of intelligence in the pupil. We demand development of the gifted children of poor parents, whatever their class 

or occupation, at the expense of the State. 

21. The State must see to raising the standard of health in the nation by protecting mothers and infants, prohibiting child labour, increasing 

bodily efficiency by obligatory gymnastics and sports laid down by law, and by extensive support of clubs engaged in the bodily development 

of the young. 

22. We demand abolition of a paid army and formation of a national army. 

23. We demand legal warfare against conscious political lying and its dissemination in the Press. In order to facilitate creation of a German 

national Press we demand: 

(a) that all editors of newspapers and their assistants, employing the German language, must be members of the nation; 

(b) that special permission from the State shall be necessary before non-German newspapers may appear. These are not necessarily printed in 

the German language; 

(c) that non-Germans shall be prohibited by law from participating financially in or influencing German newspapers, and that the penalty for 

contravention of the law shall be suppression of any such newspaper, and immediate deportation of the non-German concerned in it. 

It must be forbidden to publish papers which do not conduce to the national welfare. We demand legal prosecution of all tendencies in art and 

literature of a kind likely to disintegrate our life as a nation, and the suppression of institutions which militate against the requirements 

above-mentioned. 

24. We demand liberty for all religious denominations in the State, so far as they are not a danger to it and do not militate against the moral 

feelings of the German race. 

The Party, as such, stands for positive Christianity, but does not bind itself in the matter of creed to any particular confession. It combats the 

Jewish-materialist spirit within us and without us, and is convinced that our nation can only achieve permanent health from within on the 

principle: 

THE COMMON INTEREST BEFORE SELF 

25. That all the foregoing may be realised we demand the creation of a strong central power of the State. Unquestioned authority of the 

politically centralised Parliament over the entire Reich and its organisation; and formation of Chambers for classes and occupations for the 

purpose of carrying out the general laws promulgated by the Reich in the various States of the confederation. 

The leaders of the Party swear to go straight forward — if necessary to sacrifice their lives — in securing fulfillment of the foregoing Points. 

Munich, February 24th, 1920. 

Source: Official English translation by E. Dugdale, reprinted from Kurt G, W. Ludecke, I Knew Hitler (New York: Charles 

Scribner’s Sons, 1937), 

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APPENDIX B: Affidavit of Hjalmar Schacht 

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APPENDIX B 

Affidavit of Hjalmar Schacht 

I, Dr. Hjalmar Schacht, after having been warned that I will be liable to punishment for making false statements, state herewith under oath, of 

my own free will and without coercion, the following: 

The amounts contributed by the participants in the meeting of 20 February 1933 at Goering’s house were paid by them to the bankers. 

Delbruck, Schickler & Co., Berlin, to the credit of an account “Nationale Treuhand” (which may be translated as National Trusteeship). It was 

arranged that I was entitled to dispose of this account, which I administered as a trustee, and that in case of my death, or that in case the 

trusteeship should be terminated in any other way, Rudolf Hess should be entitled to dispose of the account. 

I disposed of the amounts of this account by writing out checks to Mr. Hess. I do not know what Mr. Hess actually did with the money. 

On 4 April 1933, I closed the account with Delbruck, Schickler & Co. and had the balance transferred to the “Account Ic” with the Reichsbank 

which read in my name. Later on I was ordered directly by Hitler, who was authorized by the assembly of 20 February 1933 to dispose of the 

amounts collected, or through Hess, his deputy, to pay the balance of about 600,000 marks to Ribbentrop. 

I have carefully read this affidavit (one page) and have signed it. I have made the necessary corrections in my own handwriting and initialed 

each correction in the margin of the page. I declare herewith under oath that I have stated the full truth to the best of my knowledge and belief. 

(Signed) Dr. Hjalmar Schacht 

12 August 1947 

In a subsequent affidavit of 18 August 1947 (N1-9764, Pros. Ex 54), Schacht declared the following with regard to the above interrogation: “I 

made all of the statements appearing in this interrogation to Clifford Hyanning, a financial investigator of the American Forces of my own free 

will and without coercion. I have reread this interrogation today and can state that all of the facts contained therein are true to my best 

knowledge and belief. I declare herewith under oath and I have stated the full truth to the best of my knowledge and belief.” 

Source: Copy of Document Prosecution Exhibit 55. Trials of War Criminals before the Nuremburg Military 

Tribunals under Control Council Law No. 10, Nuremburg, October 1946-April 1949, Volume VII, I.G. Farben, 

(Washington: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1952). 

BACK 

APPENDIX C: Entries in the “National Trusteeship” Account Found  in the Files of the Delbruck, Schickler Co. Bank 

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APPENDIX C 

Entries in the “National Trusteeship” Account Found 

in the Files of the Delbruck, Schickler Co. Bank 

NATIONAL TRUSTEESHIP 

REICHSBANK PRESIDENT DR. HJALMAR SCHACHT, 

 BERLIN-ZEHLENDORF 

Feb. 23 Debibk (Deutsche Bank Diskonto-Gesellschaft) 

Verein fuer die bergbaulichen Interessen, Essen Feb. 23   200,000.00 

24 Transfer to account Rudolf Hess, at present in 

Berlin 100,000.00 24 

24 Karl Herrmann 

Automobile Exhibition, Berlin 25 

25 150,000.00 

100,000.00 

25 Director A. Steinke 27 200,000.00 

25 Demag A.G., Duisberg 27 50,000.00 

27 Telefunken Gesellschaft ruer draht lose 

Telegraphie Berlin 28  85,000.00 

Osram G.m.b.H., Berlin 28 40,000.00 

27 Bayerische Hypotheken-und Wech selbank, 

branch office Munich, Kauflingerstr. In favor of 

Verlag Franz Eher Nachf, Munich 

100,000.00 28 

27 Transfer to account Rudolf Hess, Berlin 100,000.00 27 

28  I.G. Farbenindustrie A.G. Frankfurt/M Mar. 1 400,000.00 

28 Telegraph expenses for transfer to Munich 8.00 Feb. 28 

Mar. 1 Your Payment Mar. 2 125,000.00 

2 Telegr. transfer to Bayerische Hypotheken-und 

Wechselbank, Munich branch office, Bayerstr.  

for account Josef Jung 400,000.00 2 

Telegr. transfer expenses 23.00 2 

Account transfer Rudolf Hess 300,000.00 

2 Reimbursement from Director Karl Lange, 

Berlin 3 30,000.00 

3 Reimbursement from Dir. Karl Lange, 

‘Maschinen-industrie’ Account 4 20,000.00 

Reimbursement from Verein ruer die 

bergbaulichen Interessen, Essen 4 100,000.00 

Reimbursement from Karl Herrmann, Berlin, 

Dessauerstr. 28/9 4 150,000.00 

Reimbursement from Allgemeine 

Elektrizitaetsgesellschaft, Berlin 4 60,000.00 

7 Reimbursement from General-direktor Dr. F. 

Springorum, Dortmund 8 36,000.00 

8 Reichsbank transfer: Bayerische 

Hypotheken-und Wechselbank, 

branch office Kauffingerstr. 100,000.00 8 

1,100,031.00 1,696,000.00

APPENDIX C: Entries in the “National Trusteeship” Account Found  in the Files of the Delbruck, Schickler Co. Bank 

2 of 2 

1,100,031.00 Mar. 1,696,000.00 

Mar. 8 Bayerische Hypotheken-und Wechselbank, 

Munich, branch office Bayerstr. 100,000.00 8 

Transfer to account Rudolf Hess 250,000.00 7 

10 Accumulatoren-Fabrik A.G. Berlin 11 25,000.00 

13 Verein f.d. bergbaulichen Interessen, Essen 14 300,000.00 

14 Reimbursement Rudolf Hess 200,000.00 14 

29 Reimbursement Rudolf Hess 200,000.00 29 

 April 4  Commerz-und Privatbank Dep. Kasse N. Berlin 

W.9 Potsdamerstr. 1 f. Special 

Account S 29 99,000.00 Apr. 4 

5 Interests according to list 1 

percent 5 404.50 

Phone bills 1.00 5 

Postage 2.50 5 

Balance      72,370.00 5                      

Balance carried over 2,021,404.50 2,021,404.50 

Apr. 5 72,370.00 

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APPENDIX D: Letter from U.S. War Department to Ethyl Corporation 

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APPENDIX D 

Letter from U.S. War Department to Ethyl Corporation 

December 15, 1934 

Exhibit No, 144 

(Handwritten) Mr, Webb sent copies for other Directors 

Copy to: Mr. Alfred P. Sloan, Jr., General Motors Corp,, New York City, Mr. Donaldson Brown, General Motors Corp., New York City. 

December 15, 1934. 

Mr. E. W. Webb, 

President Ethyl Gasoline Corporation, 185 E, 42nd Street, New York City. Dear Mr. Webb: I learned through our Organic Chemicals Division 

today that the Ethyl Gasoline Corporation has in mind forming a German company with the I.G. to manufacture Ethyl lead in that country. 

I have just had two weeks in Washington, no inconsiderable part of which was devoted to criticising the interchanging with foreign companies 

of chemical knowledge which might have a military value. Such giving of information by an industrial company might have the gravest 

repercussions on it. The Ethyl Gasoline Corporation would be no exception, in fact, would probably be singled out for special attack because 

of the ownership of its stock. 

It should seem. on the face of it, that the quantity of Ethyl lead used for commercial purposes in Germany would be too small to go after. It has 

been claimed that Germany is secretly arming. Ethyl lead would doubtless be a valuable aid to military aeroplanes. 

I am writing you this to say that in my opinion under no conditions should you or the Board of Directors of the Ethyl Gasoline Corporation 

disclose any secrets or ‘know how’ in connection with the manufacture of tetraethyl lead to Germany. 

I am informed that you will be advised through the Dyestuffs Division of the necessity of disclosing the information which you have received 

from Germany to appropriate War Department officials. 

Yours very truly, 

Source: United States Senate, Hearings before a Subcommittee of the Committee on Military Affairs, Scientific and Technical 

Mobilization, 78th Congress, Second Session, Part 16, (Washington D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1944), p. 939. 

BACK 

APPENDIX E: Extract from Morgenthau Diary (Germany) Regarding Sosthenes Behn of I.T.T. 

1 of 2 

APPENDIX E 

Extract from Morgenthau Diary (Germany) 

Regarding Sosthenes Behn of I.T.T. 

March 16, 1945 

11:30 a.m. 

GROUP MEETING 

Bretton Woods — I.T.&T. — Reparations 

Present: 

Mr. White 

Mr. Fussell 

Mr. Feltus 

Mr. Coe 

Mr. DuBois 

Mrs. Klotz 

H.M., Jr.: Frank, can you boil down this business on I.T.&T.? 

Mr. Coe: Yes, sir. I.T. &T. by the way did transfer or did get $15 million yesterday or a few days ago of their debts in dollars paid to them by 

the Spanish Government and that they are allowed to do under our general license, so that’s all right. However, it is in part in their 

representation to us, part of a deal for the sale of the company in Spain, so they are trying thereby to force our hand. Now, the proposition 

which they have had up over some years in different forms now takes this form. They can get their receivables paid off in dollars, which they 

say they have not been able to do hitherto — either $15 million now and $10 million or $11 million later. They will sell the company to Spain 

and take in return $30 million worth of bonds — Spanish Government bonds — which are to be amortized over a number of years and roughly 

at the rate of $2 million per annum, and they are to receive 90% of those exports in order to amortize bonds faster, if they are to export it to the 

United States. 

H. M. Jr.: Like the match dealer I mentioned in my speech. 

Mr. Coe: That’s right. The Spanish Government. They are willing, they say — they are able to get from the Spanish Government assurances, 

that these will not be, that the shares which the Spanish Government intends to resell will not go to anybody on the black list, and so forth. In 

some negotiations we have had with them over the last few weeks, they have been willing to come further on that. Our hesitation on the matter 

relates to two things; First, that you can’t trust Franco, and that if they are able — if Franco is able to sell $50 million worth of shares Of this 

company in Spain in the next period of time, he may very well sell it to pro-German interests. It seems doubtful that he would be able to 

dispose of it to the Spaniards, so that is the first thing. The second thing we can’t document too well, but I think it is more pronounced in my 

mind than in the minds of the Foreign Funds and legal people. I don’t think we can really trust Behn either. 

Mr. White: I’m sure you can’t. 

Mr. Coe: We have records here of interviews, going far back, that some of your men had with Behn — Klaus was one — in which Behn said 

that he had had conversations with Goering with the proposition that Goering was to hold I.T. &T.’s property in Germany, and as you recall, 

I.T. &T. here did try to purchase General Aniline and make it an American company thereby and that was part of the deal which Behn told 

State and our lawyers very frankly he had discussed. He thought it was perfectly all right protecting property: That was before we entered the 

war, 

H. M., Jr.: I don’t remember that, 

Mr. Coe: The man in charge of their properties now is Westrick who you recall came over here and was mixed up with Texaco. They tried in 

every way to cook up deals earlier to escape. They are tied up with top German group and etc. On the other hand, Colonel Behn has been used 

several times as an emissary by the State Department, and I believe he is personally on very good terms with Stettinius. We have heard from 

State on this letter saying they have no objections. We proposed to you earlier — the letter which I sent in to you suggesting that you ask State, 

if in view of our safe haven objectives, they still said yes. I am confident from talking with them on the phone the last day or two, they will 

write back and say yes, they still think it is a good deal. 

H. M., Jr.: This is the position I am in. As you gentlemen know I am overextended now and I can’t go into this thing personally, and I think 

that we are just going to have to throw the thing in the lap of the State Department, and if they want to clear it, all right. I just haven’t got the 

time or the energy to fight them on that basis. 

Mr. Coe: Then we ought to license it now. 

Mr. White: First you ought to get a letter. I agree with the Secretary on this point of view that this fellow Behn is not to be trusted around the 

corner. There is something about this deal that looks suspicious and has been for the last couple of years we have been dealing with him. 

However, it is one thing to believe that and another thing to defend that before the pressure that will be brought in here that they are trying to 

deprive this company of the business deal, but I think that what we might do is get the State Department on record that in view of a safe haven 

project they don’t think that there is any danger that any of these assets — I would cite some of them, spell the letter out. Get them down on 

record and even make them a little frightened and hold out or they will at least have had the record and you will have called their attention to

APPENDIX E: Extract from Morgenthau Diary (Germany) Regarding Sosthenes Behn of I.T.T. 

2 of 2 

these dangers. This fellow Behn hates our guts anyway. We have been standing between him and deals for 4 years, at least. 

H. M., Jr.: Follow what White said. Something along that line. “Dear Mr, Stettinius; I am bothered about these things due to the following 

facts, and I would like you to advise me whether we should or should not …. ” 

Mr. White: “In view of the danger that German assets may be cloaked here, the future —” and let him come back and say, “No,” and we’ll 

watch him. 

Mr. Coe: We said we wanted to give Acheson something Monday. 

H. M., Jr.: And if you get that ready for me by tomorrow morning, I’ll sign it. Mr. Coe: O.K. 

Source: United States Senate, Subcommittee to Investigate the Administration of the Internal Security Act. Committee on the 

Judiciary, Morgenthau Diarty (Germany), Volume 1, 90th Congress, 1st Session, November 20, 1967, (Washington D.C.: U.S. 

Government Printing Office, 1967), p. 320 of Book 828. (Page 976 of U,S. Senate print.) 

Note: “Mr. White” is Harry Dexter White. “Dr. Dubois” is Josiah E. Dubois, Jr., author of the book, Generals in Grey Suits 

(London: The Bodley Head, 1953). “H.M., Jr.” is Henry Morgenthau, Jr., Secretary of the Treasury. 

This memorandum is important because it accuses Sosthenes Behn of attempting to make behind-the-scenes deals in Nazi 

Germany “for 4 years, at least” — i.e. while the rest of the U.S. was at war, Behn and his friends were still doing business as 

usual with Germany. This memorandum supports the evidence presented in Chapters Five and Nine concerning the influence of 

I.T.T. in the Himmler inner circle and adds Herman Goering to the list of I T T. contacts. 

BACK 

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